Alzbeta Mozisova Masaryk University, Czech Republic Intersections of sexuality and gender in intimate partner violence in lesbian relationships Sexuality in Theory and Practice Kingston, UK, January 2013 The presentation discusses limits and perspectives of the feminist framework and the ways in which gender intersects with sexuality in lesbian intimate partner violence. Drawing on the preliminary results of a pioneering study of intimate partner violence in lesbian relationships in the Czech Republic, using a mixed quantitative–qualitative methodology, it discusses the methodological and theoretical challenges in the research of lesbian intimate partner violence. The research was designed to explore the attitudes of lesbian, bisexual and queer women towards abuse in intimate partnerships, and understand the experience and dynamics of abusive lesbian relationships through individual in-depth interviews with the survivors. The study presents implications for how we theorize and research intimate violence and contest the predominant theoretical model of domestic violence. Contents of the presentation žFeminist discourse of domestic violence žLimitations and perspectives of the feminist approach žViolence in lesbian relationships žIntersections of gender and sexuality in lesbian IPV Feminist discourse of domestic violence žemphasizes the gendered context of domestic violence žsupported by the statistics from criminal research and shelters that report 90 – 95 % women as survivors of DV (Dobash et al., 1992; Johnson, 1995; Belknap and Melton 2005). žviolence stems from (and maintains) gender inequality (Maynard, Winn 1997 ž„One of feminism’s major contributions to domestic violence policy and practice has been to identify men as the primary perpetrators of domestic violence“ (Itzin 2000: 360) žPower and control are the most important aspects of domestic violence ž ž Through violence feminisms criticizes and unveils structural inequalities Theoretical models based on violence in heterosexual relationships when woman is the victim and man is the perpetrator Theoretical models of DV C:\Users\BobiUfi\Documents\##share\queer\[2012] Mezipatra\DVprez4_domestic-violence-cycle.jpg žThe Cycle of Violence žPower-control Wheel Domestic violence definition in the Czech Republic žfollows the feminist notion of domestic violence as a gendered phenomenon, with women being the victims of domestic violence in majority of the cases žSpecific definition of DV with 4 key factors: ž1. repeating and ongoing ž2. escalating intensity ž3. clear identification of perpetrator and survivor ž4. private —„In order to speak of domestic violence, all four characteristics must be present!“ (Domácí 2007) ž Limitations of the feminist approach to DV žThe dominant DV discourse is based on the assumption of male perpetrator and female victim – this universalisation of heterosexual experience and binary categories excludes people who have experienced abuse in a non-heterosexual relationship, as well as those who do not fit into the categories (transpeople, intersex people, etc.) žSimple conceptualization of DV according to the heterosexual norm reproduces heteronormativity žThe language used in DV discourse (with terms such as „battered women“ „male violence“) is exclusive and contributes to further isolation and silencing of the victims (Giorgio 2002) ž=> how can we theorize the intimate partner violence beyond heterosexual relationships without rejecting the concept of gender as a relevant theoretical framework? Conceptualization of gender žDifferent frameworks of gender (Anderson 2005): žIndividualist – sex as a predictor of violent behavior, reifying essentialist notions of gender difference (or a lack thereof) žInteractional - gender as an outcome of social practices rather than as an individual characteristic that predicts behavior žStructuralist – gender organizes social institutions as well as identities, attitudes, and interactions. Behavior is judged according to the gendered expectations – violence is associated with masculinity, which leads to the assumption that the violence in lesbian relationships is distributed accordingly with the butch – femme roles (Renzetti 1996) The physical appearance is therefore used to determine who is the violent partner and who is the victim. Structural context of heteronormativity of institutions which influences the experience of IPV for non-heterosexual people Context of homophobia and internalized homophobia Violence in lesbian relationships žThe literature suggests, there are certain specifics that distinguish lesbian violence from heterosexual violence: —Ristock (2002) challenges universality of the feminist model of DV: ž1) the cycle of violence: although most women described changing of violent and non-violent phases, others spoke about non-cyclical individual violent acts ž2) clear power dynamics: some women were victims in one relationship and then became perpetrators in another; the dynamics of the lesbian relationships are less rigid (Townley 2001) — - those with greater social privilege are not automatically those who abuse the power ž3) the „ideal victim“ – experiencing fear, trauma and helplessness – many lesbian IPV survivors defended themselves or even used violence in retiliation; some didn‘t feel scared or helpless Preliminary results of my study žMethodology: žQuantitative, internet-based questionnaire, focusing on the attitudes of lesbian women to the topic žQualitative, in-depth interviews with women, who have experienced domestic violence in a same-sex relationship žSurvey data: —207 questionnaires, 2 interviews —157 (75, 8 %) lesbian, 43 (20, 8 %) bisexual, 7 (3, 4 %) queer —202 identify as female, 1 as FtM, 1 as „genderfluid“ and 1 as „half man, half women; physically a woman“ —In the survey, almost 1 in 5 women (19.7%, 40/207) said that they had experienced domestic abuse at some time in a same sex relationship. Out of the 40 women, 8 (20 %) have experienced domestic abuse in more than one relationship. — Characterictics of the abuse ž60 % isolated violent acts ž55 % one-time incident ž35 % cycle of violence ž30 % mutual violence ž27, 5 % escalation of the violence ž22,5% long-term violence ž22, 5 % happenned in public ž35 % first relationship ž10 % current relationship ž ž The definitional features of domestic violence /all four must be present/ 1.repeating and ongoing 2.escalating intensity 3.clear identification of perpetrator and survivor 4.private Ristock (2003: 335) identified tha pattern of first lesbian relationshiop as abusive in 49 % of the cases - the violence happens in a context of heteronormativity, which implies isolation and dependency on the (more experienced) partner in terms of social and information capital Interactional frame of IPV žBehavior is judged according to the gendered expectations – violence is associated with masculinity, which leads to the assumption that the violence in lesbian relationships is distributed accordingly with the butch – femme roles (Renzetti 1996) žThe physical appearance is therefore used to determine who is the violent partner and who is the victim. žHassouneh and Glass (2008) identified 4 myths surrounding IPV in lesbian relationships: ž1) women are non-violent ž2) myth of lesbian utopia ž3) violence between women can not be serious ž4) the feminine partner is the victim Women don‘t hit? žI can‘t imagine one woman beating another. [survey #178] žI never thought of it. Probably the same as usual + some extra emotional abuse. [survey #65] ž žThe association with psychological or emotional abuse is quite strong - as 66, 7 % of all respondents think that lesbian IPV is mostly psychological. ž žI think that girls can hurt each other the most by some psychological abuse… a guy just hits the woman, and he hits her so much that she can’t get up afterwards. But girls hurt each other much more by what the say… It’s like a dagger through your heart, and I think that’s much worse than one slap each night. [Interview #1] žShe started throwing things at me… then it was psychological… she would lock me someplace and tell me „enjoy being helpless“. That was quite often, these psychological… And physical, that was various. Burning, hitting all over, that was very frequent. [I: And did you have to seek medical help after she had attacked you?] Approximetely five times during the relationship. [Interview #2] ž ž Female non-violence žI think that domestic violence in lesbian relationships is not very common, because usually they are more mature and they have other problems – for example in the society – that they have to deal with, and they don’t need to be bothered even at home. [Survey #106] -the myth of lesbian utopia (Hart 1986: 13) – the ideal image of lesbian relationships as equal, loving and non-violent serves as a defence against the stigma of deviant relationships and sexuality -the context of societal homophobia žThey are not women if they can do this. [Survey #112] -This belief is a reflection of one of the myths of lesbian IPV – that women are not violent. And it reflects that violence is associated with masculinity. žButch, behaving like a man. [Survey #197] ž- The opinion that violent women are those, who are stronger, bigger or more masculine was, however, less prevalent than had been expected. Only 15, 9 % agreed with that. ž Structural effects of heteronormativity on IPV žThe context of abusive relationships framed by institutionalized heteronormativity and homophobia ž- the threat of being outed is used as a specific abusive form of intimidation ž- isolation, lack of rights and services (Rohrbaugh 2006) ž- homophobia of the police or the criminal and justice system (Renzetti, 1998). ž Naming the abuse in lesbian relationships žMcLaughlin and Rosee (2001) conducted a research comparing attitudes of lesbian and heterosexual women towards domestic violence showing that lesbians had better knowledge regarding domestic violence in heterosexual relationship than in a lesbian one. žAmong those women, who have not experienced IPV in same-sex relationship (N=167), when asked „What are your associations with the term „domestic violence in lesbian relationships?“ ž10 % claimed they never heard of it, 7 % wrote „nothing“, 7 % can’t imagine it and 8 % think women are simply not violent (or should not be). ž=>„denial, minimization, silence“? (Merlis, Linville 2006: 131). ž Speaking about the abuse Help sought from Responses N Percent of Cases LGBT friends 18 47,4% Heterosexual friends 15 39,5% New partner 14 36,8% Family 10 26,3% No-one 9 23,7% Someone at work 4 10,5% Therapist 4 10,5% Other – is hasn’t ended yet 1 2,6% Table 2b. Confiding about the abuse after the abusive relationship ended Coming out and speaking out žOf those, who had experienced abuse in lesbian relationship, only 5 % were closeted to their friends or family; the overly high level of coming out should decrease their isolation Levels of coming out (scale of 1 – no one to 10 – everyone) Coming out to family Coming out to friends Coming out at workplace N Valid 40 40 38 Missing 0 0 2 Mean 7,40 8,90 5,82 Median 8,00 10,00 6,50 Mode 10 10 1a a. Multiple modes exist. The smallest value is shown However, being out does not erase the effects of heteronormativity - as Balsam (2001) pointed out, the connection between heteronormativity and the silence concerning the abuse in lesbian relationships works at all levels of coming out: 1. Those who are closeted cannot talk about abuse in their relationship which makes them even more isolated (also the threat of being „outed“ can be used as additional form of violence) 2. Those, who are partially out but do not speak about their relationships also remain silent about problems in their relationships. 3. Those who are out and active in the community feel as if the have an image to uphold - being the role models and keeping alive the „myth of lesbian utopia“ Reasons for the silence Table 3: The Reasons for not telling anybody about the abuse at the time of the abuse Responses N Percent of Cases I didn’t want to admit it to myself 11 55% Didn’t percieve myself as a victim 8 40% I was ashamed 6 30% Didn’t want to lose my partner 4 20% I was scared of my partner 4 20% I don’t look like a victim 4 20% Sexual orientation 3 15% Didn’t know where to seek help 2 10% Fear of the reaction 1 5% Other 6 30% = the context of heternormativity in which lesbian abuse takes place = the intersection of gender and sexuality in the way that gender appearance and the expectations of feminity associated with being „the right victim“ are in play. „I didn’t think it was serious. Mostly it happened when we had a severe fight, and I perceived it that these things just happen once in a while.“ [Survey #171] Problems Table 4: What do you consider to be the biggest problem(s) for those who experience(d) abuse in a lesbian relationship? Responses N Percent of Cases The silence 27 73,0% Attitudes towards LGBT people 23 62,2% The police and the justice system 18 48,6% Media representations of domestic violence 13 35,1% Reactions of other people 12 32,4% Lack of services for survivors 11 29,7% Attitudes of the LGBT comunity 6 16,2% I think there needs to be some major awareness raising and especially it should start early at schools. Just to tell the kids what is wrong and what is right. It is about the education. It’s the matter of how they raise you as a kid. If someone is raised to keep silent and simply obey otherwise they get hit, they will obey in their adult life too. [Interview #1] There should be some media visibility. It is all hidden, people hardly speak about it. [Interview #2] Seeking help žThe survey results show that while majority (73 %) of the survivors consider the silence to be the biggest problem, at the same time they perceive the attitudes of the LGBT community as the least problematic. The victims often see the abuse as their own problem; something they have to deal with for themselves. ž ž„What happens in the relationship, stays in the relationship.“ [Survey #164] ž ž[Have you ever considered seeking some „official“ help, some organisations?] No. I just thought I would deal with it on my own… I don’t believe in this. It may be good for people, who can’t deal with it alone, but – as I always say – I was raised that way that I deal with everything on my own, rather than looking for help. [Interview #1] ž žWhen she [the survivor] doesn’t have the will to change it, there is nothing you can do about it. [Interview #2] ž ž ž ž ž (The fear of) institutionalized homophobia žThe survivors don’t see the problem in the community, rather in the services and the attitudes of the society (towards violence and towards LGBT people). The criminal and justice system and the services for survivors are seen as rather dysfunctional and they don‘t trust them. ž žWhen you end up in a hospital or a shelter, there should be some ways to keep you there. Because once you are there, they usually say „that’s ok“ and there’s no further investigation. If I had spent there more than those 2 hours and if they had talked it over with me, maybe it would have ended differently… [Every time] I would say „I don’t want to talk about it“ and they would close their files and tell me „you can go home now“. [Interview #2] ž žMy therapist obviously had a problem with it [that it was a lesbian relationship]. She even told me something like „if you were with a boy, it wouldn’t have happened to you“. [Interview #2] ž ž ž ž Conclusion žDomestic abuse is experienced in many different ways by those in lesbian relationships and the characteristics do not necessarily comply with the dominant definition of domestic violence. žIntersections of gender and sexuality in IPV ž=> Reflection and redefinition of the concept of gender used in the research of DV ž=> Redefinition of the theoretical accounts of dynamics and definiton of DV Lesbian IPV challenges the concept of gender, but at the same time shows, how gender and sexuality intersect Alzbeta Mozisova Masarykova univerzita, Brno amozisova@gmail.com Thank you for you attention!