INNBRUCKER BEITRÄGE ZUR KULTURWISSENSCHAFT Herausgegeben von WOLFGANG MEID Neue Folge Band 13 Meanders of the Tarim River between Korla and Qarklik (author: Michal Schwarz). VACLAV BLAZEK AND MICHAL SCHWARZ THE EARLY INDO-EUROPEANS IN CENTRAL ASIA AND CHINA Cultural relations as reflected in language INNSBRUCK 2016 Publication financed by the grant no. GA15-12215S of the Czech Science Foundation Cover Illustration: Buddhist stupa in Subashi (Kucha oasis) Author: Michal Schwarz ISBN 978-3-85124-240-9 ©The Authors and Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any other information storage and retrieval system, without requesting prior permission in writing from the publisher. 2017 INNSBRUCKER BEITRÄGE ZUR KULTURWISSENSCHAFT Series Editor: Wolfgang Meid Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck Bereich Sprachwissenschaft Desktop editing and layout by Dan Slosar and the Authors Processed for Printing by ARCHAEOLINGUA Budapest Printed by Prime Rate Kft. Budapest Orders to be addressed to: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck Bereich Sprachwissenschaft Innrain 52 6020 Innsbruck, Austria e-mail: wolfgang.meid@uibk.ac.at Analytical Contents I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations, as reflected in lexicon, in a wider Indo-European perspective.........................................21 A. Tocharian loanwords in Chinese ........................................21 1. B ike, pi. ykenta "place, location, position".............................22 2. A kär-paräm "good dignity"; B kare ?""good", käre-perne "dignity" .........23 3. A klank "riding animal"; B klenke "vehicle" ............................23 4. B klese "barley (meal)" ............................................24 5. Ako: 15/a- "cow"".................................................24 6. A kli; B kliye ~ klyiye "woman; female of animals"......................25 7. A kiirsär "mile; vehicle"; B kwarsär "league; course, path" ................26 8. Akwre "earth"; B adj. kwrainne "made of clay" .........................26 9. Aku...: ?"na\e. hub"" ..............................................27 10. AB läk- "to see; look at; catch sight of; visit; look", .....................27 11. Alyäm, B lyam, pi. lymanta m. "lake"................................27 12. AB lik- "to wash", B laiko "bath, washing"............................28 13. A lyokäs; B lyauksa ~ lyeksa "was illuminated"........................28 14. B mit "honey"...................................................28 15. A or "wood, wooden part of a plant, stem"; B acc.sg. or, acc.pl. ärwa "wood" ........................................................29 16. B pwenta nom.pl.f. "spokes of a wheel" ..............................30 17. Arake; B reki "word; command"....................................31 18. B saiwai adj. "left"...............................................31 19. A tkam f., B kern ~ tkem f. "earth, ground, base, place"...................32 20. B acc.pl. traksin "ears of grain".....................................32 21. A turs-ko "draft-ox" ..............................................33 22. B tsain "arrow"..................................................33 23a. AB tsäk- "to burn up; roast"; AB tsak- "to glow" ......................34 23b. A tsek-, B tsik- "to build, form, fashion, shape"........................34 24. Aiiv/w: B ikilm "20"" ..............................................34 25. Ayuk; Byakwe "horse" ...........................................35 B. Chinese loanwords in Tocharian.........................................36 1. A änk* "seal, stamp" ..............................................36 2. B cak "foot" (measurement).........................................36 3. B cäk "hundred quarts" {dry measure} ................................37 4. B cäne "cash"....................................................37 5. AB cok "lamp"...................................................37 6. 15 M/? Sanskrit stsa-; Kurdish sis ..................120 "lead"3 / "tin" - Middle Persian: z,lcyc, M,rzyz [arziz]; Sogdian u,rcyc [arziz] ... 120 "lead"4 - Khotanese daujsd ..........................................121 "lead"5 - Ossetic Digor, Iron Chinese - e.g. Benedict 1942; Pulleyblank 1966, 1995; Schmidt 1985; Blažek 1997, 1999, 2011; Lubotsky 1998; Pulleyblank 1999; Mallory & Mair 2000; Behr 2001, 2004-2005. Chinese > Tocharian - e.g. Pelliot 1931; Lüders 1933; Naert 1964, 1965; Van Windekens 1976; Grenet & Pinault 1997; Schmidt 1999b; Adams 1999/2013; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003; Carling 2005; Ching 2008, 2011; Ching & Ogihara 2012. In the present survey c. 85 Indo-European - Chinese lexical parallels are summarized and discussed. Among them, in c. 70 items the Tocharian data occur too. With regard to the most probable donor-language, the following statistical results were obtained: Tocharian > Chinese: A- 25; B - ?#36; D - ## 3b, 4b, 9; E - ## la+b, 2, 3.1 3K32. Chinese > Tocharian: B - 35-36; D - ## ?1, 5, 6, ?7, ?12, 13.138-42. Iranian > Chinese: C - ## 1, 2; D - ## 4a, 8, 14; E - ## 4; F - ## 2, 3, 4.1 9. Loloish >Tocharian & Chinese: C - # 3. Independent similarities leading to the Indo-European & Sino-Tibetan protolanguages: D - ## 2, 3a. Wrong comparisons: D - ## 10, 11. It is possible to conclude: There are around 30 Tocharian borrowings in Chinese (or recorded in Chinese texts) and they are usually older than c. 40 Chinese borrowings in Tocharian. Remarkable are 9 possible Iranian loans in Chinese; some of them would have been borrowed already before 600 BCE. Although the corpus of proposed Iranisms is small, the are at least three different donor-languages: Avestan-like, early Khotan-Saka, and Scythian-like. These early Iranisms represent an important by-product of the present research. A. Tocharian loanwords in Chinese In section A we summarize the published Tocharian - Chinese comparisons (altogether 10), add some new ones (altogether 15), verifying the vector of borrowing with respect to such circumstances as the first attestation in the Chinese texts, and existence or absence of external cognates in both cases, Chinese within Sino-Tibetan and Tocharian within Indo-European. In the first section there are Tocharian words with secure Indo-European etymologies. Their Chinese counter- 22 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations parts are isolated in 19 cases (## 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25). In 6 cases (## 1, 2, 3, 4, 22, 23) hypothetical Tibeto-Burman cognates have been proposed. We try to explain them as borrowings or really unrelated. From the point of view of chronology, 19 Chinese lexemes from among 25 of this mini-corpus, i.e. 76%, were first attested in texts dated before 600 BCE, namely Shijing: ## 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 12, 13, 16, 18, 21, 24, 25; Yijing: ## 10, 15, 19; Shujing: ## 17, 20; Guanzi: # 23b. Five lexemes appeared first in texts dated to the period 500-200 BCE, namely Chuci: ## 11, 14; Laozi: #2; Mengzi & Hunzi: # 8; Liji: # 22. Only one lexeme, # 5, is documented significantly later, in the dictionary Yupian completed in 543 CE. This means that, with only one exception, all Chinese lexemes appear first in the Chinese text corpus during the Zhou Dynasty. The beginning of the Tocharian-Chinese contact is probably indicated by introduction of chariotry into China c. 1200 BCE (Shaughnessy 1988,228). The linguistic data confirm this - five terms connected with chariotry1 among 25 represents exactly 20%. Other technological terms representing building (# 23b) and military terminology (# 22) are unique. A little surprising is a relatively rich terminological field consisting of terms connected with honorific titulary (## 2, 13), astronomical observation & foretelling (## 10, 17), (ritual) purification (# 12), plus the theonym "Earth Goddess" (# 19). No less unexpected are geographical terms (## 1, 8, 11), plus the unique "wood" (# 15). Less surprising are loanwords referring to domestic animals (## 5, 25), grains (## 4, 20), and "honey" (# 14). The remaining terms are semantically unique: "left" (# 18), "woman" (# 6). Summary of classification of the present mini-corpus from the point of semantics: chariotry & weapons: ## 3, 7, 9, 16, 21 & 22; rituals, worship & divination: ## 2, 10, 12, 13, 17, 19; geography & nature: ## 1, 8, 11, 15; grain & food: ## 4, 20 & 14; domestic animals: ## 5, 25; society: # 6; orientation: #18; building: # 23b; quantification/trade: # 24. This lexical mini-corpus of 25 probable Tocharian loanwords in Chinese represents a witness to relatively close contact between Tocharians and early China, probably implying their direct neighbourhood in the first half of the 1st mill. BCE and maybe already from c. 1 200 BCE. 1. Tocharian B Ike, pi. ykenta "place, location, position" < Common Tocharian *widike < *ueikos-(s-stem), cf. Gothic weihs, gen. weihsis "village", Latin vlcus "village, part of a town" etc. (Adams 2013, 67). Chinese Úyu "boundary" Shying 'Book of Songs'; 1050-600 BCE], "region, territo- ry, state" [i&ip- Lúnyú, 'Analects' of Confucius; ?L^cŤ Kong Fúzi, 551^179 BCE], "universe" [íÉÍŤ Láozí; 6th BCE] < Late Middle Chinese *yak < Early Middle Chinese *wik (Pulleyblank 1991, 385) ~ Middle Chinese *huk < Postclassic Chinese *whik < Han Chinese *whdk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *whak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR #0929 e-f). Schuessler (2009, 107, §5-6): Late Han Chinese *wik < Old Chinese *wsk. Baxter (1992, 631) reconstructed Old Chinese *wrjik, while Baxter & Sagart (2014, 230) reconstruct Old Chinese *[c]wr3k. Note: For *wh- cf. Xiamen hik8, Chaozhou hok8, Meixian vet7. Sino-Tibetan parallels: ?Burmese wduk "circle, district, zone". 1 See the detailed discussion of probable Tocharian loans in Chinese in the field of chariotry terminology by Lubotsky 1998, 382-85, Blažek 1997, 234-35 & 1999, 82 (together 2011, 30-31, 44), and Pulleyblank 1999, 162-65. I.A. Tocharian loanwords in Chinese 23 Comments: Starostin (ChEDb) alternatively connected Burmese wauk "circle, district, zone" with Old Chinese H *kw§k> Mandarin guö1 "state, country" (CVSTN, 11). In this case Chinese yu "boundary" stands isolated within Sino-Tibetan. It seems, however, that there is no reason to reconstruct the Old Chinese cluster *wrj- or *[c]wr- as Baxter or Baxter & Sagart, respectively, do. Starostin and Schuessler independently reconstruct *wh- and *w-, respectively. If the Tocharian word for "place, location, position" was really adopted into Chinese, it would have been realized before 600 BCE. Remarkable, but logical, is the semantic dispersion of the borrowed term in Chinese: first "boundary", later also "region, territory, state" and finally "universe". Let us mention that it is probable that at that time the ancestors of Tocharians (also) lived in the present Chinese province Gansu, i.e. on the border with the Chinese world. Lit: Ulving 1968-69, 949: Chinese + IE. 2. Tocharian A kär in kär-paräm "good dignity", obi. krant-/kränt- (DTA 122-24, 133-34); B Ikare, if it meant "good" and not "worth, rank, dignity" & käre-perne "dignity", kartse, obi. krent- "good, beautiful" (Adams 2013,151-52; 153-55: *g>rHftó-\s. *g>rHfont-/*g>rH\-nt-; cf. Latin grätus, Lithuanian gěras "good, kind, splendid", while Hilmarsson 1996, 97 derived these forms from Common Tocharian *kärce(n) < *krHpnts, identiying the cognates in Latin cams "dear"; Old Irish carae "friend" etc.). Chinese {±. jiä "good" < Middle Chinese *M < Late Postclassic Chinese *kie < Middle Post-classic Chinese *kiě < Early Postclassic Chinese *kiě < Eastern Han Chinese *kriě < Western Han Chinese *krě < Classic Old Chinese *krě < Preclassic Old Chinese *krě "good" [Laozi; 5th-4th cent. BCE] (Starostin 1989, 608, 691; Id., ChEDb; GSR 0879 n: *kěg). Further Schuessler 2007, 300: *kré; Baxter 1992, 493: *kre; Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): *[kj!re. The hypothetical Sino-Tibetan cognates are rather problematic due to their different vocalism: Written Tibetan bkra-ba "beautiful, blooming", bkra-Sis "happiness, prosperity", Lushai fď / řatL "to be good, nice, virtuous" (Schuessler, I.e.). Comments: The model of the hypothetical Chinese loanword could have been a predecessor of Common Tocharian *käre (Adams 2013, 152) or *kärce(n) (Hilmarsson), via monosyllabification leading to *kre or *krce. The borrowing should be dated no later than to the 5th cent. BCE. 3. Tocharian Aklaňk "riding animal", kláňka- "to ride" (DTA 175-76); B kleňke "vehicle", B klänkä- "to ride, travel by wagon" (Adams 2013, 238, 245). Chinese ffé (a) chéng; (b) shěng: (a) chéng "to mount, ride" < Middle Chinese *žiy < Postclassic Chinese *žin < Eastern Han Chinese *žan < Western Han Chinese *hn < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *bn [Shying; 1050-600 BCE]; further compared with semantically distant Tibetan Ian "to rise, get up"; Kachin lurf "to ascend"; Lepcha ta-ljan "the high place; the sky, the firmament, the heavens; atmosphere"; Kiranti *liy "to climb", which should go back to Sino-Tibetan *lSrj "to rise, ascend" (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0895 a-c). Schuessler (2007, 185): Middle Chinese *džjsy < Later Han Chinese *ziy < Old Chinese *m-bn. Baxter (apud Lubotsky 1998, 382): *Lßng/*Lsng. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *zying < Old Chinese *C9.hn. (b) shěng "team of four horses, chariot with team" < Middle Chinese *žirj < Preclassic Old Chinese *bn-s [Shying; 1050-600 BCE]; further compared with Burmese hlahh "vehicle"; Kachin ley2 "a vehicle, a wheel" < Sino-Tibetan Hiy-sl (CVSTlll, 26). Schuessler (2007, 185: lit. "what is mounted"): Middle Chinese *dzj3yc < Later Han Chinese *ziyc < Old Chinese *m-byh. Baxter (1992, 738, 740, 787): Middle Chinese *zyingH < Old Chinese *Ljings/*L9ngs. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *zyingH<0\a Chinese *C9.tey-s. 2 Chinese H guö "state, country, kingdom, homeland" < Middle Chinese *kwAk < Postclassic Chinese *kwSk < Han Chinese *kw§k < Classic Old Chinese *kw§k < Preclassic Old Chinese *k»3k (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0929 o-p). Note: Shijing occurrences: 31.1. Vietnamese reading: qudc. 24 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations Comments: Both the verb and derived noun were first attested in Shying, e.g. before c. 600 BCE. It is thinkable that in Chinese the inherited Sino-Tibetan verb *lěrj "to rise, ascend" and Tocharian AB klänk- "to ride" merged. The technological innovations were frequently spread from Chinese to other languages of the Far East. So it is possible to explain the Burmese and Kachin counterparts. Lit.: Lubotsky 1998, 382 & Blažek 1999, 82: Tocharian > Chinese. 4. Tocharian B klese "barley (meal)" (Adams 2013, 247); the expected A counterpart would look like +klas (cf. A slam vs. B sleme "flame" < *suolmo-; see Adams 2013, 793). Chinese W- jiá "grain, crop; to sow" < Middle Chinese *ka < Postclassic Chinese *ka < Eastern Han Chinese *kräh < Western Han Chinese *kräh < Classic Old Chinese *kräh < Preclassic Old Chinese *kräs [Shying; 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0032 f). Schuessler (2007, 301; 2009, 48, §1—11 f): Middle Chinese *kď< Old Northwest Chinese *kä < Later Han Chinese *kď < Old Chinese *kráh. Baxter & Sagart (2014: OChDb): Old Chinese *kira-s. Sino-Tibetan *krä > Old Chinese W- *kräs "grain"; Tibetan khra "a sp. of grain", while Lepcha ko-gró(-zo) "a species of grain" is better compatible with Tibetan gro "wheat" (Starostin, ChEDb; CVSTN, 62: Sino-Tibetan *kra). Thus the Tibetan form remains the only argument for Sino-Tibetan heritage of the Chinese word. But it could be connected with Tibetan khre "millet", Kachin gji, Sagji "millet", Lushai tai "a sp. of early rice", Chinese c£ qi"a kind of grain (millet, rice)" < Middle Chinese *khi < Postclassic Chinese *kht < Han Chinese *kh(r)é < Classic Old Chinese *kh(r)é < Preclassic Old Chinese *kh(r)a? [Shying] < Sino-Tibetan *khrwH (CVSTV, 100). On the other hand, Bodman (1985, 153) reconstructed Old Chinese *klos with the initial cluster *kl-, preserved in borrowings in Common Daic *klcf' "young rice plants", Kam-Sui *kla3 "rice seedlings" (Schuessler 2007, 301). Comments: Tocharian B klese with its hypothetical counterpart in A +klas reflect Common Tocharian *klcesce. Its resemblance with Old Chinese *klas in the reconstruction by Bodman is suggestive, but the one-to-one correspondence of the initial clusters, Common Tocharian *kl- vs. Old Chinese *kl-, is contradictory to the correspondence of Common Tocharian *kl- vs. Old Chinese */-, illustrated by *klceňkce "vehicle" vs. *hn-s "chariot" respectively, although both of the Chinese lexemes were first documented in the same text, Shijing. A passable solution may be found in internal development of Tocharian, where the tendency to metathesis of the type *K^oeK2oe < *KceLKce is described (cf. Van Windekens 1976, 122, §381), cf. A slam vs. B sleme "flame" < *s(w)lcemce < *s(w)celmce < *suolmo-, with regard to Middle Low German swalm "thick smoke", Latvian svelme "vapor", from the verb continuing in Old English swelan "to burn, ignite", Lithuanian svilti "to scorch, burn without flame" (Pokorný 1959, 1045; Adams 2013, 793-94). Thus, Common Tocharian *klcesce is derivable from *kcelsce < *kolso- and this reconstruction can be confirmed by other Indo-European cognates: Common Slavic *kolsh "ear of corn" (cf. Russian dial, kolas'ja "sacrificial bread backed in the end of May when ears of corn ripen"); Early Albanian (Buzuku) kail, Modern Albanian kalle "ear of corn, stalk" (*kolso-); Iranian *karša-ka- or *krša-ka- "barley" > Khotanese chaska, Modern Persian kašk, Munji kosk, Yazghulami kusk, kásk, Sarikoli čůšč, Shugni cosy etc. (Bailey 1979, 107; Pokorný 1959, 545). The earlier Common Tocharian *kcelsce would have been adopted in Old Chinese as *klas, because a consonant cluster in final position is excluded in development of Chinese. In this case, the Chinese initial cluster is of secondary origin. If Chinese W- jiá "grain, crop; to sow" < Old Chinese *klas is of Tocharian origin, it cannot be connected with Tibetan khra "a sp. of grain" as a common heritage, only in areal perspective. Lit.: Blažek 1999, 79-80: Tocharian > Chinese. 5. Tocharian A ko, obl.pl. kowi; B kau*, really ke nom.pl. kewi "cow" (DTA 161; Adams 2013, 201-02) < Common Tocharian *kwdsw- (Hilmarsson 1996, 115) ~ *kwew(u)- (Ringe 1996, 74). I.A. Tocharian loanwords in Chinese 25 Chinese ^ gü "male of bovine: steer, bull, ox", arch, "cow" [Yüpian, "Jade Chapters" - dictionary compiled by Gu Yewang c. 543 CE; Guängyün - rime dictionary from 1011 CE] < Middle Chinese *kuX < Old Chinese *Cd.k^a? (Baxter & Sagart 2014, 187, #778; ChDb 2014; GSR 0049 -). Schuessler (2007, 259; 2009, 46, §1-1 -): Middle Chinese *kuoB < Old Northwest *ko & proto-Min *koB < Later Han Chinese *kaB (Old Chinese is not reconstructed; the word appears only in postclassic sources). Probably unrelated is Chinese gü "ram" < Middle Chinese *kuX< Old Chinese *Cs.k^a? (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014; GSR 0051 b), while Schuessler (2007, 259) reconstructs Middle Chinese *kuoB < Later Han Chinese *kaB< Old Chinese [Shying, 1050-600 BCE] *ka?. Comments: The relatively late attestation of the word ^ gü in Chinese texts indirectly indicates its foreign origin. It seems, a source could be Tocharian A ko or its earlier form, datable in the post-Han period, i.e. after c. 200 CE. In the case of the earlier borrowing the vocalism in Han Chinese *kaB is not explainable. Numerous scholars (e.g. Conrady 1925, 16; Illic-Svityc 1964, 3; Pulleyblank 1966, 11; Shafer 1965, 459; Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1984, 935) compare the Tocharian designation of "cow" or its IE predecessors with Chinese niü "bovine, cattle, cow, ox", preceded by Middle Chinese *r/3w < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *r/3w < Early Postclassic Chinese *niw < Han Chinese *nwd < Classic Old Chinese *nwd < Preclassic Old Chinese *nws (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0998 a). Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *ngjuw < Old Chinese *[n]w9. Note: For *n- cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou gu2, Fuzhou nu2, Jianou niu2. Vietnamese reading: n 'u. There are also convincing cognates in other Sino-Tibetan languages: Sino-Tibetan *nw9 "bull, cow" > Old Chinese *nw9 "bull, cow, ox"; Kachin na' "cattle, a taurus"; Moshang na; Rawang tjwa ~ na ~ nwa, Trung nun'-rjwa2 "yellow buffalo" (Shafer 1974, 429; Benedict 1972, 50; CVSTN, 151: *n™a). On the other hand, Lubotsky (1998, 381) correctly rejected the comparison of Tocharian A ko, B keu "cow" with Old Chinese *yw9 "bull, cow, ox", but he offers no alternative. Lit.: Schlegel (1872, 25) a Gamkrelidze & Ivanov (1984, 935): IE + Chinese ^ niü & gü. 6. Tocharian A kji, acc.sg. kje; B kliye -klyiye, acc.sg. klaim - Main ~klai, nom.-acc.pl. klaina "woman; female of animals" < Common Tocharian *kwliye, acc. *kwläi (Adams 2013, 242-43) < IE *gleH2ui-Hten- (Blazek 2005a, 92-100; in this contribution the labialization of the initial velar in Tocharian A is explained as secondary, under the influence of *u from the second syllable; the possible Old Chinese loanword confirms the absence of labialization in anlaut). Chinese 0 fi "a lady of the Ji clan; the Ji clan; a fine lady; woman; concubine; female entertainer" < Middle Chinese *ki < Postclassic Chinese *ki < Han Chinese *ka < Classic Old Chinese *kd < Preclassic Old Chinese *kb [Zhou inscriptions, 950-770 BCE; Shying, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0960 f-h). Baxter (1992, 765): Middle Chinese *ki < Old Chinese *k(r) ji. Schuessler (2009, 99, §4-34 f): Middle Chinese *kji < Later Han Chinese *ki9 < Old Chinese l*k(j)9. Notes: Also read Middle Chinese *ji < Old Chinese *h id. Chinese M ji "a small and weak woman" [Shuöwen Jiezi "Explaining graphs and analyzing characters" - a dictionary completed around 100 CE], "singing girl, geisha, courtesan, prostitute" [Jinshü "Book of Jin", describing the events from 265 to 420 CE, completed 648 CE] < Late Middle Chinese *khf < Early Middle Chinese *g/a7*gz" (Pulleyblank 1991, 142) ~ Middle Chinese *kje & *gjeB < Wei-Jin (220-420 CE) *kie & *gie < Old Chinese ?*kre (Schuessler 2007, 297; 2009, 120, §7-3: Austro-Asiatic: Vietnamese cäi /gdi "feminine"; proto-Wa *krih "girl"). Comments: Combining the Old Chinese reconstructions of Chinese 0ßby Starostin, Baxter & Sagart and Schuessler, the protoform *klj9 is well-imaginable. It agrees remarkably with Common Tocharian *kfw>liye proposed by Adams. Its adaptation into Old Chinese could have been realized already around 1000 BCE. The second word, Chinese M ji, may represent a younger borrowing of the same Tocharian word, adopted perhaps during the Han era. A good candidate could be some earlier form of Tocharian A acc.sg. k le. 26 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations 7. Tocharian A kursdr, obl.pl. kurtsru & kursdrwd "mile; vehicle" {DTA 153); B kwarsdr, nom.-acc.pl. kwdrsarwa "league; course, path" (Adams 2013, 253) < *kwdrsrd < Common Tocharian *kwdrsru < *k?rsru- < *kvrs-ur (Hilmarsson 1996, 204-05), while Adams (2013, 253) explains the initial labiovelar through influence of the final *-u-, i.e. from *krsru-, which should be derived from IE *kers- "to run" (Kummel, LIV355; Pokorny 1959, 583). Chinese f/l gui "wheel-axle ends" < Middle Chinese *kwi < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *kdw < Early Postclassic Chinese *ktw < Han Chinese *krdw < Classic Old Chinese *kru < Preclassic Old Chinese *kru? [Shying; 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0992 k). Baxter (1992, 595, 761): Middle Chinese *kwijX< Old Chinese *kwrju?/*kwru?. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 218, 247, 248, 397, 398): Old Chinese *frru?. Schuessler (2009, 94, §4-12 k): Middle Chinese *kjwiB < Later Han Chinese *kuiB < *kwisB < Old Chinese *kru?. Note: Middle Chinese kwt is irregular (it presupposes Old Chinese *kwra?, but the word clearly rhymes in *-u?). Shijing occurrences: 34.2. Comments: The borrowing should be dated before 600 BCE. Starostin and Schuessler reconstruct (Preclassic) Old Chinese *kru?, which could reflect simplification of Common Tocharian *kdrsru by Adams in process of monosyllabification, while the Old Chinese reconstruction *kwru? of Baxter (& Sagart) might represent an adoption *kwdrsru by Hilmarsson. Note: There is another candidate for a source of the Chinese term, namely Scythian, judging upon the gloss of Hesychius: Kapapuet;- oi IkuOikoI oIkoi. evioi 5e xou; Karrjpeu; a\mip.q. Witczak (1991b, 59; 1992a, 54) reconstructed the Iranian protoform of this term as *kdrdsaru-. It is apparent that there should be some relation between the Scythian and Tocharian terms. Lit.: Lubotsky 1998, 383: Tocharian > Chinese. 8. Tocharian A *kwre "earth", reconstructed on the basis of the adj. kwreyu- in the syntagm (nom. pi.) stam-kwreyunt which corresponds to Sanskrit vrksa-mrd-bhu- "tree-earth-born", metaphorically designating "a kind of reed or cane"; B *kwdriye, reconstructed on the basis of the adj. kwraihhe "made of clay", translated by Sanskrit mrttika- (Pinault, DTA 184: IE *kvrio- > Hittite kuraya- "a kind of ritual pot"; Old Irish coire, Welsh pair "cauldron"); Adams (2013, 259-60) includes here Tocharian A tukri "clay" and with regard to Old Irish ere f, Welsh pridd "clay" and Latin creta "earth, chalk", he reconstructs the paradigm nom. *tk!lreHJot-s, gen. *tk!lrH1itds. Chinese 5^ [Mengzi; 5th-3rd cent. BCE] & ij| [Hunzi, 5th-3rd cent. BCE] qiao "stony soil, stony terrain" < Late Middle Chinese *khja:w < Early Middle Chinese *khaiw/*khe:w (Pulleyblank 1991, 252) ~ Middle Chinese *khaew < Old Chinese *[C.q]Krew (Baxter & Sagart 2014, 298; GSR 1164 i). Schuessler (2007, 427) reconstructs Middle Chinese *khau & *khieu < East Han Chinese *khau & *kheu < Old Chinese *khridul Comments: The Old Chinese reconstructions of Baxter & Sagart and Schuessler are derivable from a Tocharian source of the type the A adj. kwreyu-. The borrowing would have been realized no later than in the 3rd cent. BCE. It is also in agreement with chronology of simplification *khrV > *khVi in development of Chinese. According to Starostin, during the Han era this cluster was still preserved and simplified only in the post-Han times, while Schuessler proposes the simplified anlaut also for the Later Han era (23-220 CE). In any case, both the scholars agree in existence of the cluster *khrVm the pre-Han era (before 206 BCE). 3 Cf. e.g. Chinese qiao/que/ke "hard shell; bark" [Han] < Middle Chinese *khquk < Postclassic Chinese *khok < Han Chinese *khrök < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *khrök (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1226 d-f; while Schuessler 2007, 333, 428, reconstructs Later Han Chinese *khjk< Old Chinese *khrok) < Sino-Tibetan *khrSw (~gh-, qh-, Gh-) "shell, bark" (CVSTV, 101-02); cf. Tibetan sgro "the bark of a species of willow", gro-ga "thin bark of the birch-tree"; Kacliin rag-raw2 "outer skin, as of fruit"; Lepcha krju, a-krju "the slough of a snake, the skin of a bird, the scurf, skin, epidermis"; Kiranti *kru (Benedict 1972, 39). I.A. Tocharian loanwords in Chinese 27 9. Tocharian A kulili "nave, hub"? (Schmidt 1994, 265, fn. 148 and 281, fn. 216). Chinese ffi gu "nave of a wheel" < Middle Chinese *kuk < Late Postclassic Chinese *kwök < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *kök < Han Chinese *kök < Classic Old Chinese *kök < Preclassic Old Chinese *k(l)ök [Shljlng; 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1226 j). Baxter (1992, 633, 760): Middle Chinese *kuwk < Old Chinese *kok/*kök. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *kuwk < Old Chinese *[k]iok. Schuessler (2009, 156, §11-3 j): Middle Chinese *kuk < Later Han Chinese *kok < Old Chinese *kök. Comments: It is possible to identify Tocharian A kulili "nave, hub"? with Tocharian A kuk*, du. kukám "heel" (DTA 147); B kuke*, du. kukene id.? (Adams 2013, 191: Further connections are unknown4). For the Tocharian word for "heel" there are promising cognates in Old Church Slavonic kbkbnja "Schienbein, Unterschenkel" (Karlíkova, ESJSl, 392; cf. Pokorný 1959, 589) and in Celtic: Middle Welsh (13th cent.) kukyn, (14th cent.) kygwng/kygwn/kygwg, Welsh cwgn, pi. cygnau, "joint, knuckle; knot or joint on stem or root of plant; knot, knur (in wood); link in chain"; Irish cocung "chain" (GPC). The semantic dispersion resembles Germanic *hanha- & *hanhila(n)- "heel" vs. Lithuanian kinka f. "leg, thigh, knee-cap" (Kroonen 2013, 209) or Ve-dic parsni-, Avestan pásna- id.; Hittite paršna- "a body part in the vicinity of the feet, heel?", Greek raepvn "heel"; Gothic fairzna "heel"; vs. Tocharian Bporsnai "ankle"; Latinperna "ham, haunch, (upper) leg, thigh" (Adams 2013, 435; Kroonen 2013, 137; Adams, EIEC 265). Lit.: Ulving (1968-1969, 950): Chinese + IE *k*eMo-; Lubotsky 1998, 383: Chinese < TocharianB kokale, Akukäl "chariot"; Blažek 1997, 234-35: Chinese < Tocharian A kul III "nave, hub". 10. Tocharian AB lák- "to see; look at; catch sight of; visit; look", pret. Alyakä-Zlyäkä-, B lyáká-(Van Windekens 1976, 258: *leuk- "to light; be light"; Adams 2013, 596-97 prefers the comparison with Greek ley® "I pick up; collect, tell", Latin legö "I pick up, gather; scan, read" etc. < *leg-; see LIV 418, 397 and Malzahn 2010, 836-39 with detailed discussion). The difference in the root vocalism between läk-Zlk0 (unpalatalized /-) and lyak°/lyäk° indicating *luK- vs. *lěK- is solvable, if the suppletion of two different verbal roots, *leuk- and *leg-, is accepted. The sup-pletivism of this verb is rich enough (cf. the imperatives pälk"-, palyaka-me and even pkäka from käk- "to call" - see Malzahn 2010, 837) that one form moreover is not surprising. Chinese IS dl "to see, meet" < Middle Chinese *diek < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *d(h)iěk < Early Postclassic Chinese *d(h)iěuk < Eastern Han Chinese *l(h)i§uk < Western Han Chinese *l(h)j§uk < Classic Old Chinese *l(h)iuk < Preclassic Old Chinese [Yijing "Book of Changes", serving as a divination manual in 1000-750 BCE; in the period 500-200 BCE transformed into a cosmological text] *l(h)ikw ~ *l(h)ěkw (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1023 e: *d'iök). Schuessler (2009,187, § 14^1 e): Middle Chinese *diek < Later Han Chinese *dek < *deuk < Old Chinese *liuk. Comments: A primary use in context of divination explains why such a verb could have been borrowed. It is datable in the period of the Western Zhou, i.e. in the last quarter of the first mill. BCE (or earlier). In this time the initial *l(h)- is generally reconstructed. Its change into d- is dated later, to c. 200 CE by Starostin and to c. 200 BCE by Schuessler. 11. Tocharian A lyäm, B lyam, pi. lymanta m. "lake" < Common Tocharian *liämä (~ *lyém9 by Ringe 1996, 109) < *limn, cf. Greek M,livt| f. "pool of standing water left by the sea or a river" [11.21.317], "marshy lake, mere" [PI. Criti.ll4e], "artificial pool or basin" [Herodot 1.185,1.191], "sea" [11.24.79, Od.3.1]; Huiiv, -evoq m. "harbour" [11.1.432] (Adams 2013, 614). Chinese 3? tán "gulf, deep, abyss; pond" [Late Zhou] < Middle Chinese *dwi < Postclassic Chinese *dh§m < Han Chinese *lh§m < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *lh§m [Chúcí "Songs of Chu"; book of poems collected in the Former Han Dynasty, but originating especially from 4 Adams finds implausible the attempt to explain Tocharian "heel" as borrowing of Permian *kok "foot" or Chukchi kyja "heel" proposed by Van Windekens 1976, 628. 28 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations the country of Chu, dated to c. 500 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0646 b). Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *dom < Old Chinese *[l]s[d]m. Schuessler (2007, 489; 2009, 364, §38-16 b): Middle Chinese *dgm < Later Han Chinese *dsm < Old Chinese *l3m. Note: Regular Sino-Vietnamese is darn. For *lh- cf. Chaozhou tham2, Fuzhou than2, Jianou thaitj2. Vietnamese reading: dám. Comments: The borrowing from Common Tocharian into Old Chinese would probably have been realized before 500 BCE, i.e. in the time, when the initial *l(h)- was safely reconstructed. Kam-Sui *řlam' as a hypothetical source of the Chinese word (Schuessler I.e.) is better explainable as borrowed from Chinese. Malay kolam "pond, well, pool" cannot support Schuessler's solution, if it was borrowed from Sanskrit külam "pond, pool", also "shore, bank, slope, declivity", perhaps via Tamil kulam "pond, tank". 12. Tocharian AB lik- "to wash", B laiko "bath, washing" (Adams 2013, 600-01, 610; Malzahn 2010, 845^16). Chinese ^ di "to wash, clean up/out, denuded, clarify (spirits)" < Middle Chinese *diek < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *d(h)iěk < Early Postclassic Chinese *d(h)iěuk < Eastern Han Chinese *l(h)i§uk < Western Han Chinese *l(h)j§uk, Classic Old Chinese *l(h)iuk < Preclassic Old Chinese *l(h)ikw"to clean up/out, denuded" [Shying, c. 600 BCE], "to wash" [Liji; Han], "to clarify (spirits)" [Zhöuli; Late Zhou] (Starostin, ChEDb) = Old Chinese *liwk (Baxter 1992, 522) = *lciwk (Baxter & Sagart 2014, 301) = *liük (Schuessler 2007, 209: the etymology is not clear; GSR 1077 x: *d'iök). Note: Standard Sino-Vietnamese is dich. Comments: With respect to the initial liquid, Old Chinese forms favor as cognates Latin liquěre "to be clear, liquid", Old Irishfliuch "humid" < *uleik>-, against Greek ví^co "I wash", Old Irish nigid "washes" < *neig>- (LIV 696; 450 respectively). The borrowing, which took place before 600 BCE, had probably a specific semantics, "ritual purifying". 13. Tocharian pret. Alyokäs; B lyauksa ~ lyeksa < Common Tocharian *lyéwksa (Ringe 1996, 135), all from AB luk- "to light up, be illuminated; illuminate, enlighten", besides B luksiye "brilliance", lak tse & lák tsetstse "shining, bright, brilliant", all from IE *leuk- "to light; be light" (Adams 2013, 589, 597-98, 603-05; Malzahn 2010, 855; Hackstein 1995' 126; LIV397). Chinese M yáo "to be clean, brilliant, splendid; bright, glossy" < Middle Chinese *yewH < Old Chinese [Shijing, c. 600 BCE] *ljawks/*ljewks (Baxter 1992, 532, #1671) = Hewk-s (Baxter & Sagart 2014, 300; cf. GSR 1124 i: *diog). Note: Adams (p.c., Dec 11, 2012) mentions that in Tocharian there are no traces of the s-stem, attested directly practically only in Old Icelandic Ijós n. "light" < *leuhsa- (Pokorný 1959, 689). But the Chinese forms also bear the verbal meaning and in this perspective the borrowing of the Tocharian sigmatic verbal forms seems quite natural. Comments: The borrowing is datable before 600 BCE. Old Chinese adopted the sigmatic verbal stem of Common Tocharian, forming the preterite. 14. Tocharian B mit "honey", com.sg. mitä-mpa < Common Tocharian *myét9 (Ringe 1996, 106; Kim 1999, 120) ~ *m 'ätä (Pinault 2008, 440) < *méďu- (Schräder & Nehring I, 139; Van Wind-ekens 1976, 298; Adams 2013, 494). Chinese U mi "honey" < Late & Early Middle Chinese *mjit (Pulleyblank 1991, 213) ~ Middle Chinese *mjit < Postclassic Chinese *mjit < Han Chinese *mj3t < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese [Later Zhou] *mit (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0405 r: 'Ancient' & 'Archaic' Chinese *miět). Schuessler (2007, 383; 2009, 304) adds Middle Tang Chinese (c. 775 CE) *mir < *mir; Middle Chinese *mjieť < Early Northwest Chinese *miit; pMin *mit < Later Han Chinese *mit < Old Chinese *mit [first attested in "Book of poems" (Jllí Chůcí), collected during the Western Han era, but originating from the country of Chu from the time around 500 BCE; other sources are summarized by Kim 1999, 122, fn. 28]. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 205-06, 216, 290) I.A. Tocharian loanwords in Chinese 29 also reconstruct Old Chinese *mit. Note: For *m- cf. Xiamen bit8, Chaozhou bik8, Fuzhou mik8. Other dialects: Shanghai mi?*2, Jinan mi3, Xi'an mi", Taiyuan mid?", Hankou mi12, Chengdu mi12, Yangzhou mid?*, Suzhou mid?*2, Wenzhou mi42, Changsha mi4, Shuangfeng mi31, Nanchang miť1, Meixian meť2, Guangzhou mať2. Vietnamese reading: mát. In Vietnamese cf. also mú't "jam, sweetmeat" (possibly a colloquial loan from the same source). Comments: The IE term *meďu- "honey, mead" (Pokorný 1959, 707; Huld & Adams, EIEC 271; plus Cuneiform Luvian maddu-, Hieroglyphic Luvian matusa- "wine" - see Melchert 1993, 144 & Hawkins 2000, 477) became widespread across Eurasia. Geographically closest is Fen-no-Ugric *mete (UEW213) ~ *meti (Sammallahti 1988, 545) "honey, mead"5. Traditionally it has been explained as a loanword from Indo-Iranian (Joki 1973, 284, §79; Rédei 1986, 45, § 14). With regard to probable Tocharian loanwords in Samoyedic proposed by Janhunen (1983, 118-21), Napol'skix has identified several no less promising Tocharian borrowings in Fenno-Ugric, including the word for "honey" (Napol'skix 1994, 37; 1997, 138, 154; Napol'skikh 2001, 372). With exception of Saami, the IE loan "honey" is attested in all Fenno-Ugric branches. Thus, it is probable to assume its presence already in the Fenno-Ugric protolanguage. The disintegration of Fenno-Ugric is dated to 2 180 BCE by Sergei Starostin (p.c. 2004), 2 200 BCE by George Starostin (p.c. 2010) and 2 350 BCE by Blažek (2012, 34). On the other hand, the separation of Tocharian from the Indo-European dialect mainstream, as the second branch diverging after Anatolian, is dated to 3,810 BCE by Sergei Starostin and to 3 900 BCE by George Starostin. It is possible to conclude that the borrowing of the proto-Tocharian term "honey" would have been realized in the period 3 800 - 2 350 BCE. The Tocharian word was borrowed into Chinese no later than around 200 BCE, maybe already around or even before 500 BCE. In the younger case from early Tocharian B, in the older case from Common Tocharian. During the 1st mill. CE the designation of "honey" was spread from Chinese into various Altaic branches: Early Middle Chinese (c. 600 CE) *mjit (Pulleyblank, Starostin) > Old Japanese mitu (in the Japanese Archipelago a honey-bee was brought from Korea only in 643 CE - see Polivanov 1916, 264). Middle Tang Chinese (c. 775 CE) *mir (Schuessler) > Old Uyghur (8th cent. CE) mir "honey" (Rásánen 1969, 339; Clauson 1972, 771) and Sino-Korean mil, North Korean mir "honey" (Schott 1936, 72, #100; Joki 1973, 283-85, §79; Ramstedt 1953-54, 12 speculated about relationship between Old Uyghur mir and Sino-Korean mil, adding Japanese mitsu id.). More complex is the question whether the word was also borrowed from Chinese into Tai-Ka-dai languages. There seems to be promising cognate in Kam mdř- "bee" < Kam-Sui *mit (Thur-good 1988, 209; but cf. Kam mdř "ant" < Kam-Sui *mwit "ant" {ibid.}). Therapan (1992, 71, 85) finds cognates in the Lakkja dialect cluster: Jintian metD2S, Liula mlef25, Jinxiu mlef25 "bee" < *mletD, and Benedict (1997, 164) even in Austronesian *manits ~ *mamits "sweet", reconstructing proto-Austro-Tai *m[a]mlets. Lit.: Schlegel 1872, 14; Polivanov 1916, 263-64; Conrady 1925, 7-9; Schott 1936, 72, #100; Maenchen-Helfen 1945, 256; Pokorný 1959, 707: IE + Chinese; Benedict 1942, 590, fn. 40; Pulleyblank 1966, 10 & 1995, 427; Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1984, 611, 935; Ringe 1995, 442; Lubotsky 1998, 379; Behr 2001, 359; Carling 2005, 55: Tocharian > Chinese. 15. Tocharian A or "wood, wooden part of a plant, stem" (DTA 91); B acc.sg. or, acc.pl. árwa "wood" (Adams 2013, 127) < Common Tocharian *órs < *óru < *ěru < *deru vs. obi. *réw° < *dóru vs. obi. *dréu° (Ringe 1996, 98, 110, 127) ~ *oru < Common Tocharian *ceru < *tceru vs. *rau < *doru vs. *drous (Hilmarsson 1986, 142-43, 172), both applying the w-umlaut and the 5 Fenno-Ugric *mete "honey, mead" > Finnish mesi, gen. meden "Honig, Met" (> Saami of Norway miettd -d- "honey", Lule mieta, Kola, Ter, Kildin mitt, Notozero miehf), Estonian mesi, gen. mee "Honig"; Mordvin Erzya med, mad, Moksha med; Mari mil (Kozmodemjansk & Urzum), miij (Birsk); Udmurt mu (Sarapul), mu (Kazan), Komi ma (Sysola, Permyak, East Permyak) "honey" (> Nenets Sjoida ma); Hungarian mez "honey" (UEW273). 30 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations generally accepted rule *dR > *R, where R are all resonants. The form ärwa is explainable via the ä-umlaut from *(d)oruä < *doru-H2 (Pinault 2008, 428, 432; he explains the loss of the expected initial dental through dissimilation *dz... r > r). Chinese W zhü "tree root, tree trunk, stem" < Late Middle Chinese *trya < Early Middle Chinese *trua (Pulleyblank 1991, 413) ~ Middle Chinese *fii < Postclassic Chinese *two < Han Chinese *twa < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *tro [Yijing, 1000-750 BCE - originally a divination manual, later {500-200} transformed into a cosmological text; Hänßizi, lit. Master Han Fei {and his eponymous work}, legalist, living in 280-236] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0128 f). Schuessler (2007, 625; 2009, 149, §10-18 f): Middle Chinese *tju < Later Han Chinese *tio < Old Chinese *tro. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 396, fn. 25): Middle Chinese *trju < Old Chinese *tro. Note: Starostin {ChEDb) thought about relationship to Kachin ndu2 "a stump", but Old Chinese *dü "block of wood", quoted by him as an alternative cognate of the Kachin word (CVST 11, 141: *tro), looks more convincing. Comments: The Common Tocharian word was probably introduced into Chinese in the period 1000-750 BCE. It seems that at that time the form with the initial dental still existed in Tocharian. One possibility is that the rule *dR > R yet did not operate in that time, i.e. the oblique stem, IE *dreu° > pre-Tocharian *träu° was adopted as Old Chinese *tro. Alternatively, the continuant of IE *doru could still be preserved in pre-Tocharian as *tceru (Hilmarsson 1986, 142^13), monosyl-labified into *trceu and finally adapted as Old Chinese *tro. The Old Chinese *t- offers a witness that the loss of voicedness in development of Tocharian preceded this borrowing. 16. Tocharian B pwenta (nom.pl.f.) "spokes of a wheel", indicating nom.sg. puwe* < *peues-(Adams 2013, 422), cf. Sanskrit pavi- "metallic wheel-band, metallic point of spear or arrow" < *peu(H)-i- (Lubotsky 1998, 383; EWAIII, 107). If the primary meaning was "point of spear or arrow" and the use of the term to wheel was applied secondarily, it is possible to connect the root with the verb attested in Greek 7iaico "to strike, hit"; Latinpaviö, -ire "to thump, pound, strike". Chinese fg fü "spokes of a wheel" (GSR 0933 j) < Late Middle Chinese *Jjywk/*fuwk < Early Middle Chinese *puwk (Pulleyblank 1991, 98) ~ Middle Chinese *pjuwk < Old Chinese *pjik/*p9k (Baxter 1992, 626, 667, 758) ~ Middle Chinese *pjuwk < Old Chinese *psk [Shying; 1050-600 BCE] (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014) ~ Middle Chinese *pjuk < Later Han Chinese *puk < Old Chinese *psk (Schuessler 2009, 112, §5-33 j). Comments: The borrowing would have been introduced into Chinese before 600 BCE, maybe already in the 11th cent. BCE or even earlier. The final -k is probably a petrified suffix, which could still have been productive in earlier stages of Old Chinese, cf. Old Chinese Ä *krök "horn, angle, corner"6 < Sino-Tibetan *(k)rua "horn"7 or Old Chinese *tikw ~ *tuk "third to second-to-last of brothers, junior"8 < Sino-Tibetan *t(h)u (~ -iw) "nephew"9 (discussed in detail by Schuessler 2007, 68-69). Lit.. Lubotsky 1998, 383: Tocharian > Chinese. 6 Chinese % jiäo "horn, angle, corner" < Middle Chinese *kauk < Postclassic Chinese *kok < Han Chinese *krök < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *krök (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1225 a-c); Vietnamese reading: gac. 7 In Sino-Tibetan cognates there is no final -k: Tibetan rwa "horn", grwa, gru "angle, corner"; Burmese khraw, kh-j3w "horn" < Lolo-Burmese *khrgw; proto-Garo *ru "horn"; Kanauri rud; Rgyarung tsru ~ tere; Digaro ru ~ ro; Trungxra' "horn" < Sino-Tibetan *(k)rua "horn" (Benedict 1972, 22, 113; CVSTW, 99). 8 Chinese ML shti "third to second-to-last of brothers, junior" < Middle Chinese *sük < Late Postclassic Chinese *suk < Middle Postclassic Chinese *cuk < Early Postclassic Chinese *ciuk (~ -iuk) < Eastern Han Chinese *cauk (~ -auk) < Western Han Chinese *tjauk (~ -auk) < Classic Old Chinese *tiuk (~ -uk) < Preclassic Old Chinese *tik" ~ *tuk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1031 b-d). Vietnamese reading: thüc. 9 Sino-Tibetan *t(h)u (~ -iw) "nephew" > Burmese tu "nephew, son of a man's sister" < Lolo-Burmese *tu; Lushai tu "grandchild"; Lepcha thd "a grand-child"; Rawangphadu "nephew"; Trungpa3-du'; Rgyarung temdu (Shafer 1974, 48; Benedict 1972, 62; CVSTW, 167). I.A. Tocharian loanwords in Chinese 31 17. Tocharian A rake, pl. rakeyäntu, B reki, pl. rekauna "word; command" (Van Windekens 1976, 400; Adams 2013, 585) may reflect both *rek- or *rok- with the same root vowel as Old Church Slavonic recb "speech, talking, word, declaration, verdict" and rokh "term; amount, number; command" respectively, both from the verb resti "to say, speak, mention" (Vykypel, ESJS 13, 761-63). The derivational structure of the Tocharian word is unclear. Adams (1990, 70) reconstructs generally Tocharian ending *-äi, which should be derived from *-u-Hlen-. Alternatively, Hilmarsson (1988, 34) preferred the oz-root, which was productive namely in Hittite, cf. hastäi "bone(s)". All is derived from the verbal root *rekH- (Kümmel, LIV506). Chinese M li "to calculate the course of (stars); years; calendrical calculation; number" < Middle Chinese *liek < Postclassic Chinese *liek < Eastern Han Chinese *riek < Western Han Chinese *rek < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rek [Shüßng, i.e. "Book of History" or "Book of Documents", c. 1000-300 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0858 h). Schuessler (2007, 353): Middle Chinese Hiek < Later Han Chinese *lek < *rek. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *lek < Old Chinese *[r]sek. Note: For *r cf. Xiamen la?, Chaozhou leP, Fuzhou lik8. Comments: The borrowing would have been realized before 300 BCE and maybe already before 1000 BCE. Besides the noun there could also have existed a corresponding verb in Tocharian. With respect to external, especially Slavic10 and Germanic11 cognates and semantics of the Chinese word, it is legitimate to speculate about similar semantic dispersion of the hypothetical Tocharian verb, which might have been borrowed into Chinese. Its shape can be reconstructed in analogy with Tocharian A lake, B leki "bed", both from the verb attested in B lyäk- "to lie (down)" < *legh- (Adams 2013, 607, 615). Taking in account the fact that Tocharian r- is not palatalized before IE *e in contrary to /-, it is possible to reconstruct the primary verb B *räk-/*rak- and A *räk- < Common Tocharian *räk- (according to Hilmarsson) or *rsk- (according to Ringe). 18. Tocharian B saiwai adj. "left" < *soiuo- < *souio-, cf. Vedic savyä-, Avestan haoiia-, besides Old Church Slavic sujb "left" < *seuio-(Winter 1985, 586, 590-91; Adams 2013, 767). Chinese 1x. zuö "left, to be left (side), be to the left, eastern; bad, wrong" < Middle Chinese *ca < Postclassic Chinese *ca < Eastern Han Chinese *cä < Western Han Chinese *caj < Classic Old Chinese *caj < Preclassic Old Chinese *cäj? [Bronze Inscriptions of the Western Zhou, 1050-770 BCE; Shying, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0005 a-d). Schuessler (2007, 637; 2009, 216, §18-13a): Middle Chinese *tsaP < Old Northwest Chinese *tsa < Later Han Chinese *tsaiB < Old Chinese *tsai?. Baxter (1992, 607, 630, 684, 812) and Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *tsaX < Old Chinese *ts!a[j]?. Note: Shijing occurrences: 1.2, 38.3. Vietnamese reading: ta . Comments: The Chinese word appeared in the bronze inscriptions of the Western Zhou Dynasty and in the literary texts first in Shijing, i.e. already around 1000 BCE this term could have been integrated into Old Chinese, representing the only designation for "left". The Chinese term stands isolated within Sino-Tibetan12. Isolated is also its negative semantics, typical for Indo-European traditions, while in Sino-Tibetan traditions the left side or left hand has been perceived as positive. The substitution of Common Tocharian *s- by Old Chinese *c- (Starostin) = *ts- (Schuessler, Baxter & Sagart) cannot be verified with other parallel examples at present. 10 Cf. the semantic dispersion of Slavic *rokb: Serbo-Croatian rok, gen. rdka "time limit, time", Slovenian rok, gen. roka "time limit, omen", Slovak, Czech, Polish rok, Ukrainian rik, gen. rdku "year", Old Russian rokh "time limit, year, age; rule", Russian rok, gen. roka "fate" etc. (Vasmer III, 496). 11 Cf. Gothic rahnjan "to reckon, consider, ga-rehsns "decision", ragin "opinion, law, decree, task, responsibility", Old Norse regin n.pl. "the railing powers, the gods", Old Saxon regino-giskapu "fate" (Kroonen 2013, 401). 12 In Sino-Tibetan two terms for "left" can be reconstructed, both without any Chinese cognates: (i) *phaj "left" > Burmese bhaj "left, left side"; Kachinpai' "left"; Thebor ba-e "left" (Benedict 1972, 24-25); (ii) *wajH~ *wejH "left" > Burmese lak-wajh "left hand"; Lushai vei "left"; Lepcha vi-m "left"; Mikir ar-vi "left"; Thangkurwui-sorj "left" (Benedict 1972, 24-25). The etymon (ii) may be of Austric origin: Austro-Asiatic *wier/ *vfe?"left (side)" /// Austronesian*w/ffi id. 32 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations 19. Tocharian A tkam f., B kern ~ tkem f. "earth, ground, base, place" < acc.sg. *dhghom-m (Adams 2013, 205); cf. also somotkahhe "likewise, uniformly, evenly, constantly"?, originally probably "on the same ground" (Adams 2013, 769). Chinese i>$ kün "earth; principle of earth, Earth as the female beginning" < Late Middle Chinese *khun < Early Middle Chinese *khwdn (Pulleyblank 1991, 179) ~ Middle Chinese *khon < Postclassic Chinese *khw§n < Han Chinese *khw§n < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *khw§n [JS&M Yijing 'Book of Changes'; primarily a divination manual (1000-750 BCE), later transformed into a cosmological text (500-200 BCE), finally included among the Five Classics in the 2nd cent. BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0421 a: 'Ancient' & 'Archaic' Chinese *kusn) ~ Old Chinese *khw3n (Schuessler 2009, 334, §34-5 a) ~ Old Chinese *[kh]iu[n] (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb). Comments: The attested forms Atkam, B (t)kem reflect Common Tocharian *tkcenäN < acc.sg. *dhghom-m (Hilmarsson 1996, 128; Ringe 1996, 41, 154 reconstructs this development in more detail: acc. *dhghöm-m {~ Greek xöova} > *dhghömn > VWem > *tkens > A tkam, B kern). The expected nom.sg. corresponding to Greek xOrav would have looked like *tko in Common Tocharian, cf. the Tocharian B nouns in *-ön: okso "ox", suwo "pig, hog" (Van Windekens 1979, 38, §89; Pinault 2008, 433). In earlier phases of development of Common Tocharian it should be **tkoN. In the time of probable borrowing, i.e. in the period of origin of Yijing between 1000-750 BCE, the final nasal apparently was still pronounced in Common Tocharian. Concerning semantics, Chinese did not need to borrow the appellative "earth", but it seems, they adopted the name of the Tocharian earth-goddess. She is really known from the Tocharian B text PK AS 13B13, where she is called kem-näkte "earth-goddess" (Old Uyghurjer t(ä)nri hatuni): b2 /// sikaintso : tumem sä kem-näkte nmeträ paine ys(ape) sie pä(lskotstsa ra :) "... of those who step (smoothly), thereupon this earth-goddess will bow close to [their] feet, like someone (female) of reason." b3 /// (se äktikäm)ne : mäka lalamskana tsenäna esnesa erssäm taka(rskne :) "... (this wonder), because of [his, i.e. the Buddha's] tender blue eyes it evokes in many instances faith ..." b4///(Ikätsi o)ntsoytte : wcükaneyailwa torn länte seckemntse motr(a)nt(s)= ä(str) e(nku ra :) "... one is never satisfied (looking at him). [His] two curved jaws [are] those of the lion king, holding (as it were) the missile of Hari, ..." Edited and translated by Wilkens, Pinault & Peyrot 2014, 11-12, 14. 20. Tocharian B acc.pl. traksin "ears of grain" (Adams 2013, 331). There are two etymologies of this term, excluding one another: (i) Adams (EIEC 252): *dlrigh- or (1999, 312) *ctlregh- "a (coarse) hair" > Greek Opi£, gen. xpiypq "a single hair", pi. "hair"; Middle Irish gairb-driuch "bristle, rough hair" (Pokorny 1959, 276). (ii) Adams (2005, 219-25; 2013, 331): Khotanese drrämsä- "millet" < Iranian *drägsiä; Sanskrit dräksä- & dhräksä- "grape" < *dhrägh-sä-. Chinese IM zhi "sickle; to cut grain with a sickle" [Shying, 1050-600 BCE]; "ears of grain" [Shüßng, llth-3rd cent. BCE] < Middle Chinese *tjet < Later Han Chinese *tit < Old Chinese *trit (GSR 0413 g; Schuessler 2007, 618; 2009, 299, §29-15 g). On the change *-it < *-ik in Old Chinese - see Baxter 1992, 300-301. Chinese fli zhi "earliest-sown grain" < Middle Chinese *trik < Old Chinese *trsk [Shying, 1050-600 BCE] (GSR 0919 b; Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014) ~ Middle Chinese *tj9k < Later Han Chinese *tik < Old Chinese *t™k (Schuessler 2009, 108, §5-12 b). 13 Pelliot Koutcheen Ancienne, Serie 13B. I.A. Tocharian loanwords in Chinese 33 Comments: The exact semantic correspondence between Tocharian B acc.pl. traksin and Old Chinese IM *trit < *trik indicates that the Chinese word should have been borrowed from pro-to-Tocharian *triks°, i.e. the earlier etymology of Adams seems better. The borrowing would have been realized already around 1000 BCE. Old Chinese It *trsk may represent a variant borrowed from the same source. 21. Tocharian A turs-ko "draft-ox" < *dhurH1-es g-dus (Schmidt 1987, 294f: related to Sanskrit dhiir- "yoke, burden, load", later "carriage pole, peg, pin" (MW 517; EWIA I, 794); Hittite tu-u-ri-ia° "to yoke"; Greek Ooapot; "pivot of a door or gate" [//. 12.459]; "axle of a chariot" [S.Fr. 596] < *dlurHfid- - see Pokorny 1959, 278-79). Chinese fit zhou "carriage pole" (GSR 1084 g) < Late Middle Chinese *triw < Early Middle Chinese *truw (Pulleyblank 1991, 411) ~ Middle Chinese *tj9u < Later Han Chinese *tu < Old Chinese *tru [Shying; c. 1050-600 BCE] (Schuessler 2007, 623; 2009, 173, §13-19g) ~ Middle Chinese *trjuw < Old Chinese *trju (Baxter 1992, 632, 810). Comments: The hypothetical IE s-stem in the nom.sg. *dhurH1-os would have continued in Common Tocharian *turce > A *tur, B *ture, similar to the o-stems (cf. Van Windekens 1979, 74, §142). In the process of adoption into Chinese, datable before 600 BCE, the monosyllabification probably transformed the Common Tocharian form into *trceu. Lit.: Lubotsky 1998, 384: Tocharian > Chinese. 22. Tocharian B tsain "arrow" (Adams 2013, 811) < Iranian *dzainu-, cf. Avestan zaena- "weapon" & zaenu- "baldric", Middle Persian zyn' Izenl "weapon, armour", Parthian zyn "weapon, sword; armour, arms", Sogdian: Buddhist zyn & Manichaean zyyn /zen/ "armour, weapon"; Iranian > Armenian zen {w-stem} "weapon, armour" and Old Aramaic zyn', Syriac of Talmud zaind (Bartholomae 1904, 1650-51; MacKenzie 1971, 99; Nyberg 1974, 231; Gharib 1995, ##11543, 11616; Olsen 1999, 880; Tremblay 2001, 26, fn. 38; Cheung 2007, 461-62). Cf. also the component *zaina- of the Median onomasticon: {Elamite} Za-a-na /Zaina-/, perhaps corresponding to Avestan hu-zaena- "well-armed"; {Greek coin legend from Cilicia} l,ivviaxr\q IZaina-pati-l "weapon-master" (Hinz 1975, 276). Chinese mf jian "arrow; small bamboo used for arrows / Phyllostachys bambusoides" [Late Zhou] < Middle Chinese *cjen < Late Postclassic Chinese *cjen < Han Chinese *cjanh < Classic Old Chinese *cenh < Preclassic Old Chinese *cens (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0245 h: 'Ancient' *tsidn < 'Archaic' *tsian [|h@2 Liji 'Book of Rites', lit. "gift of records", the collection of ceremonial rites and administrative texts of the Zhou dynasty, existing already around 300 BCE and summarized in the Former Han era]). Baxter & Adams (2014, 100, 277): Middle Chinese *tsjenH < Old Chinese *[ts]en-s "arrow". Schuessler (2009, 248, §23-20h): Later Han Chinese *tsianc < Old Chinese *tsens. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 100, 277): Middle Chinese *tsjenH < Old Chinese *[ts]en-s. Note: Standard Sino-Vietnamese is tien. Vietnamese reading: ten. The only isolated external parallel within Sino-Tibetan found by Starostin & Peiros, Lushai cal "a sp. of bamboo" (CVSTYV, 56), does not represent a very strong argument for the Sino-Tibetan heritage of the Chinese word, due to its isolation and semantic difference. Comments: The donor-language of the borrowing into Chinese should be some earlier stage of development of Tocharian A, where Late IE diphthongs Si & *ai were monophthongized into e, while in Tocharian B were preserved as ai, cf. A -ne, B nai "indeed" ~ Greek vai; A pek-, B paik- (preterit) "to paint, write" ~ Lithuanianpiesti id. (Van Windekens 1976, 30-31, §§74, 76). It would have been realized in pre-Han Chinese, but after disintegration of Common Tocharian, i.e. in the time interval c. 200^100 BCE. On the other hand, the Tocharian word itself had to be borrowed from some Iranian source before this period. For the Iranian donor-language there should be a characteristic preservation of the diphthong ai. It could be some earlier form of Sogdian. Lit.: Schmidt 1985,763; Tremblay 2005,424; Carting 2005, 59; Schuessler 2009,248: Chinese + TocharianB tsain "arrow". 34 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations 23a. Tocharian AB tsäk- "to burn up, consume by fire, apply heat to (in cooking), i.e. roast, boil; burn off, evaporate" < Common Tocharian *tssk- (Ringe 1996, 47, 150) < *dheg-h-; AB tsäk- "to glow" < *dh5g>h- (Adams 2013, 802, 799; Malzahn 2010, 980-81, 974). Chinese zhud "to burn, illuminate; brightly, clearly, brilliant" < Middle Chinese *cak < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *cak < Early Postclassic Chinese *cauk < Eastern Han Chinese *cauk < Western Han Chinese *tjauk < Classic Old Chinese *teuk < Preclassic Old Chinese Shljing, c. 600 BCE] *tet" (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1120 f). Schuessler (2007, 631): Late Han *tsak < Old Chinese *tiaukl; cf. also ÖtJ di "bright, brilliant" < Middle Chinese *tiek < Later Han *tek < Old Chinese *tiauk (Schuessler 2007, 631) = *tet" (Starostin, ChEDb). Note: Peiros & Starostin (CVSTll, 7-8) connected Old Chinese 'fi] *feA™burn, brilliant, illuminate", and ÖtJ *tekw "bright, brilliant" with Tibetan dugs "heat; make warm; to light, to kindle", thog "thunderbolt, lightning", Burmese tauk "to blaze, flame, be luminous brilliant", Lushai duk "to be glowing with heat (as ashes)", Kiranti *thok (~ -uk, -ak), but these forms are better compatible with Old Chinese M *tok "torch". On the other hand, the front vocalism appears in Lepcha tik, tik-ka tik-ka "sparkling, flickering (light)", Kiranti *thik"to cook, burn". Starostin admitted there were two original roots that are now very hard to distinguish. Comments: If Old Chinese *tekw "to burn" (Starostin) really represents an adaptation of the Tocharian continuant of IE *dheg>h-, this hypothetical borrowing would have been realized before palatalization of the Tocharian initial. But this conclusion is contradictory to the assumption that Old Chinese M *cit (Starostin) ~ *tsik (Baxter & Sagart) "masonry" was borrowed from Tocharian A tsek-, B tsik- "to build, form, fashion, shape". The second argument against this comparison is the form AB tsäk- "to glow" < *dh5gvh-, already remodelled according to the palatalized form continuing *dheg-h-. Thus, in the known history of Tocharian no form of this root with the unpala-talized anlaut is attested. The final contra-argument is a real possibility of identifying an adaptation of an unattested derivative of Tocharian AB tsäk- "to burn up" in Old Chinese *tsik "to burn or scorch earth around the grave". Let us also mention the relatively convincing parallels in other Sino-Tibetan languages. 23b. Tocharian A tsek-, B tsik- "to build, form, fashion, shape" < Common Tocharian *faik-/*fik-(Ringe 1996, 47, 104) < *dheigh-; cf. also A kuntis-tsek ~ B Iwaksä-tsaika "potter", lit. "pot-maker" (Adams 2013, 807; Malzahn 2010, 991-92; Pinault 2008, 247). Chinese M ji (i) "to burn or scorch earth around the grave" [Guänzi; philosophical text from the 7thcent. BCE, revised and expanded around 26 BCE]; (ii) "masonry" [Liji; "Book of Rites" of the Zhou Dynasty, almost destroyed in 213 BCE, but reconstructed during the Han Dynasty] < Middle Chinese *cjit < Postclassic Chinese *cjit < Han Chinese *cjat < Classic Old Chinese *cit < Preclassic Old Chinese *cit (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0923 c) ~ Schuessler (2007, 294-95): Middle Chinese *tsjet < Later Han Chinese *tsit < Old Chinese *tsit < *tsjik (Baxter 1992, 301). Baxter & Sagart (OChDb, 2014): Middle Chinese *tsit < Old Chinese *tsik. On the change *-;'/ < *-ik in Old Chinese - see Baxter 1992, 300-301. Comments: In the Chinese word perhaps two distinct etymons merged, judging from meanings (i) and (ii) and different affricates in corresponding Tibetan counterparts: (i) ächig-pa "to burn, destroy by fire"; (ii) rcig "to build, to wall up; wall, masonry" (Bodman 1980, 158; Coblin 1986, 50, 108; Baxter 1992, 301; CVSTIV, 7). It is tempting to explain variants (i) and (ii) in both Old Chinese and Tibetan as adaptations of Common Tocharian (i) *f 9k- "to burn up" and (ii) *fik- "to build, form, fashion, shape" respectively, maybe at distinct chronological levels with respect to chronological difference between attestations of the meanings (i) and (ii) of Chinese M ji. Lit.: Lubotsky 1998, 385: Tocharian > Chinese & Tibetan. 24. Tocharian A wiki; B ikäm "20" < Common Tocharian *wyikdn (Ringe 1996, 129) ~ *w 'ikän (Pinault 2008, 556) ~ *wilkän (Adams 2013, 66). Chinese M yü "bundle of 20 threads; seam" < Late Middle Chinese *yäk < Early Middle I.A. Tocharian loanwords in Chinese 35 Chinese *wik (Pulleyblank 1991, 385) ~ Middle Chinese *wik < Postclassic Chinese *w(h)ik < Han Chinese *w(h)ak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *w(h)ak [Shijing, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSK 0929 n). Schuessler (2009, 107, §5-6 n): Middle Chinese *jw9k < Later Han Chinese *wik < Old Chinese *w9k. Baxter & Sagart (2014): Middle Chinese *hwik < Old Chinese *[a]wrdk / *qwhrdk. Comments: The borrowing would have been realized before 600 BCE, when the word (still in Common Tocharian form) was adopted in Preclassic Old Chinese. The term could have been borrowed in the frame of trade contacts between the Western Zhou Dynasty and ancestors of the Tocharians, living at that time in the present province Gansu. 25. Tocharian Ayuk, pi. yukah; B yakwe, pi. yakwi "horse" (Van Widekens 1976, 611; Adams 2013, 518-19) < Common Tocharian *yäkwce (Hilmarsson 1986, 113; Pinault 2008, 469) ~ *ydk-we (Ringe 1996, 126). (i) Chinese fkj jü "colt, young horse" < Middle Chinese *kil < Postclassic Chinese *kwo < Han Chinese *kwa < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *ko [Bronze inscription, 1050-770 BCE; flfM ShTjTng 'Book of Songs'; 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0108 r-s). Baxter (1992, 770): Middle Chinese *kju < Old Chinese *k(r)jo. Schuessler (2007, 322; 2009, 145, §10-1 r): Middle Chinese *kju < Old Northwest Chinese *kuo < Old Chinese *ko). Comments: The borrowing would have been realized no later than around 800 BCE, but maybe already in the 10-11th cent. BCE. In process of monosyllabification the first syllable has been reduced (*yäkwce > *ykwce) and finally was integrated into the originally final syllable (*ykwce > *kywce > Old Chinese *kyo). This scenario agrees well with the 'r-less' reconstruction *kjo of Baxter. (ii) Chinese IP yi "post horses, horse relay station" (GSR 0790 h) < Late Middle Chinese *jyaik < Early Middle Chinese *jwiajk (Pulleyblank 1991, 371) ~ Middle Chinese *jiäk < Later Han Chinese *jak ~ *jak < Old Chinese *lak (Schuessler 2007, 571) ~ Middle Chinese *yek < Old Chinese *lAk (Baxter & Sagart 2014). The term in this meaning was first recorded in the dictionary called Shuöwen Jiezi "Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters", completed by Xu Shen c. 100 CE, but presented by his son Xu Chong in 121 CE. Comments: Unfortunately, Starostin's reconstruction of development of reading of this character is missing in his Chinese Etymological Database. But it is possible to help ourselves with reading the character consisting of the same phonogram. A good example can be Chinese 'W yi "to be relaxed, pleased, delighted" < Middle Chinese *jek < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *jjek < Early Postclassic Chinese *zjek < Eastern Han Chinese *ziak < Western Han Chinese *liak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *Liak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0790 c). Thus, in the 1st cent. CE, when Xu Shen compiled his dictionary, the term should have been pronounced as *ziak, but several decades earlier still *liak, both according to Starostin. It is tempting to think about a hypothetical Tocharian model preceding the Tocharian B unattested compound, consisting of klyelle "standing" (gerund from kajy- "to stand, stay") & yakwe "horse", i.e. *klycely-lyce-yäkwce "standing of horses" (see Pinault 2008, 458, §42 on the Tocharian B gerund suffix -lie & -lye < *-lylyce < *-lio-), simplified via haplology in process of monosyllabification in *lycek(v) vel sim., adopted as Western Han Chinese *liak. If the Tocharian compound *klycely-lyce-yäkwce was introduced into Chinese earlier, i.e. in the pre-Han times, it is possible to think about substitution of Tocharian kl- by pre-Han Old Chinese *L(h)-, perhaps symmetrically to substitution initials in Tocharian AB klu- "rice", if it really represents a borrowing from Preclassic Old Chinese M *Lhü?. In process of monosyllabification it would be possible to imagine haplological elimination of the second syllable of the hypothetical compound *klycelylyce-yäk-wce "horse-standing" > *klycekiw> > Old Chinese *Liak. If one of these alternatives is correct, it seems, Tocharians developed the horse post organized on relay principle and introduced it to the Chinese probably already in the Western (Former) Han era, long before Chinggis Khan and far earlier than the U.S. Pony Express. 36 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations B. Chinese loanwords in Tocharian The crucial question is again the most probable chronology of adaptation of Chinese words into Tocharian. Here it is estimated on the basis of phonetic similarity of reconstructed, approximately datable, historical forms of the Chinese words to their Tocharian counterparts. Generally it is possible to conclude that the Chinese loanwords in Tocharian are younger than the Tocharian borrowings in Chinese. There are several exceptions. The oldest identified loanwords seem to be #11 "rice", whose borrowing should have taken place in the period of Preclassic Old Chinese, i.e. between the 10th and 6th cent. BCE, and maybe #27 "ten thousand", originally perhaps "community of ten thousand". To the pre-Han Chinese, i.e. before c. 200 BCE, may also be dated #24 "village", #33 "duke, sub-king", and perhaps #36 "land, country", if it is not a Tocharian loan into Chinese. Uncertain is the dating of item #28 "hollow, cave" - it depends on reconstruction of the cluster */V- in Chinese - by Pulleyblank (and Baxter & Sagart) already in Early Middle Chinese, while by Starostin & Schuessler only in the pre-Han Old Chinese. The remaining 30 items may be divided into two chronological layers, an older, representing Han Chinese (c. 200 BCE - 200 CE), and a younger, representing Middle Chinese (6th cent.-10th cent. CE), perfectly reflecting the periods of intensive Chinese spreading into Central Asia, the Han and Tang Dynasties respectively. Han Chinese: ## 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 12, 13, 15, 32. Middle Chinese: ## 6, 7, 8, 10, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 26, 29, 30, 31, 34, 35. Ambiguous, Middle or Han, Chinese: ## 9, 23. From the point of view of semantics, the Chinese borrowings in Tocharian characterize the typical attributes of the Chinese state, which was in a relatively intensive trade and diplomatic contact with the Tarim Basin during the Han Dynasty and conquered it during the Tang Dynasty. Semantic classification of probable Chinese borrowings in Tocharian: measures, weights & abacus: ##2, 3, 19, 26, 29 & 21; bureaucratic procedures and officials: ##1, 8, 18, 20 & 7, 16, 23; money: ##4, 12; military officials and organization: ##25, 31, 34; craft production: ##5, 6, 9, 10, 13; food, drinks & grain: ##17, 22, 30 & 11; country: ##24, 36. The remaining meanings are unique: #14 "thief; #15 'month Räp'; #28 "hollow, cave"; #32 "to prepare"; #35 "water fowl". 1. Tocharian A ähk* "seal, stamp", com.sg. änkämsäl (DTA 30) < Early Middle Chinese *?jinh (Pulleyblank) or Han Chinese *?j9nh (Starostin). Chinese £p yin "to press; seal" [Han] < Late Middle Chinese *?jin < Early Middle Chinese *?jinh (Pulleyblank 1991, 373) ~ Middle Chinese *?jin < Postclassic Chinese *?jin < Han Chinese *?jdnh < Classic Old Chinese *?inh < Preclassic Old Chinese *?ins (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1251 f-g). Schuessler (2009, 319, §32-11 f): Middle Chinese *?jienc < Later Han Chinese *?inc < Old Chinese *?ins. Note: Also borrowed in Vietnamese as in "to print, impress", as well as nhän, nhgn "to press" (with a frequently occurring nasal assimilation). Vietnamese reading: an. Lit.: Carting 2005, 58: Tocharian < Middle Chinese. 2. Tocharian B cak "foot" (measurement) (Adams 2013, 267) < Eastern Han Chinese *chiak (Starostin). Chinese R c/zz" "one foot" (measure 22.5 cm), "to measure in feet" < Late Middle Chinese *t$hiajk < Early Middle Chinese *tehiqjk (Pulleyblank 1991, 56) ~ Middle Chinese *chek < Post-classic Chinese *chek < Eastern Han Chinese *chiak < Western Han Chinese *thiak < Classic B. Chinese loanwords in Tocharian 37 & Preclassic Old Chinese *thiak (Starostin; ChEDb; GSR 0794 a). Schuessler (2009, 69, §2-20): Middle Chinese *tshjäk < Eastern Han Chinese *tshak < Old Chinese *thak. Note: Standard Si-no-Vietnamese is xlch. Vietnamese reading thu '6 'c. Lit.: Schmidt 1999, 19; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 266: Tocharian < Chinese. 3. Tocharian B cak "hundred quarts" {dry measure} (Adams 2013, 270) < Eastern Han Chinese *jiak (Starostin). Chinese ^ shi "stone; hard, barren; measure of weight, measure of capacity" < Late Middle Chinese *§Fiiajk< Early Middle Chinese *d%ajk (Puleyblank 1991, 282) ~ Middle Chinese *jek < Postclassic Chinese *jjek < Eastern Han Chinese *jiak < Western Han Chinese *diak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *diak (Starostin, ChEDb). Cf. also Sino-Japanese seki. Note: Bactrian oayo "a measure for wine ('gallon')", Sogdian fx & s'y (Sims-Williams 2007, 261). Lit.: Naert 1965, 535; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 262, 265: Tocharian < Chinese. 4. Tocharian B cäne "cash" (Adams 2013, 271) < Eastern Han *jjan or Western Han Chinese *3cm (Starostin). Chinese 1$ qicin "cash, coin, money" < Middle & Postclassic Chinese *jjen < Eastern Han *3jan < Western Han Chinese & Classic Old Chinese *jcat < Preclassic Old Chinese *jcat (Starostin, ChEDb). Cf. also k säne as a compound *k s(i)cäne "money of Kuca" (Adams 2013, 198, 271). Lit.: Naert 1965, 535; Starostin 2005; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 262, 265: Tocharian < Chinese. 5. Tocharian AB cok "lamp" (DTA 198; Adams 2013, 276) < Postclassic or Eastern Han Chinese *cok (Starostin). Chinese M zhu "torch, candle; shine" < Late Middle Chinese *t§ywk < Early Middle Chinese *teuwk (Pulleyblank 1991, 414) ~ Middle Chinese *cöuk < Postclassic Chinese *cok < Eastern Han Chinese *cok < Western Han Chinese *tok < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *tok [Late Zhou] (Starostin; ChEDb; GSR 1224 e). Comments: An archaic Vietnamese loan from the same source is dude "torch". Vietnamese reading chüc. Sino-Tibetan: Burmese tauk"to blaze, flame; be luminous, brilliant"; proto-Kiranti *thok"to cook" (CVSTll, 8). Lit.: Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 263: Tocharian < Old Chinese. 6. Tocharian B hkhai* "shoe" (Ching & Ogihara 2012, 94) < Late Middle Chinese *xHja:j (Pulleyblank) or Middle Chinese *yäj (Starostin). Chinese it xie "shoe(s)" [Tang] < Late Middle Chinese *xhja:j < Early Middle Chinese *yai-j/*Y£:J (Pulleyblank 1991, 341) ~ Middle Chinese *yä < Postclassic Chinese *yie < Eastern Han Chinese *yrie < Western Han Chinese *yre < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *ghre (Starostin, ChEDb). Notes: Also read "yö/ in Middle Chinese (which is probably a dialectal variant). Regular Sino-Vietnamese is hdi; another Vietnamese colloquial loan from the same source is hia "mandarin's boots". Vietnamese reading: giäy. Go-on ge; Kan-on kai. For *gh- cf. Min forms: Xiamen ue2, Chaozhou of, Fuzhou ä2, Jianou ai9. Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan krad "leather half-boot or shoe" (CVSTV, 99). Note: Old Uyghur qay is of the same origin. Lit.: Ching & Ogihara 2012, 94: Tocharian & Old Uyghur < Middle Chinese. 7. Tocharian B hwussi "vice-commissioner" (Ching 2011, 66; Adams 2013, 797) < Late Middle Chinese *fuw gr (Pulleyblank) ~ Middle Chinese *phawsi "next in rank" & "ambassador" (Starostin). 38 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations Chinese hIKjU fiiu shi15. Note: Khotanese hvum-si is of the same origin. Lit.: Ching 2011, 66: Tocharian B & Khotanese < Middle Chinese. 8. Tocharian B kapci "thumbprint (as a mark of authentication)" (Adams 2013, 148) < Middle Chinese *ywäčí (Starostin). The same procedure is called in Khotanese hamgusta- "finger (seal)"; Tibetan hjub-/mjub-čhad; Chinese ÄtH huá zW'finger seal" (Emmerick & Skjasrvo 1987, 152). Adams (2013, 148) thinks the Tocharian word cannot represent an adaptation of this Chinese word, nor its Middle Chinese projection *ywe:jk-tei' according to Pulleyblank. Let us repeat, what we know: Chinese ÄtH huá16 zhŕ1 (not huázhí) "finger seal" is derivable from Early Middle Chinese *yw3ijk/*yw£.jk teľ according to Pulleyblank (1991, 129, 406), Middle Chinese *ywä čí by Starostin (ChEDb) or Old Northwest Chinese *yuä tši by Schuessler. Just the Middle Chinese reconstructions of Starostin and Schuessler could offer an acceptable solution. One would expect their adoption into Tocharian A as +kwäci, with a hypothetical orthographical(?) variant +kpäci, cf. Aklu-spe ~ B klussa-swíye "rice porridge" : B acc.sg. suwi "porridge, broth" (DTA 178; Adams 2013, 733). The variant +kpäci with unusual anlaut would have been adopted in Tocharian B as kapci. Jeroen Wiedenhof apud Lubotsky & Starostin (2003, 266; corrected 2007, 846, fn. 5) offers another solution, Chinese yäls zi19 "to authenticate with a signature" = "signature, mark, 14 Chinese ÜJ fit "to rend, split; aide, assistant, deputy; kind of headdress; second, secondary" < Late Middle Chinese *fiyw / *fuw < Early Middle Chinese *puwh (Pulleyblank 1991, 101) ~ Middle Chinese *phik < Postclassic Chinese *phik < Han Chinese *phrak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *phrak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0933 s). Note: Also read Old Chinese *phak, Middle Chinese *phiik id. Another reading is Middle Chinese *phěw (hence Vietnamese phó), Old Chinese *phak-s "a k. of head-dress" (thus in ShJjJng 47.1); since Han the word obtained the meaning "next in rank, deputy" (it is not quite clear whether these two meanings of *phak-s > phěw are actually related to each other). Vietnamese reading: phó. Sino-Tibetan *phjšk "to destroy" > Old Chinese gij *phak "to cleave, divide"; Burmese pjak "to be destroyed", phjak "destroy"; Kachin bjak2 "to be destroyed" (prob. < Burmese); phja? "chop, hack"; Lushai pe?"to break or be broken"; Lepcha pák "to be cut off'; Kiranti *phék "to break"; *phák"to separate, divide" (Matisoff 1972, 200; 2003, 323; CVST1, 75-76). 15 Chinese shi & shi "to send, employ, cause; envoy, ambassador" < Late Middle Chinese *gr < Early Middle Chinese *gih/*gih (Pulleyblank 1991, 283) ~ Middle Chinese *si & *si < Postclassic Chinese *si < Han Chinese *S3 < Classic Old Chinese *sré < Preclassic Old Chinese *sra?& *sra?s (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0975 n). Note: Vietnamese sú' "envoy, ambassador". Vietnamese reading: sus'. Shijing occurrences: 23.3, 57.3. Sino-Tibetan *[čh]a(H) "to send" > Old Chinese ffi *sra? "to send, employ"; Kachin sa2 "to send"; Lushai ča? "to send foť'; Trung so' "to send"; Kaike sow- "to come" (CVST1V, 135). 16 Chinese i huä "to draw, draw a design, paint designs, plan, write; a picture" < Late Middle Chinese *xHwa:jk < Early Middle Chinese *ywdijk/*yw£:jk (Pulleyblank 1991, 129) ~ Middle Chinese *ywd < Postclassic Chinese *wie < Eastern Han Chinese *wrieh < Western Han Chinese *wreh < Classic Old Chinese *wreh < Preclassic Old Chinese *wreks (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0847 a). Schuessler (2007, 283-84) differentiates two variants according to sources, including the semantic differences: Middle Chinese *ywaic < Old Northwest Chinese *yuä < Later Han Chinese *yusc< Old Chinese *(g)wrekh "painted, with a design" [Bronze Inscriptions, 1050-770 BCE; ShüjTng, c. 1000-300 BCE] > "to draw a design, depict" [Mengzi, i.e. Master Meng, 372-289 BCE]; hud < Middle Chinese *ywsk < Later Han Chinese *yusk < Old Chinese *(g)wrek "to delineate, mark off, plan" [Zuözhuän, coveres the period 722^168 BCE]. Baxter& Sagart (2014, 106, 171, 234): Middle Chinese *hweaH < *C-gwfrek-s "drawing"; Middle Chinese *hweak < Old Chinese *gwSrek "to draw". Note: A colloquial loan from the same source is Vietnamese ve "to draw, design". For *w cf. Xiamen ui6, Chaozhou ue6, Fuzhou ua6, Jianou ua8. Vietnamese reading: hoa. 17 Chinese rUt zhi "to point, indicate; finger" < Late Middle Chinese *tgi' < Early Middle Chinese *teV (Pulleyblank 1991, 406) ~ Middle Chinese *ci < Late Postclassic Chinese *kji < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *kjij < Han Chinese *kpj < Classic Old Chinese *kij < Preclassic Old Chinese *kij? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0552 f). Schuessler (2007,467): Middle Chinese *tsiB < Later Han Chinese *kiB < Old Chinese *ki? "to point to" [Shijing], "aim" [ShüjTng], "finger" [Zuözhuän, coveres the period 722^168 BCE]. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 79): Middle Chinese *tsyijX < Old Chinese *md.kij?"finger; point". Note: Shijing occurrences: 51.1. Vietnamese reading: chi\ 18 Chinese ff yä "to seal, stamp" < Middle Chinese *?ap < Postclassic Chinese *?äp < Han Chinese *?räp < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *?räp [Late Zhou] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0629 h). 19 Chinese ^ zi "to breed, nurture; love, cherish", later, since Han, "character, letter" < Middle Chinese < Postclassic Chinese < Eastern Han Chinese *jjah < Western Han Chinese *jah < Classic Old Chinese *jah < Preclassic Old Chinese*ja?s (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0964 n-o). B. Chinese loanwords in Tocharian 39 pledge" + "written character" < Middle Chinese *?gpj/i. But there is no analogy for substitution of Middle Chinese *?by Tocharian k-. 9. Tocharian B *kau(m) ~ *ko(m), pi. kaumma "bolt of unbleached silk" (Ching 2011, 70-76; Adams 2013, 226-27) < Early Middle Chinese *W (Pulleyblank) ~ Middle Chinese *káuB or Late Han Chinese kauB (Schuessler). Chinese Iß gáo "thin (unbleached) white silk" < Late Middle Chinese *kaw' < Early Middle Chinese *kaw' (Pulleyblank 1991,104; GSR 1129 h) ~ Middle Chinese *káuB < Late Han Chinese kauB < Old Chinese *káu? [Shijing, 1050-600 BCE] (Schuessler 2007, 251). Lit.j! Ogihara apud Ching 2011, 75: Tocharian < Prakrit, cf. Pali khoma- < Sanskrit ksauma- "linen". Lit.2: Adams 2013, 226-27: Middle Chinese ancestor of Chinese gáo "thin (unbleached) white silk". 10. Tocharian B acc.sg. My "cover?, model?" (Adams 2013, 161-62) < Middle Chinese *káj (Starostin). Chinese M gái "to cover, conceal; a cover (of a car); why not, of course" < Middle Chinese *kqj < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *kaj < Early Postclassic Chinese *káš < Han Chinese *káš < Classic Old Chinese *káč < Preclassic Old Chinese *käps (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0642 q-r). Note: Also read Old Chinese *gáp > Middle Chinese yap "to thatch, to cover". Lit.: Adams 2013, 161-62: Tocharian < Chinese. 11. Tocharian A)Wh (DTA 178); B acc.sg. klu "rice" (Adams 2013, 243) < Preclassic Old Chinese *Lhů? (Starostin). Chinese M dáo "rice plant" < Middle Chinese *dáw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *dhaw < Early Postclassic Chinese *dhdw < Han Chinese *lhiw < Classic Old Chinese *lhu < Preclassic Old Chinese *lhü? (~ Lh-) [Bronze inscriptions 950-770 BCE; Shijing, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1078 h-k). Schuessler (2007, 207): Middle Chinese *dáuB < Later Han Chinese *douB < Old Chinese *lü?. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 246): Middle Chinese *dawX < Old Chinese *[l]tu?. Note: Vietnamese lúa is an archaic loanword; regular Sino-Vietnamese is dqo. For aspiration cf. Jianou thau6. Sino-Tibetan *ltwH (~ *X-) > Old Chinese M *lhü? (~ *Lh-) "rice, paddy"; Burmese luh "sp. of grain / Panicům paspalum"; Kachin čakhrau' "paddy ready for husking"; Kiranti */F"millet" > Tulung User, Kaling luja, Dumi %a, Kulung lisi (CVSTlll, 43). Comments: The Tocharian initial cluster could probably substitute only the Old Chinese initial *Lh-, in pronunciation perhaps [//*], while the cluster *lh- was substituted by Tocharian /-, cf. B Iwáke and A lyäk & B lyak below. Starostin (1989, 431-33) dated his reconstruction of Preclassic Old Chinese to the 6th - 10th cent. BCE. Thus, in the present corpus of probable Chinese loanwords in Tocharian the designation of "rice" seems to be older than others. Lit.: Blažek 1999, 81-82; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 263: Tocharian < Old Chinese. 12. Tocharian B k sane "a coin and measure of weight" (Adams 2013, 198) With respect to Tocharian B cáne "cash" (Adams 2013, 271) and its Chinese origin, cf. Mandarin Chinese If qián "cash, coin, money" < Middle & Postclassic Chinese *jjen < Eastern Han Chinese *jjan < Western Han & Classic Old Chinese *jan < Preclassic Old Chinese *jcat (Naert 1965, 535; Starostin 2005; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 262, 265), it is possible to analyze the form k säne as a compound *ks(i)cäne "money of Kuca" (Adams 2013, 198, 271). 13. Tocharian B Iwäke "pot", nom.-acc.pl. Iwäksa, in compound Iwaksä-tsaika "potter" < Later Han Chinese *lh§wgá (Starostin). 40 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations Chinese IfelaS too20 hu21 "pottery pot"22. The Chinese vessel name was probably adopted into Tocharian during the Eastern Han period, when realization of the initial consonant of the first component was *lh-. In later periods the Chinese initial changed into a dental, and in preceding periods its reading was *Lh-, a lateral affricate probably adapted in Tocharian as Id-23. The substitution of the Later Han Chinese diphthong -§w- by Tocharian -wd- is more difficult to explain. Perhaps it was motivated by absence of the long diphthong -du- in Tocharian non-final syllables (cf. Van Windekens 1976,36 about the final -du), plus the effect of a-umlaut (cf. Ringe 1996,160-63). The nom.-acc. sg. -e in B Iwake indicates *-os in both o-stems and s-stems (Van Windekens 1979, 74). The nom.-acc. pi. Iwdksa is classified as an s-stem in Tocharian B (Van Windekens 1976, 270; Adams 1988, 128: °ksa < "k-es-d < °k-es-(e)H2). The final -a (*-d) in Iwdksa and -a in the compound Iwaksd-tsaika "potter" (Pinault 2007, 247, 561) correspond exactly to the final *-d reconstructed in all stages of Chinese |fe|3E taohu "pottery pot" preceding Middle Chinese *ddwyo. The Chinese form *lh§wgd reconstructed for the period of the Later Han could have been interpreted as a nom.-acc. pi. neuter in early Tocharian B. This type of plural was probably extended as an s-stem, parallel to B nom.-acc. pi. Iwdsa vs. A Iwd "animals" (Van Windekens 1979, 75, 190; Pinault 1989, 90). It is a pity that the counterpart of Tocharian B Iwake, pi. Iwdksa, is not known in Tocharian A till the present time. Note: Probably the only etymological attempts were proposed by Pedersen (1941, 71f), who saw in the word a compound "washing vessel", where the first component was derived from the verb *leuH3- "to wash" (Pokorny 1959, 692; LIV 418) and the second component corresponded to Gothic kas "vessel", and Van Windekens (1976, 270), who derived this word from the Tocharian designation of "animal", namely A lu, nom.-acc. pi. Iwd, B luwo, nom.-acc. pi. Iwdsa, loc. pi. Iwdkam. Although these forms are very similar, from the point of view of semantics this solution is improbable. If the phenomenon of a 'labial metathesis', in reality an effect of the w-umlaut (Van Windekens 1976, 55) is taken in account, i.e. the process transformimg the stem *lwdk° from a hypothetical starting point *ldku-/*ldkw-2^, it is possible to connect the Tocharian word with IE *laku-/*lakuo- "water reservoir" > Greek XaxKoq "pond in which water-fowl were kept" [Herodot]; "cistern, tank" [Aristophanes], "pit, reservoir" [Herodot]; "pit for storing wine, oil, or grain" [Xenophon]; Latin lacus "lake" (> Old English lacu "river, brook"), lacuna "hollow, pit, pond"; Old Irish loch "lake, pond", Gaulish NL Penne-locos and a Gaulish loan in Southeast French loye < Hokud, Old Cornish, Breton lagen "small lake"; Old English lagu "lake, flood", pi. "surface of the sea", Old Saxon lagu-strom "waters", Old Norse Iggr, gen. lagar "sea, water, 20 Chinese PS) táo "pottery, earthenware" < Late Middle Chinese *t/iaw < Early Middle Chinese *daw "pottery, ceramics" (Pulleyblank 1991, 303) ~ Middle Chinese *däw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *dhäw < Early Postclassic Chinese *dh§w < Eastern Han Chinese *lh§w < Western Han Chinese *LhSw < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *LM (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1047 d). Schuessler (2007, 492): Middle Chinese *däu < Later Han Chinese *dou < Old Chinese "pottery" (Liji, 5th-4th cent. BCE, redaction in the 2nd cent. BCE). Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *daw < Old Chinese *[l]'u. Note: Vietnamese reading: lu. Sino-Tibetan *A[a]w > Burmese kjaw "to boil, brew (tea), to melt" (CVST III, 78). 21 Chinese H hit " flask, flask-shaped vase; bottle gourd (Lagenaria leucantha); a pitcher" < Late Middle Chinese *xňuš < Early Middle Chinese *yo "wine bottle, pot" (Pulleyblank 1991, 126) ~ Middle Chinese *yo < Postclassic Chinese *gä (~ y-) < Han Chinese *gä (~ y-) < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *g(h)ä (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR, 0056 a-d). Schuessler (2007, 281): Middle Chinese *yuo < Later Han Chinese *ga < Old Chinese *gä "bottle-gourd, flask; teapot". Baxter 1992, 643, 763: Old Chinese *g/ňa. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *hu < Old Chinese *[g](w){a. Note: The sign H is a traditional character for 3e. Their more pictographic variant appears already in the Yin inscriptions on bones (GSR 0056 b). Vietnamese reading hit is probably a late loan; regular Sino-Vietnamese form is hö. 22 See Qi, Xiaoshan & Wang, Bo 2008, 44^15, 50-51, 66-67, 76-79, 100-103, 134-137, 148-149, 164-165, 168-173, 180-183, 256-257. 23 Cf. Tocharian AB klu "rice", which may be borrowed from Preclassic Old Chinese *EM? "paddy, rice plant", today ÍS dáo (Blažek 1999, 81-82; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003,262). Schuessler (1987, 116) reconstructed Old Chinese *gbw?, but later he changed it to *lú? (Schuessler 2007, 207). 24 Cf. B kwarsär, Akursär "league" < *krs-r-u- (Adams 2013, 253); AB kulyp- "to desire", B kwälypelle "desire" < *kä-lyup- < *ko(m)-leubh- (Blažek & Schwarz 2011, 74-75); Apukmäs - imperative of kum- "to come" < *pä-kum-äs (Van Windekens 1976, 55). B. Chinese loanwords in Tocharian 41 liquid", lá, lá "inshore water" < *lahö; Old Church Slavonic loky, gen. sg. lokhve "puddle, pool, reservoir" (Pokorný 1959, 653; de Vaan 2008, 322). Concerning the semantic difference, the primary meaning "water reservoir" seems to be a satisfactory common denominator for "pot", "pit for storing wine or oil", "cistern" and "lake". Lit.: Blažek 2016, 228-230: Tocharian < Later Han Chinese. 14. Tocharian A lyäk, B lyak "thief (Adams 2013, 613-14) < Early Middle Chinese *liak (Pulley blank). Chinese W- lue = lyuě "to plunder, rob; be rapacious" < Late Middle Chinese *liak < Early Middle Chinese *liak (Pulleyblank 1991, 205) ~ Middle Chinese *lak < Postclassic Chinese *lhak < Han Chinese *rhak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rhak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0755 k). Note: For *rh- cf. Xiamen Ha?7; Siamese lak, Dioi thak (*dlak). Sino-Tibetan *riäk > Old Chinese W- *rhak, *rhans "to plunder, rob"; Tibetan dphrog (p., i. phrogs, f. dbrog) "to rob, take away, to deprive of; Lushai rok "to plunder, loot, spoil"; Lepcha krjuk "to be deprived, emptied of its virtue as comb of bees, after honey is extracted"; Kiranti: Kulung ro:ma (roks-) "to plunder" (CVSTll, 96). Lit.: Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 264: Tocharian < Middle Chinese. 15. Tocharian B rap "{the twelfth month} Räp", adj. rapaňňe ~ rawa(i)ňňe "of the last month of the year" (Adams 2013, 573-74) < Han Chinese *rdp. Chinese St la "winter sacrifice" < Middle Chinese *ldp < Postclassic Chinese *ldp < Han Chinese *rdp < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rdp (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0637 j). Comments: The adoption of the Chinese term into Tocharian B should be dated no later than in the Han era, when *r- was still preserved in Chinese, i.e. before c. 200 CE according to Starostin. Lit.: Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 262: Tocharian < Han Chinese. 16. Tocharian B simä "{executive} adjutant, marshal" (Adams 2013, 758) < Middle Chinese *sjimd (Starostin). Chinese fAJ§ sP5 md26 "keeper {of the} horse". Lit.: Ching & Ogihara 2012, 81: Tocharian < Middle Chinese. 17. Tocharian B sak se "brandy" (Adams 2013, 675) < Late Middle Chinese *sywktsw' (Pulley-blank) ~ Middle Chinese *sjoukcjéw (Starostin) ~ sjowktsjuwX (Baxter & Sagart). Chinese WM sü11 jiu1% "millet" + "wine". Lit.: Naert 1965, 535; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 262: Tocharian < Middle Chinese. 25 Chinese %L si "to be private; to turn into one's own, keep for oneself; sister's husband" < Middle Chinese *sji < Late Postclassic Chinese *sji < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *sjij < Eastern Han Chinese *sj3j < Western Han Chinese *s3j < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *s3j (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0557 b). Sino-Tibetan *s3j > Old Chinese *ssj "private, oneself; Tibetan se, se-dag, sa-sdag "for oneself only, only, privately". 26 Chinese Mmä "horse" < Middle Chinese *mq < Postclassic Chinese *mq < Eastern Han Chinese *mrä< Western Han Chinese *mra < Classic Old Chinese *mra < Preclassic Old Chinese *mrä? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0040 a-e). Note: For *m- cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou be3, Fuzhou, Jianou ma3. Vietnamese reading mä. Sino-Tibetan *mräH / *mrärj > Old Chinese H *mrä? "horse"; Lolo-Burmese *mhrurjx > Burmese mrarjh "horse"; Kachin kumrarj "a horse, a pony"; Rgyarung nporo, pom, mom (Shafer 1974, 121, 135, 143, 410; Benedict 1972, 43; CVST I, 35-36). 27 Chinese M. sü "Italian or fox-tail millet (Setaria italica); grain (rice or millet) in husk" < Late Middle Chinese *sywk < Early Middle Chinese *suawk (Pulleyblank 1991, 295) ~ Middle Chinese *sjöuk < Postclassic Chinese *shjok < Eastern Han Chinese *shjok < Western Han Chinese *shok < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *shok (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1221 a). Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *sjowk < Old Chinese *[s]ok. 28 Chinese tH jiü "wine" < Late Middle Chinese *tsiw ' < Early Middle Chinese *tsuw' (Pulleyblank 1991, 161) ~ Middle Chinese *cjsw < Postclassic Chinese *cjiw < Eastern Han Chinese *cj3w < Western Han Chinese *csw < Classic Old Chinese *cu < Preclassic Old Chinese *cu? (~ *c-) (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1096 k). Baxter & Sagart {ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *tsjuwX< Old Chinese *tsu?. 42 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations 18. Tocharian B swelyänk± "tax-grains" (Adams 2013, 707) < Early Middle Chinese *ewiajhlian (Pulleyblank) ~ Middle Chinese *šwějlan (Starostin). Chinese shui29 Hang30 "tax" + "grain". Lit.: Ching & Ogihara 2012, 107: Tocharian < Middle Chinese. 19. Tocharian B sank "a wet or dry measure of volume (c. 1.1-1.2 liters or 1.2 - 1.3 quarts)" (Adams 2013, 689, 708) < Middle Chinese *sin (Starostin). Chinese J\ shěng "to climb, ascend, rise; a measure of capacity, pint {1,035471}" < Late Middle Chinese *sisn < Early Middle Chinese *eitj (Pulleyblank 1991, 281) ~ Middle Chinese *sin < Post-classic Chinese *čin < Eastern Han Chinese *čan < Western Han Chinese *tan < Classic & Preclas-sic Old Chinese *tan (Starostin, ChEDb; Karlgren, GSR 0897 a-c). Note: Vietnamese reading thäng. Note: The same term was also borrowed into Khotanese šimga- (Bailey 1979, 399 "a measure") and Old Uyghur Sin "liter", Taranchi Sin (Räsänen 1969, 447). Van Windekens (1976, 640) connected Tocharian B sank with Khotanese ssamga- "a measure for grain", but it is 8 simga-(Bailey 1979, 406), while simga- corresponds to Tocharian B sank. Lit.: Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 262: Tocharian < Middle Chinese. 20. Tocharian B sau "receipt" (Adams 2013, 727) < Late Middle Chinese *tsha:w (Pulleyblank). Chinese %> 1. cháo "to seize, grab; copy out; abridge, excerpt; receipt, paper money"; 2. cháo "to rob, plunder; paper money" < Late Middle Chinese *tsha:w < Early Middle Chinese *tshaiw / *tshe:w (Pulleyblank 1991, 51-52). Lit.: Ching & Ogihara 2012,104 (they also add Khotanese ksau,\ra\ such the word does not appear in Bailey 1979). 21. Tocharian B sipáňkiňc "abacus" (Grenet & Pinault 1997, 1020-22) < Middle Chinese *súb-wánkutjkú (Starostin) ~ *sjubwánkunkju (Schuessler). Chinese S5(I8 ship1 pan32 "counting board, tally, abacus". The final part of the Tocharian word can be identified in Chinese X'&J gong33 juM "instrument". Lit.: Grenet & Pinault 1997, 1020-22; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 263: Tocharian < Chinese. 29 Chinese Si shui "to let loose, to free; to give goods, presents; tax" [Late Zhou] < Late Middle Chinese *gyaj < Early Middle Chinese *ewiaf (Pulleyblank 1991, 290) ~ Middle Chinese *swej < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *swej < Early Postclassic Chinese *swes < Eastern Han Chinese *swas < Western Han Chinese *lwas < Classic Old Chinese *Awac < Preclassic Old Chinese *Aots (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0324 i). Note: Also read tili "a mourning ritual" < Middle Chinese *thwäj < Old Chinese *X5ts. More recent semantic developments are: "to tax, tax", attested since Han; "to hire, rent", attested since Tang. 30 Chinese II Häng "grain, yield of grain, provisions" < Late Middle Chinese Hiarj < Early Middle Chinese *lian (Pulleyblank 1991,192) -Middle Chinese *larj < Postclassic Chinese *lerj < Eastern Han Chinese *rerj < Western Han Chinese *rarj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rarj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0737 d-e). Note: For *r cf. Xiamen lion2, Chaozhou me2, Fuzhou lion2, Jianou lion2. Vietnamese reading: lu 'o 'ng. Sino-Tibetan *r[ä]rj > Old Chinese II *ran "grain, provisions"; Tibetan ägraij-ba "to satisfy with food"; Kachin tererf "the vitals"; Lepcha kä-ruij "meat or drink prepared for special occasions; ambrosia, nectai"; Idu *b-ren, Daofu bjoij (noij) "meat" (CVST11, 71). 31 Chinese Wi sM & shit "to calculate, count, evaluate" & "number; fate" < Middle Chinese *sü, *sü < Postclassic Chinese *sw6 < Han Chinese *swä < Classic Old Chinese *sro < Preclassic Old Chinese *sro?, *sro?s (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0123 r, 1207 a). Schuessler (2009, 152, §10-29 r): shü < Middle Chinese *sjuB < Later Han Chinese *soB < Old Chinese *sro?, shü < Middle Chinese *sjuc< Later Han Chinese *soc < Old Chinese *sroh. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 80, 144, 242-43): shü "to count" < Middle Chinese *srjuX < Old Chinese *s-ro?, shü "number" < Middle Chinese *srjuH < Old Chinese *s-ro?-s. Vietnamese reading so". 32 Chinese M. pan "a dish, basin; game-board; game, hand (in a game)" < Middle Chinese *bwän < Postclassic Chinese *bän < Han Chinese *bän < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *bän (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0182 e-f). Schuessler (2009, 261, §24-48 e): Middle Chinese *bwan < Later Han Chinese *ban < Old Chinese *bän. Vietnamese reading: van; Siamese bhän (*bän). 33 Chinese H gong "work; merit; artisan" < Middle Chinese *kun < Late Postclassic Chinese *kw5ij < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *kön < Han Chinese *kön < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *kön (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1172 a-c). Schuessler (2009, 162, §12-1 a): Middle Chinese *kutj < Later Han Chinese *koij < Old Chinese *kdrj. Vietnamese reading: cong. 34 Chinese ^] jü "sentence, clause, phrase" [Han] < Middle Chinese *kii < Postclassic Chinese *kwo < Han Chinese *kwah < Classic Old Chinese *koh < Preclassic Old Chinese *kos (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0108 a-b). Schuessler B. Chinese loanwords in Tocharian 43 22. Tocharian B sitsok "millet-alcohol" (Grenet & Pinault 1997, 1016-22) < Early Middle Chinese *eiStsuw' (Pulleyblank) ~ Middle Chinese *söcjäw (Starostin) ~ *syoXtsjuwX (Baxter & Sagart). Chinese US shü35jiü36 "millet+wine". Lit.: Grenet & Pinault 1997, 1016-22; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 263: Tocharian < Chinese. 23. Tocharian A sostänk "tax collector, banker" (Carling 2005, 57) < Early Middle Chinese *eu-wdzatj (Pulleyblank) ~ Middle Chinese *sdwjdrj (Starostin) ~ *syuwdzang (Baxter & Sagart) or Later Han Chinese *sudzarj (Schuessler), in contamination with (Buddhist Hybrid) Sanskrit sresthin- "foreman of a guild", lit. "having the best", to explain the inlaut -st- in Tocharian, if it is not a substitution of Middle Chinese *dz). Chinese 'ßtlül shöu31 cdng3% "collecting a store". Note: Corresponding terms appear in Niya Prakrit sothamga "tax collector" and Bactrian ocoxayyo, but with simplifications typical for Prakrits (sr- > s-; -sth- > -(t)th-), cf. Pali setthin-"guild-master" (Turner 1966, #12726). Van Windekens (1976, 640) speculated about mediation of hypothetical Iranian +saustanga-. Lit.: Pinault apud Carling 2005, 57: Tocharian < Chinese. 24. Tocharian Asuks "(smaller) village" (Poucha 1955,347) < pre-Han Chinese *suk-s "mansion" (Baxter & Sagart). Chinese Hf sü "to stay overnight, lodge; to shrink, shrivel" < Late Middle Chinese *siwk < Early Middle Chinese *suwk (Pulleyblank 1991, 295) ~ Middle Chinese *sjiik < Postclassic Chinese *siuk < Eastern Han Chinese *sjduk < Western Han Chinese *sduk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *suk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1029 a-b). Baxter & Sagart (2014, 249): sü < Middle Chinese *sjuwk < Old Chinese *[s]uk "to spend the night", besides xiü " 'mansion' of the zodiac (where the moon is found on successive nights)" < Middle Chinese *sjuwH < Old Chinese *[s] uk-s. Carling (2005, 58) added that the final *-s had a function of localization and production of nomina actionis. It became lost around 3rd-4th cent. CE. Lit.: Carling 2005, 58: Tocharian < pre-Han Chinese. (2009, 145, §10-1 a): Middle Chinese *kjuc < Later Han Chinese *kuoc. Note: Vietnamese cäu is colloquial (regular Sino-Vietnamese is cu) - probably under the influence of another reading of Middle Chinese *ktiw. 35 Chinese Ü sM "glutinous millet / Panicum miliaceum" < Late Middle Chinese *§iS V*gyS' < Early Middle Chinese *eiS (Pulleyblank 1991, 288) ~ Middle Chinese *sö < Postclassic Chinese *s6 < Eastern Han Chinese *sä < Western Han & Classic Old Chinese Chinese *la < Preclassic Old Chinese *sla? (~ %-) (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0093 a-d). Baxter & Sagart (2014, 138-39): Middle Chinese *syoX< Old Chinese *s-ta?. 36 Chinese M jiü "wine" < Late Middle Chinese *tsiw ' < Early Middle Chinese *tsuw' (Pulleyblank 1991, 161) ~ Middle Chinese *cjMv < Postclassic Chinese *cjtw < Eastern Han Chinese *cjMv < Western Han Chinese *cMv < Classic Old Chinese *cü < Preclassic Old Chinese *cu? (~ c-) (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1096 k). Baxter & Sagart (2014, 101, 247): Middle Chinese *tsjuwX < Old Chinese *tsu?. 37 Chinese 4£ shöu "to gather up, collect, take possession; remove, retire" < Late Middle Chinese *§iw < Early Middle Chinese *euw (Pulleyblank 1991, 286) ~ Middle Chinese *saw < Postclassic Chinese *hjiw < Han Chinese *hj3w < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *hiw (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1103 a). Schuessler (2009, 172, §13-8 a): Middle Chinese *sjau < Old Northwest Chinese *su < Later Han Chinese *su < Old Chinese *hjul or *nhiul Baxter & Sagart (2014,137, 300): Middle Chinese *syuw < *eiw < *s-teiw < Old Chinese *s-kiw. Note: Vietnamese reading: thu. 38 Chinese M cäng "to conceal, store" & zäng "a store, entrails" < Late Middle Chinese *tsfiaij < Early Middle Chinese *dzarj (Pulleyblank 1991, 45) ~ Middle Chinese *jäij < Postclassic Chinese *jhäij < Han Chinese *jhäij < Classic Old Chinese *jhärj < Preclassic Old Chinese *jhärj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0727g'). Schuessler (2009, 86, §3-49 g'): Middle Chinese *dzärj "to store" / *dzärjc "a store" < Later Han Chinese *dzarj / *dzarjc < Old Chinese *dzärj / *dzärjh. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 55, 128): Middle Chinese *dzang < Old Chinese *m-tsKarj. Note: For *jh- cf. Xiamen chorj2, Chaozhou charj2, Longdu chotf. Also read zäng "a store" < Middle Chinese *jän < Old Chinese *jhäij-s. Vietnamese tang "a store, treasure". Vietnamese reading: tang. Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan äjaijs-pa "to hoard wealth" (Coblin 1986, 57; CVST1V, 44). 44 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations 25. Tocharian B taittsyähkum "±major general" (Adams 2013, 326) < Early Middle Chinese *dajhtsianhkun (Pulleyblank). Chinese däijiängjün "great general", i.e. däi39 ^jiäng40 %-jürfx. Lit.: Ching 2011, 66: Tocharian < Middle Chinese. 26. Tocharian B tau, pi. towä ~ torn ~ taum "ten quarts (dry measure)" (Adams 2013, 329-30) < Early Middle Chinese (Pulleyblank). Chinese 4- döu "ladle, dipper; constellation Great Bear", later "a measure used for dry goods" < Late Middle Chinese *tsw' < Early Middle Chinese (Pulleyblank 1991, 81) ~ Middle Chinese *tAw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *t$w < Early Postclassic Chinese *töw < Han Chinese *twa < Classic Old Chinese *tö < Preclassic Old Chinese *tö? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0116 a). Note: Also readzM < Middle Chinese *cü < Old Chinese *ta?id. Regular Sino-Vietnamese is dau. Vietnamese reading: ddu. Lit.: Naert 1965, 535; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 262: Tocharian < Chinese. 27. Tocharian A tmäin, pi. tmänantu; B tumane, -tmane & tmäne, -tmäne, pi. tmanenma "10 000" (Winter 1992, 127; Adams 2013, 319). Pulleyblank (apud Clauson 1972, 507) formulated hypothesis that the Tocharian numeral "10 000" was borrowed from a predecessor of Chinese M wan42 "10 000" and reconstructed it as *tman. From Tocharian the numeral had to be borrowed into Turkic (e.g. from the 8th cent. Old Turkic of Orkhon twmn, Old Uyghur tümeri) and the Turkic numeral became a source of borrowing into Mongolic (tilme(n)) and Persian (tumäri). This idea was supported by Tremblay (2005, 437), while Lubotsky & Starostin (2003, 260-61) prefer the Turkic origin of the Tocharian numeral, perhaps via Middle Iranian (but it is attested only in New Persian and modern languages borrowing the numeral from it - see TMEN II, 637). They find the Altaic cognate in Korean *cimin "1000". The Chinese origin and scenario proposed by Clauson seem to be most natural, but it remains to define the primary Chinese source. The initial cluster *tm- is not reconstructed for any stage of Chinese. A key could be in reconstruction of a prefixed Old Chinese protoform by Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014) as *C.ma[n]-s. In their wordlist they do not comment on their 39 Chinese j\ da [däi] [täi] "(to be) great, big" < Late Middle Chinese *t/ia' & *t/iaj' < Early Middle Chinese *da' & *daf (Pulleyblank 1991, 69)-Middle Chinese *däj [*thäj] < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *dhaj' < Early Postclassic Chinese *dhäs < Han Chinese *dhäs < Classic Old Chinese *dhäc < Preclassic Old Chinese *dhäts [*thäts] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0317 a). Note: Also read täi < Middle Chinese *thäj < Old Chinese *thät-s. Shi-jing occurrences: 51.3, 54.1, 54.4, 57.3. Vietnamese reading: dai. 40 Chinese M jiäng & jiäng "to take smth. or smb. along, to lead along; intend to; to take, hold, support; to go with, lead on, advance; course; commander, military leader, general" < Late Middle Chinese *tsians < Early Middle Chinese *tsiarjh (Pulleyblank 1991, 150) - Middle Chinese *cjarj & *cjärj < Postclassic Chinese *cjarj < Eastern Han Chinese *cjarj < Western Han Chinese *carj < Classic Old Chinese *carj < Preclassic Old Chinese *carj & *carjs (Starostin, ChEDb; Karlgren, GSR 0727 f). Vietnamese reading: tu 'o 'ng"army-leader, general". Sino-Tibetan *cäij "bring, arrange" > Old Chinese M *catj "to bring, offer; take; arrange"; Tibetan achat} "to hold, to keep; to carry; to wear"; Burmese charj "to make, construct, arrange"; Kachin lojarj, hjarj "to arrange"; Lushai cat} (can) "to receive or get"; Yamphu carjma "to bring or take smth. out" (Coblin 1986, 94; CVSTIV, 43). 41 Chinese W jün "army, troops" < Late Middle Chinese *kyn < Early Middle Chinese *kun (Pulleyblank 1991,169) - Middle Chinese *kün < Postclassic Chinese *kun < Han Chinese *kun < Classic Old Chinese *kun < Preclassic Old Chinese *kur (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0458 a). Note: Vietnamese reading quart. 42 Chinese M wän "to be ten-thousand, myriad" < Late Middle Chinese *vjyanV*oa:n < Early Middle Chinese *muanh (Pulleblank 1991, 318) < Middle Chinese *mw3n < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *mw3n < Early Postclassic Chinese *mwän < Eastern Han Chinese *mwanh < Western Han Chinese *manh < Classic Old Chinese *manh < Preclassic Old Chinese *mans (—rs) [Bronze inscriptions, 1050-770 BCE; ShTjTng, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0267 a-b). Schuessler (2007, 507): Middle Chinese *mjwenc < Later Han Chinese *muanc < Old Chinese *mans. Baxter& Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *mjonH< Old Chinese *C.ma[nJ-s. Note: Shijing occurrences: 38.1, 38.2. Also used for a homonymous *mans (~ -rs) "a ritual dance". Standard Sino-Vietnamese is van (there also is a variant van). Vietnamese reading: muon. For *m- cf. Guangzhou man32, Xiamen man32, Chaozhou buetf. Chinese > Siamese hminB "10 000". Sino-Tibetan parallels are uncertain: Tibetan 'bum "100 000"; Kachin h3'-mun "10 000" (or early loans from Chinese?-see Schuessler 2007, 507). B. Chinese loanwords in Tocharian 45 reconstructions and the word M wan "10 000" was not included in their book (2014). It is possible to seek only an indirect witness about a determination of this prefix from its discussion by Baxter & Sagart (2014, 172). For Chinese 4st wen43 "mosquito" they reconstruct Middle Chinese *mjun < Old Chinese *C.m3[rJ with early loan in (or from?) proto-Vietic *t.mu:l "midge". In any case, this initial *t- may indicate a similar prefix in M wan "10 000". But the hypothetical protoform *tman cannot explain Tocharian B tmane, nor the Turkic forms. To explain the Turkic forms of this numeral from Chinese, Blochet (1915, 307, fn. 2) sought a source in the Chinese compound duo/duo44 wan "many ten thousand" or "all the ten thousand". It is apparent, already from the Middle Chinese stage, the vowel was reconstructed as a/a, earlier aj. None of these possibilities allow us to explain the vocalism in Turkic or Tocharian numerals "10 000". From the point of view of vocalism a more promising solution could be a compound xHM zhdng45 wan "all ten thousand", reconstructible as Classic Old Chinese *tunhmanh by Starostin for the period from the 6th to 3rd cent. BCE, i.e. including the probable time of disintegration of Tocharian A and B, dated to c. 400 BCE according to our glottochronological test. This solution implies simplification *-nhm- > *-m-. But it cannot be explained in Tocharian, because the cluster -fikm- has been preserved here, cf. Am-participle lahkmam from lank- "to hang, dangle" (Malzahn 2010, 840 and 983 about the development of the cluster -fikC- in general). These problems with vocalism and internal clusters are eliminated, if one of the following compounds is taken in account: JH M zhou46 wan "all round ten thousand" or "complete ten thousand" < Preclassic Old Chinese Humans. j'HM zhou41 wan "community of ten thousand {persons}" < Preclassic Old Chinese Humans. 43 Cf. the reconstruction of Starostin, differing in final *-n from the final *-r by Baxter & Sagart: Chinese !&St wen "mosquito" [Late Zhou] < Middle Chinese *mün < Postclassic Chinese *mhwin < Eastern Han Chinese *mhwsn < Western Han Chinese *mhan < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *mhan (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0475 k-1). Note: For *mh- cf. Chaozhou bun'; Shaowu man7. Sino-Tibetan: Lepcha tük-men, türj-men "the white ant when they have obtained their wings, the flying white ant"; Kiranti: Sunwar mimti, Tulung mundi "white ant", Kaling mtindi "a large flying ant", Yamphu minjuwa "fly". 44 Chinese ^ duo & duo "to be much, many, all the..." < Middle Chinese *tä < Postclassic Chinese *tä < Eastern Han Chinese *tä < Western Han Chinese *täj < Classic Old Chinese *täj < Preclassic Old Chinese *täj [Oracle bone inscriptions, 1250-1050 BCE; Bronze inscriptions, 1050-770 BCE; Shijing, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0003 a-c). Schuessler (2007,220): Middle Chinese *tä < Later Han Chinese *tai < Old Chinese *täi < *tlai. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *ta < Old Chinese *[t.l]'aj. Reconstructions with the initial *tl- should be supported by proto-Tai *hlatil and proto-Hlai *l?ooi' "(how) many" (Schuessler 2007,220). But there are Sino-Tibetan cognates which do not confirm the initial lateral in Chinese: Burmese taj "very"; Lushai: te?"much, very much"; Mikir the "big"; Rawang the; Gurung tha' "great" (Benedict 1972, 66; CVST11, 113-14). 45 Chinese W. zhdng "to be numerous, all; multitude, common (people)" < Late Middle Chinese *tgiwn < Early Middle Chinese *teuwn (Pulleyblank 1991, 411) ~ Middle Chinese *cun < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *ciirj < Early Postclassic Chinese *ciun < Eastern Han Chinese *caunh < Western Han Chinese *taunh < Classic Old Chinese *turjh < Preclassic Old Chinese *tuns [Oracle bone inscriptions, 1250-1050 BCE; Bronze inscriptions, 1050-770 BCE; Shijing, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1010 a-d). Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *tsyuwngX < Old Chinese *tuns. Note: Shijing occurrences: 54.3. Vietnamese reading: chüng. Sino-Tibetan *Ton ( ~ s-) "thousand" > Old Chinese W. *tuns "numerous, multitude"; Tibetan stoij "thousand"; Burmese thaurj "1000" < Lolo-Burmic *sturj. Cf. also Trungft tun rjai "1 000", ti tun gra "10 000", where ti means "one". (Shafer 1974, 45; Benedict 1972, 21; CVSTU, 182). 46 Chinese Ml zhou "circle" [Lyi "Record of Rites", 5th-4thcent. BCE]; "bend or curve (of the road)" [Shijing, 1050-600 BCE], "all round, complete" [Zuözhuän "Comments of Zuo", describing the period 722^168 BCE]; "everywhere" [7/7/""Ceremonies and Rites", originating in the 5th cent. BCE?]; "universally" [Shijing, 1050-600 BCE], "great" [Shijing, 1050-600 BCE]; 'Zhou Dynasty' [Shijing, 1050-600 BCE] < Middle Chinese *cdw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *caw < Early Postclassic Chinese *ciw < Eastern Han Chinese *caw < Western Han Chinese *taw < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *tu (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1083 a-e). Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *tsyuw < Old Chinese *tiw. Note: Starostin added following comments: The rhymes in Shijing are controversial and make us suspect that the word originally had two readings: a) *tu with the meaning "curve (of the road), circle (of the road)" (cf. the rhyme in 123.2); b) *tiw with the meaning 'Zhou' (territory, state and dynasty) (cf. the rhyme in 153.2). 47 Chinese JM zhou "province" [Shüjing "Book of Documents", 5th-4thcent. BCE], "district" [Zh5uli"Rites of Zhou, 2nd cent. BCE]; "islet in stream" [Shijing, 1050-600 BCE]; "congregation" [Guöyü "Discourse of the States, 46 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations The final *-s, reconstructible only for the oldest stage of development of Chinese, dated to the 6th cent. BCE and earlier, might have caused integration of the Tocharian numeral "10 000" into the paradigm of the IE o-stems. Further see a rich survey of reflexes of this cultural word in Turkic, Mongolic, Tungusic, Iranian and other languages collected by Doerfer (TMENll, 633-42). Tremblay (2001, 26-27) summarized older alternative explanations. 28. Tocharian A trunk, B trohk* "hollow, cave", B trohktse (adj.) "hollow" (Adams 2013, 341) < Early Middle Chinese *trhuwn (Pulleyblank) or Clasic Old Chinese *thrun (Starostin; Schuessler). Chinese ü& chöng, chöng "empty, hollow" < Late Middle Chinese Viwn < Early Middle Chinese *trhuwn (Pulleyblank 1991, 410, 57) ~ Middle Chinese *thün < Late Postclassic Chinese *thun < Early Postclassic Chinese *thiun < Han Chinese *thdun < Clasic & Preclasic Old Chinese *thrun (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1007 o). Schuessler (2009, 191, §15-6 o): Middle Chinese *thjun < Later Han Chinese *thun < Old Chinese *thrun. Note: Also read Old Chinese *dhrun, Middle Chinese dün id. Modern zhöng is secondary (on analogy with ^). Sino-Tibetan *thuan (~ *dh-)\ Tibetan don "a deep hole, pit, ditch", ston "empty, clear, hollow", stons "to make empty", Burmese twanh "hole in the ground, pit", thwanh "to make a hole"; Rawang dun-; Trung dun1 "cave" (Shafer 1974, 51; Benedict 1972, 45; CVSTll, 168). Comments: The chronological determination of this borrowing depends on reconstruction of *tr- in development of Chinese: according to Pulleyblank it was in the end of the 6th cent. CE, while Starostin and Schuessler date it before 200 BCE. Lit.: Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 263: Tocharian < pre-Han Old Chinese. 29. Tocharian B tsum "inch" (Adams 2013, 810) < Late Middle Chinese *tshun (Pulleyblank). Chinese \t" cün "thumb, inch, measure of length [Late Zhou]; little, short" < Late Middle Chinese *tshun < Early Middle Chinese *tshwdrf (Pulleyblank 1991, 67) ~ Middle Chinese *chdn < Postclassic Chinese *chwin < Han Chinese *chw§nh < Classic Old Chinese *chw§nh < Pre-classic Old Chinese *chüns (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0431 a-b). Schuessler (2009, 339, §34-27 a): Middle Chinese *tshw3nc < Old Northwest Chinese *tshon < Later Han Chinese *tshu3nc < Old Chinese *tshuns. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 31-32, 80, 155): Middle Chinese *tshwonH < Old Chinese *[tsh]su[n]-s. Sino-Tibetan *ch[ü]n (~ -t) > Old Chinese \t" *chüns "thumb, inch"; 'hf *chün?"'to measure, consider"; Burmese chunh "to measure a distance; to cut"; Kachin cen "an inch" (CVST IV, 38). Comments: The initial *sh- reconstructed for various stages of Chinese preceding Middle Chinese by Starostin (ChEDb) should apparently be corrected to *ch-. This initial is reconstructed by Starostin himself in a survey of Sino-Tibetan cognates. Lit.. Schmidt 1999b, 19; Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 266: Tocharian < Chinese. 30. Tocharian B tsydhk "sauce made from beans" or "wild rice" (Adams 2013, 814) < Early Middle Chinese *tsianh (Pulleyblank) ~ Middle Chinese *tsjanc (Schuessler). Chinese If jidng "sauce made from grains or beans" < Late Middle Chinese *tsians < Early Middle Chinese *tsianh (Pulleyblank 1991, 150) ~ Middle Chinese *tsjanc < Later Han Chinese *tsianc < *tsanh (Schuessler 2009, 86, §3-49 y; GSR 0727 y). Lit.: Ching & Ogihara 2012, 91, 109: Tocharian < Chinese. compiled in the 5thcent. BCE, but summarizes events already from the 10thcent. BCE]; "village consisting of 2500 families" < Middle Chinese *caw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *caw < Early Postclassic Chinese *ciw < Eastern Han Chinese *caw < Western Han Chinese *taw < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *tu (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1086 a-c). Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *tsyuw < Old Chinese *tu. Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan mdo "district, province, end ". Note: Vietnamese reading: chäu. B. Chinese loanwords in Tocharian 47 31. Tocharian B tsyankune "general" (Adams 2013, 814) < Early Middle Chinese ^tsiatfkun (Pulleyblank). Chinese ^ jiäng4* jün49 "general". Lit.: Ching 2011, 66: Tocharian < Early Middle Chinese. 32. Tocharian B wänk- "to prepare" (Adams 2013,641) < Postclassic or Han Chinese *wen (Starostin) Chinese ft ying "to lay out, plan, build; military camp" < Late Middle Chinese *jyajn < Early Middle Chinese *jwiajn (Pulleyblank 1991, 375) ~ Middle Chinese *jwen < Postclassic Chinese *wen < Han Chinese *wen < Classic & Preclassical Old Chinese *wen (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0843 f). Comments: The Vietnamese loanword (having a later derived meaning "palace; military camp") is colloquial; regular Sino-Vietnamese is doanh. Vietnamese reading: dinh. Sino-Tibetan *qwen (~ Gw-) "round, surround" > Chinese ft *wen "to demarcate, to encamp; to surround"; Tibetan sgon "to make round, globular"; Burmese waunh "to be round, to surround, as a forest" (CVSTN, 158). Lit.: Lubotsky 1998, 381: Tocharian < Postclassic or Han Chinese. 33. Tocharian Ayäppäk, Byäpko "duke, count palatine, sub-king" (Adams 2013, 528-29) < Later Han Chinese *hipgo < pre-Han Chinese *hdpgö (Schuessler) ~ Classic Old Chinese *h9pg(h)5 (Starostin). Chinese Jtfcli xi50 hou51 "leader among the western barbarians", namely JR52 Ür53 Kängjü (Han *khänkd), ,l|54 Jf;55 Wüsün (Western Han *?ä(s)w§ri), and H56 ft57 Yuezhi (Western Han *tjwat-g(h)e) in Hanshu, 'Book of {Former} Han', later "leader of the five divisions of Yuezhi". 48 Chinese M jiäng & jiäng "to take smth. or smb. along, to lead along; intend to; to take, hold, support; to go with, lead on, advance; course; commander, military leader, general" < Late Middle Chinese *tsians < Early Middle Chinese *tsianh (Pulleyblank 1991, 150) - Middle Chinese *cjarj & *cjarj < Postclassic Chinese *cjarj < Eastern Han Chinese *cjarj < Western Han Chinese *carj < Classic Old Chinese *carj < Preclassic Old Chinese *carj & *carjs (Starostin, ChEDb; Karlgren, GSR 0727 f). Vietnamese reading: tu 'o 'ng"army-leader, general". Sino-Tibetan *cän "bring, arrange" > Old Chinese M *catj "to bring, offer; take; arrange"; Tibetan achat} "to hold, to keep; to carry; to wear"; Burmese chat} "to make, construct, arrange"; Kachin lojatj, hjay "to arrange"; Lushai can (can) "to receive or get"; Yamphu carjma "to bring or take smth. out" (Coblin 1986, 94; CVSTIV, 43). 49 Chinese W jün "army, troops" < Late Middle Chinese *kyn < Early Middle Chinese *kun (Pulleyblank 1991, 169) -Middle Chinese *kiin < Postclassic Chinese *kun < Han Chinese *kun < Classic Old Chinese *kun < Preclassic Old Chinese *kur (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0458 a). Note: Vietnamese reading quän. 50 Chinese M. xi "to contract, draw in" < Late & Early Middle Chinese *xip (Pulleyblank 1991, 332) - Middle Chinese *xjap < Later Han Chinese *hip < Old Chinese *hap [Zhuängzi, i.e. '{Work of} Master Zhuang', 369-301/295/286 BCE] (Schuessler 2009, 354, §37-1; GSR 0675 s). 51 Chinese fü höu "target" [ShJjJng]; "target shooter, archer" > "feudal lord" [Oracle bone inscriptions, 1250-1050 BCE; bronze inscriptions, 1050-770 BCE; ShTjTng, 1050-600 BCE]; "border guard" [Guöyü] < Late Middle Chinese *x/igw < Early Middle Chinese *yaw (Pulleyblank 1991, 125) - Middle Chinese *yaw < Postclassic Chinese *gwä (~ *y-) < Han Chinese *gwä (~ *y-) < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *g(h)5 (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0113 a-d). Schuessler (2007,279): Middle Chinese *yauc < Later Han Chinese *goc < Old Chinese *go. Notes: In older parts of Shijing used for *g(h)5- a personal existential copula ("he/she/it has, is"). Shijing occurrences: 7.1, 7.2, 7.3, 13.1, 13.2, 24.2, 24.3, 54.1, 57.1. Vietnamese reading: hau. 52 Chinese M käng "to be at ease, have peace of mind; be prosperous, healthy; tranquility, peace; prosperity" < Late & Early Middle Chinese *khän (Pulleyblank 1991, 171) - Middle Chinese *khäij < Old Han-Preclassic Chinese *khät} (Starostin, ChEDb). 53 Chinese jgr jü "to stay at, remain, dwell; part" < Late Middle Chinese *kia/*ky3 < Early Middle Chinese *MS (Pulleyblank 1991, 162) - Middle Chinese *ko < Postclassic Chinese *ko < Han-Preclassic Chinese *ka (Starostin, ChEDb). 54 Chinese ,i| wü "crow", later also "black" < Middle Chinese *?o < Postclassic Chinese *?ö < Han Chinese *?ä < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *?ä (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0061 a-c). Comments: Vietnamese reading: 6. Sino-Tibetan *yä "crow, raven" > Old Chinese ,ll *?ä "crow, raven", besides St *?rä "raven, crow"; Tibetan kha-tha "crow, raven"; Burmese kjih-?a "raven; to caw"; Kachin u2-kha' "crow, raven"; Kiranti *gä(k) id.; Rawang than-kha; Trung tak-ka "crow" (Benedict 1972, 100; CVSTV, 35). 55 Chinese 1$ sün "grandson, descendant" < Middle Chinese *son < Postclassic Chinese *swSn < Eastern Han Chinese *wSn < Western Han Chinese *(s)wSn < Classic Old Chinese *(s)wSn < Preclassic Old Chinese *sw(h)Sn (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0434 a-c). Sino-Tibetan *sü "grandchild" > Old Chinese 1$ *sün (? *swm) "grandson, granddaughter"; Kachinsu" "grandchild"; Kuki-Chin *su "grandchild"; Lepchazon "grandchild" (?); Bodo-Garo: DimasasM, Bodo sou; MMr su; Meithei™ (Benedict 1972, 27, 158; CVST TV, 122). 48 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations Comments: The term was first used in 'Book of {Former} Han' in description of events attested in the 1st cent. BCE. During the 1st mill. CE the title became widespread in Central Asiatic languages: 1st cent. CE - Prakrit (Brahmi script) yavuga -yaiia [coins of Kujula Kadphises, 30-80 CE], & 2nd cent. CE - Prakrit (Kharosti script) jauva- [inscription from Taxila/ Taksasila] (Sims-Williams & de la Vaissiere 2007, 314); 2nd cent. CE - Bactrian mPyo (Sims-Williams 2007, 215); 7th cent. CE - Tocharian Ayappdk, B yapko (Adams 2013, 528); 7th cent. CE - Sogdian ypyw [Karabalgasun inscription]; cpyw /jabyu/[coins from CacJ, & 9th cent. CE -jfiyw /zaflyuf [title of the ruler of Parvan/Aqsu in the Manichean hymn-book Mahr-ndmag]; yfiyw [a part of a Turkic personal name] (Sims-Williams & de la Vaissiere 2007,314-17); 8th cent. CE - Old Turkic, Old Uyghur yabyu "high degree or title" (Clauson 1972, 873; Rasanen 1969, 176). Pulleyblank speculated about a source transcribed in Han Chinese *nheap-goh in his reconstruction from 1962-63, 95. Adams (2013, 528) thought about a source of the type Old Chinese *hjep-yu after Karlgren (GSR 675 s + 0113 a-d). These reconstructions are outdated now. Unfortunately, Starostin did not include this word and its character in his Chinese Etymological Database, but to judge from his reading of a related character, m xi "to bring together, get together, conform, be concordant", it is probable that the reading was *hap for the Han, Classic & Preclassic periods. Thus, Schuessler's and Starostin's reconstructions of pre-Han Chinese title *hdpgo and *hapg(h) o respectively, interpretable perhaps as "leader in concordance" vel sim., are practically identical. Note: Adams (2013, 529) thinks that the Tocharian Ayappdk, B yapko < Common Tocharian *ydp(d)ku- may be etymologized as an agent noun derived from Tocharian Aype, B yapoy "land, country". But this solution is not compatible with the possibility of identifying in Tocharian Aype, B yapoy a borrowing from Middle / Postclassic Chinese eh, *?ip or Han / Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *?ap "settlement, town, city; district; principality" (see below). 34. Tocharian Bydywyem "convoy" (Adams 2013, 532) < Early Middle Chinese *?aipwunh (Pulleyblank) or Postclassic Chinese *?dpwin (Starostin). Chinese fflM yd5iiyun59 "protecting the conveyance". Lit.: Ching & Ogihara 2012, 93: Tocharian < Middle Chinese. 35. Tocharian Aydmutsi, Bydmuttsi "a kind of waterfowl" (Adams 2013, 532) < Middle Chinese *?ainmticji (Starostin) ~ *?dijnmuFtsf (Pulleyblank). 56 Chinese E yue "moon; month" < Middle Chinese *ipvat < Postclassic Chinese *nwat < Han Chinese *ipvat < Classic Old Chinese *rjwat < Preclassic Old Chinese *rjot (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0306 a-f). Comments: Min forms: Xiamen ge?8, rje?, Chaozhou gue?, Fuzhou nuok8, Jianou rjiie8. Vietnamese reading: nguyet. 57 Chinese K shi "clan, family; a honorific suffixed to place names, kinship terms, feudal and official titles"; zhl in the ethnonym Yuezhi < Middle Chinese *je < Postclassic Chinese *g(h)je < Eastern Han Chinese *g(h)je < Western Han Chinese *g(h)e < Classic Old Chinese *g(h)e < Preclassic Old Chinese *g(h)e? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0867 a-c). Schuessler (2009, 121, §7-6): -zhi < Middle Chinese *-tsje < Eastern Han *-tse < *-kie < Old Chinese *-ke. 58 Chinese ff yä "to seal, stamp; signature, mark; pawn, pledge" < Late Middle Chinese *?jäp < Early Middle Chinese *?aip (Pulleyblank 1991, 354) ~ Middle Chinese *?ap < Postclassic Chinese *?ap < Han Chinese *?räp < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *?räp (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0629 h). 59 Chinese )S,yün "to move, transfer, activate; (movement >) fate" < Late Middle Chinese *yn' < Early Middle Chinese *wunh (Pulleyblank 1991, 390) ~ Middle Chinese */iiin < Postclassic Chinese *wm < Han Chinese *w3nh < Classic Old Chinese *wanh < Preclassic Old Chinese *wdrs (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0458 d). Note: Vietnamese reading van. B. Chinese loanwords in Tocharian 49 Chinese IHi^f jfrag60 w61 zf>2 "parrot"+"parrot"+"child". Comments: Already Poucha (1933, 88-89; 1955, 240) thought about Chinese origin via Sog-dian 'ym'wtsy/imutsi/"parrot" (Gharib 1995, #2176), citing the compound llll^ ying-wou-tsi. Let us mention that in Chinese the word means "parrot" and its correct pinyin transcription is yingwuzi, where the individual components mean "parrot"-"parrot"-"child" respectively. Adams mentions that the first syllable of the Chinese word does not match the Tocharian ornithonym. This is true for modern Chinese, but Middle Chinese (6th-10th cent. CE) *?airjmücji quoted by Lubotsky & Starostin (2003, 262-63) or Early Middle Chinese *?3ijnmu3'tsi' in reconstruction of Pulleyblank (1991) really could be a source of both Sogdian and Tocharian words. 36. Tocharian Aype, nom.-acc. pi. ypeyu; Byapoy, acc.pl. ypauna "land, country" (Adams 2013, 520: *H\ep-o-uen-, pi. *H\ep-o-uneH2, with survey of preceding etymological attempts) < Middle Chinese *?ip (Pulleyblank; Starostin; Baxter & Sagart) or Han & pre-Han Old Chinese *?ap (Starostin). Chinese b yi "settlement, town, city; district; principality" < Late & Early Middle Chinese *?ip (Pulleyblank 1991, 371) ~ Middle Chinese *?ip < Postclassic Chinese *?ip < Han Chinese *?ap < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *?ap [Oracle bone inscriptions, 1250-1050 BCE; Bronze inscriptions, 1050-770 BCE; Shying, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0683 a-e). Schuessler (2007, 568-69): Middle Chinese *?j9p < Later Han Chinese *?ip < Old Chinese *?ap. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *';> < Old Chinese *q(r)[d]p. Note: Vietnamese reading: dp. Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan khab "court, residence of a prince" (CVSTV, 36: *yäp ~ *yep). Note: There is an alternative, Indo-European etymology, based on Old High German -eiba "Gau, Land", e.g. in Wetareiba or Wingarteiba, Langobardic -aib, e.g. mAntaib, Bainaib, Bur-gundaib [Origo Gentis Langobardorum, c. 2; Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum 1.13] < Germanic *aibö, and perhaps Vedic ibha- "servants, domestics, household, family" (Liden 1897, 52; Falk & Torp 1909, 557; KEWA I, 90). The Germanic, Vedic and Tocharian counterparts would form the apophonic opposition *H]oibh-/*H1ibh- vs. *HJ,ebh- respectively. Common Tocharian *idp° could be a source of Old Chinese *?ap, whose character63 is attested already in the oracle bone inscriptions from the period 1250-1050 BCE. If it is the case, the term would have been adopted from Early Common Tocharian into Old Chinese already in the time of their first contacts. In this case, isolated Tibetan khab "court, residence of a prince" would not be a cognate of the Chinese word. Lit.: Naert 1964, 257: Tocharian < Chinese. 60 Chinese Whying "parrot" < Late Middle Chinese *?ja:jrj < Early Middle Chinese *?aijn/*?e:jn (Pulleyblank 1991, 374) ~ Middle Chinese *?airj < Postclassic Chinese *?ierj < Eastern Han Chinese *?rierj < Western Han Chinese Vreij < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *Prerj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0814 g). Schuessler (2009, 137, §9-10 g): Middle Chinese *?en < Late Han Chinese *?en < Old Chinese *?ren. Sino-Tibetan: Kachin ukhrirj' "a small parrot" (CVSTV, 39). 61 Chinese SI wü "parrot / Psittacus erithacus" < Late Middle Chinese *ujy3'/*uu3' < Early Middle Chinese *mu3' (Pulleyblank 1991, 326) ~ Middle Chinese *mii < Postclassic Chinese *m(h)wd < Eastern Han Chinese *m(h) wä < Western Han Chinese *m(h)a < Classic Old Chinese *m(h)a < Preclassic Old Chinese *m(h)a? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0104 f). Schuessler (2009, 62, §1-71 f): Middle Chinese *mjuB < Later Han Chinese *mua < Old Chinese *ma?. Sino-Tibetan: Tibetanrma-bja "peacock"; Bodo msy-ra "peacock" (CVST1, 17). 62 Chinese zi "child, son, daughter, young person; prince; a polite substitute for 'you'" < Late Middle Chinese *tsz' < Early Middle Chinese *tsi'/*tsi' (Pulleyblank 1991, 420) - Middle Chinese *cji < Postclassic Chinese *cji < Eastern Han Chinese *cji < Western Han Chinese *ca < Classic Old Chinese *ca < Preclassic Old Chinese *ca? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0964 a-j). Schuessler (2009, 102, §4-47 a): Middle Chinese *tsiB < Later Han Chinese *tsiB < Old Chinese *tsa?. Note: Vietnamese reading: tu''. Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan cha "grandchild; nephew, brother's son", bca "to bear"; Burmese sah "son" < Lolo-Burmese *zax; Kachin so4 "a child"; Lushai_/ö "an off-spring, a child; nephew"; Kiranti *?c3; Tsangla zö-sö "child"; Bodo-Garo: Garo -sa; Dimasa -sa etc. (Shafer 1974, 436, 124: Benedict 1972, 27; Matisoff2003, 450; CVSTIV, 131). o 63 A The character b yi in the oracle bone inscriptions. 50 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations C. Borrowings from third party languages In this section are included the Tocharian-Chinese comparisons which are best explainable as borrowings from some third sources. In lemmas ##1,2 the primary donor-language would have been of Iranian origin, while in # 3 both the Tocharian and Chinese designations of "monkey" would have been borrowed from some Sino-Tibetan language different from Chinese. 1. Tocharian B ankwas(t), amkwas "asa foetida / Ferula foetida" (Adams 2013, 7). (i) Chinese Mf% e64 we/'65 "asafoetida" < Early Middle Chinese *?cujuf (Pulleyblank) < Post-classic Chinese *?dtjwij (Starostin) < Later Han Chinese *?a(i)tjui < Old Chinese *?dinw3i(h)/ nwds (Schuessler) ~ Old Chinese *q!a[)]Nqhujs (Baxter & Sagart). (ii) Chinese ifeK ydng66 kui61 "asafoetida" < Early Postclassic Chinese *?arj-gwis (Starostin). Comments: Bailey (1946, 786; 1979, 1) has demonstrated the Iranian origin of this cultural term, reconstructing a source in the form *ahgu-Jatu-, existing in Persian anguzad and the Iranian loan in Armenian angouzat, angzat, angouzataber "bearing silphium", where the second component should mean "gum, resin", cf. Persian zad "gum", Pashto zdwla "resin, pitch" (NEVP 105), Sanskrit jatu- "lac, gum" [Kausika-sutra] (MW 409). Lit.: Laufer 1919, 361 & Bailey 1946, 786: Tocharian + Chinese < Iranian; Pulleyblank 1962-63, 99, 217: Middle Chinese *iarj-giwi + Khotanese amgusdd + OldUyghur 'nk'pws "asafoetida"; Baxter 1992, 313 &Lubotsky 1998, 379: Tocharian + Chinese. 2. Tocharian A kdnk- (nom.pl. kdnkan) & kdnkuk were translated by Bailey apud Pulleyblank (1962-63, 247-48) as "stone". But in the most recent lexicon of Tocharian A these words are interpreted as "river; the river Gahga" and "designation of an auspicious sign on the body of the Buddha", borrowed from Sanskrit Gahga- 'Ganges' and kahkuka- "a kind of Panic seed" or kdhguka- "a kind of corn" respectively (DTA 109). With help of these Tocharian forms Pulleyblank (I.e.) tried to explain the name of the tribal federation called Kangju (jRJir kdng6iju69) according to "Book of {Former} Han ('/flllf Hanshu), describing the period from 206 BCE to 23 CE, which was written by Ban Biao, his son Ban Gu, 64 Chinese M e "slope, hill, high mound, river bank; to show partially; servile" < Late Middle Chinese *?a < Early Middle Chinese *?a (Pulleyblank 1991, 86) ~ Middle Chinese *?ä < Postclassic Chinese *?ä < Eastern Han Chinese *?ä < Western Han Chinese *?äj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *?äj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0001 m). Schuessler (2009,211, §18-1 m): Middle Chinese *?ä < Old Northwest Chinese *?a < Later Han Chinese *?a(i) < Old Chinese *?äi. Baxter& Sagart (2014, 121,271, 399, fn. 63): Middle Chinese *'a < Old Chinese *qfa[j]. Note: Shijing occurrences: 54.3, 56.2. Also read he and ä (he as a loan for |5j, ä as a transcription syllable) in Modern Chinese. During Late Zhou used also for a homonymous *?äj "pillar, ridge-pole". 65 Chinese It wei "high, exalted, majestic" [Late Zhou] < Late Middle Chinese *ijyj < Early Middle Chinese *ijujh (Pulleyblank 1991, 322) ~ Middle Chinese *ijwij < Postclassic Chinese *ijwij < Han Chinese *ijwaj < Classic Old Chinese *ijw3j < Preclassic Old Chinese *ijuj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0569 k). Schuessler (2009, 291, §28-1 k): Middle Chinese *rjjwei < Later Han Chinese *rjui < Old Chinese *rjw3i(h) or *ipvas. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 121): Middle Chinese *nhjw+jH< Old Chinese *N-qhuj-s. Note: Also read Old Chinese *ijuj-s > Middle Chinese *rjwij id. For *rj cf. Xiamen gui6, Chaozhou rjui4, gui6, Fuzhou rjui6. 66 Chinese ikyäng "middle, center, half; to ask" < Middle Chinese *?aij < Postclassic Chinese *?aij < Han Chinese *?aij < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *?aij (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0718 a-b). Note: Used also for a homonymous *?wj (also with a variant in Old Chinese *Prwj, Middle Chinese *?äirj) "to be tinkling, chiming, striking (e.g. bells)". Sino-Tibetan *?ärj "middle, centre" > Old Chinese ife *?arj "centre, middle"; Kachin: ga-arj' "a middle, midst, centre"; Shaiyang (Tani) aij "heart", Idu huij id. (CVSTV, 3). 67 Chinese H kui "box, coffer; defective, lacking" < Middle Chinese *gwi < Late Postclassic Chinese *gwi < Middle Postclassic Chinese *gwij < Early Postclassic Chinese *gwis < Eastern Han Chinese *grwas < Western Han Chinese *grwas < Classic Old Chinese *grv/3c < Preclassic Old Chinese *gruts (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0540 g). Sino-Tibetan *krüt (~ *k"rit) "box, receptacle" > Old Chinese H *gruts "box, basket"; Burmese krut "casket"; Lushai tot "a rectangular plaited plate or dish" (CVST V, 84). 68 Chinese M käng "to be at ease, have peace of mind; be prosperous, healthy; tranquility, peace; prosperity" < Middle Chinese *khätj < Old Han-Preclassic Chinese *khätj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 746 h). 69 Chinese jgr jü "to stay at, remain, dwell; part" < Middle Chinese *ko < Postclassic Chinese *ko < Han-Preclassic Chinese *ka (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0049 c'). I.C. Borrowings from third party languages 51 and finished by his sister Ban Zhao in 111 CE, §96A (cf. Hulsewé 1979, 124-25; Pulleyblank 1962-63, 94). The Kangju tribes were located between the Oxus and Iaxartes. He sought the following arguments for his 'stony'-etymology. Already in the mid-2nd cent. CE. in Sakaland Ptolemy [VI, 13.2] recorded AiOivot; nupyot;, 'Stone Tower' (Marquart 1901, 155; Humbach & Ziegler 1998, 176-77). The annals of Chinese dynasties of Sui and Tang mention the possession named Shi or '!||B# Zhěshí with a capital of the same name since the fifth century AD (Bičurin II, 242, 243, 264, 313). The name ShP° means "stone" in Chinese, while the name 'fUNf ZhěshP1, recorded also by the Buddhistic monk and pilgrim Xuánzáng (Ží^; 602 - 664 CE), corresponds to the non-Turkic and non-Chinese name Čáč12 or Sáš13 of the city and the area surrounding it. Pulleyblank (1962-63, 247) also mentioned the Chinese name of the area around Taškent, íJH shíguó14 "stony or rocky country", and the Turkic name of the city of Taškent itself: cf. Old Turkic (Orkhon) taš, Old & Modern Uyghur, Kirghiz taš, Uzbek taš, Kazakh tas, Turkmen dáš etc. "stone" (Rásánen 1969, 466) & Old Uyghur kánt, Middle Turkic kánd, kánt, Kazakh kent "city", Uzbek (arch.) kent "town, small city, big village" etc. (Rásánen 1969, 252; ESTJ4, 44) < Sogdian knS(h), qnO, knS(S) Ikanďtl or IkanOI (Gharib 1995, #4761), further Khotanese kanthá- "city", Zoroastrian Pahlavi Samar-kand ~ MapáicavSa [Plutarch], further New Persian kand "village", Pashto kandai "ward", Ossetic Iron leant "building" (Bailey 1979, 51). It is apparent that the To-charian etymology of Pulleyblank is wrong. But arguments for the primary "stony" semantics of Kangju are quite convincing. Amore appropriate candidate can be found in the Iranian languages: Pashto kanay m. "stone", Waziri konai id. < *karna-ka- (NEVP 39); Pamir: Shughni čin "a rocky slope, place in the hills which is difficult to pass" < *ka[r]nia-, Roshani *čáwn "steep slope", Yazghulami kawn "slope, canyon, abyss" < *karná- (Morgenstierne 1974, 26, 28; ESIJ4, 295). 3. Tocharian A mkow": pi. rnkowan and mkowy arámpát "simiae figura" (Poucha 1955, 233); B mokauška ~ mokomška ~ mokoška f, mokomske m. "monkey" (Adams 2013, 510; Van Winde-kens 1976, 299 projected A into Common Tocharian *muko or *moko, which would have been borrowed into B). Pelliot (1931, 450) and Luders (1933, 1018) connected the Tocharian forms with two Chinese designations of "monkey" from jfefB Shlji, finished 94 BCE, and iH* Hánshú, finished 111 CE (Hulsewé 1979, 107, fn. 222): (a) ;M% mú15 hóu16 "monkey" (Mathews 1960, 644, #4594.6), (b) 70 Chinese 5 shi "stone, rock" < Late Middle Chinese *g/iiajk < Early Middle Chinese *dziajk (Pulleyblank 1991: 283) = Middle Chinese *jek < Postclassic Chinese *jjek < Eastern Han Chinese *jiak < Western Han Chinese *diak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *diak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0795 a). 71 Consisting of these components: Chinese M zhe "reddish-brown; burnt ochre" < Late Middle Chinese *tgia < Early Middle Chinese *teia' (Pulleyblank 1991, 42) = Middle Chinese *cä < Postclassic Chinese *cä < Eastern Han Chinese *cä < Western Han Chinese *tiä < Classic Old Chinese *tiä < Preclassic Old Chinese *tia? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0045 d), & Chinese B# shi "season, time" < Late Middle Chinese *gfii < Early Middle Chinese *dzi/*dzi (Pulleyblank 1991, 282) = Middle Chinese *ji < Postclassic Chinese *j(h)i < Eastern Han Chinese *j(h)a < Western Han Chinese *d(h)3 < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *d(h)3 (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0961 z). 72 Sogdian c'c/Cäc/, c'c(y)ny/cac(e)ne/ 'from Cäc, i.e. Tashkent' (Gharib 1995, #3117). 73 In the inscription on the Ka'ba-ye Zardost at Naqs-e Rostam of the Sassanian king Sähpuhr I (reign 240/42 -270/72 CE) the toponym was recorded in the Greek transcription as TaaTanvfji; and in Parthian as s'ssftn?] / Cäcestänl (Tremblay 2004, 127). Following Gershevits, Livshits (2007,179) thinks that Cäc originally designated the Aral sea and only later the name was shifted to the Tashkent oasis. He derives Cäc from hypothetical Iranian *cäica-, reconstructed after Avestan lake called Caecista- [Yast 9.18, 22]). 74 Chinese H gud "state, country, homeland, kingdom" < Late Middle Chinese *kuSk < Early Middle Chinese *kwsk (Pulleyblank 1991, 116) ~ Middle Chinese *kwAk < Postclassic Chinese *kw§k < Han Chinese *kwSk < Classic Old Chinese *kw§k < Preclassic Old Chinese *k"Sk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0929 o-p). Note: Shijingoccurrences: 31.1. Vietnamese reading: qudc. 75 Chinese Pf. mil "to wash hair" [ShJjJng], "to put in order, prepare" [Liji "Record of Rites", 5th"4thcent. BCE] < Late Middle Chinese *mawk < Early Middle Chinese *mawk (Pulleyblank 1991, 220) ~ Middle Chinese *muk < Late Postclassic Chinese *m(h)wök < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *m(h)ök < Han Chinese *m(h)ök < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *m(h)5k (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1212 e). 76 Chinese KM hdu "monkey" [Late Zhou] < Late Middle Chinese *xßdw < Early Middle Chinese *yaw (Pulleyblank 1991,125) ~ Middle Chinese *yxw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *gSw < Early Postclassic Chinese *göw 52 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations mf hóu "rhesus monkey, macaque" (Pulleyblank 1991, 213). It is possible to add (c) # H müls hóu "female monkey" (first "Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters", t&JCM-^f1 Shuowén jiězi [lOA: 4422b], finished c. 100 CE; see Hulsewé 1979, 107, fn. 222). At least the compounds (a) & (b) are known already from the Han texts (Pelliot, I.e.). They can be projected in development of Chinese as follows: (a) W$k Early Middle Chinese *m9wky9w (Pulleyblank) ~ Middle Chinese *mukyAw < Han Chinese *m(h)ökgwä < pre-Han Old Chinese *m(h)ökgö (Sta-rostin); (b) ÖfH Early Middle Chinese *mji(š)y9w (Pulleyblank) ~ Middle Chinese *jw/ey Middle Chinese *mje, and *m(h) ej?> Middle Chinese *miej id. Shijing occurrences: 34.2, 43.1._ 78 Chinese fifc mü "mother; female" < Late Middle Chinese *msw '< Early Middle Chinese *mgw' (Pulleyblank 1991, 219) ~ Middle Chinese *mxw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *m£w < Early Postclassic Chinese *mOw < Han Chinese *ma < Classic Old Chinese *ma < Preclassic Old Chinese *mS? [Oracle bone inscriptions; Shying] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0947 a-e). Baxter & Sagart (2014): Middle Chinese *muwX< Old Chinese *ms? (or *m'o? 1). Note: For initial *m- cf. Min forms: Xiamen bo3, Chaozhou bo3, Fuzhou, Jianou mu3. Vietnamese reading: mäu. Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan ma "mother" & rmo "grandmother"; Burmese maj "mother" < Lolo-Burmese *ma; Lepcha mo, a-mo "mother"; Kiranti *mä; Bodo-Garo: Garo ama, Bodo mä "mother"; Kanauri ama; Lepcha amo; Bahing smo, Vayu umu; Digaro na-ma, Dhimal ama; Chepang ma (Benedict 1972, 148; CVST1, 17). I.D. Uncertain and problematic Tocharian - Chinese comparisons 53 D. Uncertain and problematic Tocharian - Chinese comparisons This section consists of rather heterogenous and ambiguous comparisons. From 14 terms analyzed here there are 4 animal-names (c. 29%), but each with own scenario: "goose" (#2) and "dog" (#3a) are convincingly connected with their relatives in their own language families and any Tocharian-Chinese relation is thinkable only on the level of Indo-European and Sino-Tibetan protolanguages or their predecessors. On the other hand, a younger synonym for dog (#3b), Chinese *ancu "iron" (DTA 6; Poucha 1955, 3); B encu-wo ~incuwo "iron", adj. encuwanne nom.-obl.sg.m., encuwannanom.sg.f. (Adams 2013, 84-85: Common Tocharian *encuwan-). The Common Tocharian designation of "iron" is reconstructible as *cencwo; cf. Tocharian A kdntu, B kantwo "tongue" < Common Tocharian *kdntwo < *kantwd < *tankwd < *dnghua, probably representing a merger of a- and ora-stems (Hilmarsson 1986, 18, 151, 246). (a) It can represent an adaptation of the Chinese compound BjtSS an19 zhiim "dark cast iron" < Middle Chinese *? A an-, B en-, may be (i) the Tocharian intensive prefix continuing IE *Hpn- "in" (cf. A anapdr/anaprd, B enepre "in front of, in face of - see DTA 8; Adams 2013, 89) or (ii) the negative prefix *n- (cf. A ansar/ amsar{l), B ehcare "disagreeable, unpleasant, unfriendly, unwelcome" < *encdncare vs. cahcare / cincare "lovely, agreeable, charming, delightful, tender", from the verb cdnk- "to please" - see 79 Chinese Bf an "dark" < Middle Chinese *?Am < Postclassic Chinese *?am < Han Chinese *?Smh < Classic Old Chinese *?Smh < Preclassic Old Chinese *?Sms (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0653 h). Cf. also the Vietnamese reading am. 80 Chinese Ii zhü "to cast (metal), casted, casting (metal)" < Late Middle Chinese *tgya* < Early Middle Chinese *teuäh (Pulleyblank 1991, 415; GSR 1090 a'-d) < East Han Chinese *tsoc < Old Chinese [bronze inscriptions of Western Zhou] *toh (Schuessler 2007, 627) ~ *tu-s (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014). 54 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations Adams 2013, 83, 272; Hilmarsson 1991, 180-81). In case (i) the formation "in cast iron" could perhaps express *"{made} of cast iron". On the contrary in case (ii) the formation with the privative prefix would determine that it is not made of cast iron, i.e. it belongs to the 'normal' iron. (b) Alternatively, a source could also be one of the Sino-Tibetan designations of "iron", reconstructed as *samil "iron". It is attested in three branches: Lolo-Burmese *sam > Old Burmese sam, sam, New Burmese 6a, Akha sm, Lahu so, Naxi Lijiang^w, Hani Mojiangyw, Jinuo, Yi Wud-ing ee, Yi Xide gui du, Lisu xwd, Ahi ho, Lolopho ho "iron" | Nungish: Rawang sam, dial, slam "iron; sword", Trung cam "iron" | Qiangic: Rgyarungsom, Daofu (= Horpa) teo, Namuyi^w, Liisu siu, Sixing of Muli go, Pumi of Jinghua^a, Ergong teo, Queyu of Yajiang£<5 id. etc., plus Tangut sion "iron" (Benedict 1972, 53, 91; Shafer 1974, 359; Matisoff 2003, 255, 257; Kepping 1999, 237). A hypothetical source of the Tocharian-Khwarezmian isogloss could be reconstructed as *?atj-cu or *?atj-cwo, where the second component was a predecessor of such Lolo-Burmese forms as Lahu so, Naxi Lijiang su, Hani Mojiangyw, Jinuo, Yi Wuding ee, Yi Xide sui du, etc., or Qiangic forms as Daofu (= Horpa) teo, Namuyi su, Liisu sui, Sixing of Muli go, Pumi of Jinghua §5, Ergong teo etc. In the first component the Sino-Tibetan nominalizing prefix can be identified, which is known e.g. in Lolo-Burmese languages: Burmese ?9?im "sheath" vs. ?im "house"; Lahu o-sd "meat" vs. sd "animal, game"; Bisu ?arj-fd "meat" etc. In Bisu (Northern Thailand) the same prefix also forms adjectives, e.g. Pan-pluin "full", Parj-pldn "black" etc. (Benedict 1972, 121-23; Matisoff 2003, 108-09). The hypothetical formation *?atj-cu or *?atj-cwo would mean "of iron". To demonstrate that the idea of adoption of this hypothetical Lolo-Burmese formation by Tocharians is really possible, it is necessary to prove some historical contacts between the Tarim Basin and Yunnan with adjacent regions, where the Lolo-Burmese populations lived and live till the present time. The Chinese historical annals bear witness to foreign people living in Yunnan, called ll sdiS2. This ethnonym, 'Saka', had been used by Chinese historians to designate populations of Iranian origin from the Tarim Basin and partially from Central Asia too. The Chinese archaeologist Zhang Zengqi recognizes in bronze figures from Yunnan the 'animal style' typical for the Eurasian steppelands and Caucasoid features in the case of human figures. The drinking horns unearthed here are also characteristic e.g. for Scythians (Mallory & Mair 2000, 328-30). If these conclusions are correct, some Iranian (Saka?) tribes moved to Yunnan from the Tarim Basin during the 1st mill. BCE. With respect to their mobility they probably were able to keep the trade contacts with their homeland. It could be the same route which brought some names of exotic animals, e.g. "monkey", to the Tocharians from Lolo-Burmese populations83. Note: Other etymological attempts are discussed in details in the section Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals in light of etymology. 81 This metal-name can be connected with Sino-Tibetan *sim "black, dark" > Garo sim, Dimasa sim-ba ~ sum-ba, gisim ~gusum "black, blue, dark", Lushai Mm "dark(ness)" (Benedict 1972, 81, #380; Matisoff 2003, 271). 82 Chinese l£ säi & säi "to block (up), stop up, shut; a pass, strait; to fill" < Late Middle Chinese *sdšk < Early Middle Chinese *sak (Pulleyblank 1991, 271) ~ Middle Chinese *sa1c < Postclassic Chinese *sSk < Han Chinese *sSk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *sSk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0908 a; Bailey 1982, 7-8, 19). 83 The proto-Loloish compound *myok "monkey" + *'ko " rhesus monkey, macaque ", still surviving in Akha myo k oe (Bradley 1979, 296, ##23 & 26A), could represent a source of both the Chinese gloss ptfM múhóu < Middle Chinese *mukyAw < Han Chinese *m(h)ökgwä < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *m(h)ökgö (GSR 1212 e & 113 g; Starostin 1989, 676, 605, 697; ChEDb; Pulleyblank 1991, 220 & 125) and proto-Tocharian *moko > Amkow- (pi. mkowaň and mkowy arämpät "simiae figura") and B moko- (dim. mokomske) "monkey" (cf. also Blažek 1984, 390-391; 1997, 236-37; 2011, 32-34). I.D. Uncertain and problematic Tocharian - Chinese comparisons 55 2. Tocharian B kents ±"goose" (Adams 2013, 207). It was already Schlegel (1872, 26-27) who probably first connected the Indo-European orni-thonym *ghH2ens-M "goose" and its Chinese counterparts, Jfl yanS5 "wild goose" & ftl e86 "(domestic) goose". This comparison was repeated many times, e.g. by Conrady 1925, 13f; Jensen 1936, 142; Nehring 1936, 209-11; Ulenbrook 1967, 544. Only in 2011 a missing-link was discov-eried, namely Tocharian B kents*, attested as the gen.pl. kentsants (Adams 2011, 34-35, 39^11; 2013, 207). But it brings no solution. The Tocharian word cannot be borrowed into Chinese with respect to either its most archaic reconstruction *nmns (Starostin) or *C.[n]!rar-s (Baxter & Sagart) and Sino-Tibetan cognates Old Chinese Jfl *nmns "wild goose" (< *r-näns); Tibetan nan "goose"; Burmese nanh "goose, swan"; Kachin nan' "white-headed bungarus" (Shafer 1974, 36; Benedict 1972, 99, 155), derivable from Sino-Tibetan *nän(-s) "goose" (Starostin, ChEDb). Cf. also Austroasiatic *na:n "goose" (ibid.). Adams (2011, 34-35, 39^11; 2013, 207) tried to find an alternative counterpart in Chinese III hansl "pheasant feather; to take wing, soar" with regard to its 'Archaic' Chinese predecessor *ganh in reconstruction of Li. But deeper reconstructions, Preclassic Old Chinese *g(h)ärs by Starostin and *m-k!ar-s by Baxter & Sagart, plus their Sino-Tibetan cognates, exclude any deeper relations between Tocharian B kents and Chinese It hän. Summing up, any relation between the 84 IE nom. *g*f/2eres, gen. ^Hpsos > Vedic m. hamsä-, f. hamsi- "goose, gander, swan, flamingo or other aquatic bird" [RV] (EWAIII, 799); Greek *xav<; > %r\v, gen. yr\vó<;, Doric & Boeotian yax, gen. xavoq, Mycenaean gen. sg. ka-no, dat.pl. ka-si "goose" (Beekes 2010, 1630); Latin *hanser > unser "goose" with automatic lengthening before -ns- and rhotacism caused by levelling the cases: acc. *hanesem vs. gen. *hänsos —> acc. *hänserem (de Vaan 2008, 44); Celtic *gansT > Old Irishgéiss "swan"; Germanic *gans- "goose" > Old Norse gás, pi. gcess, Old English gös, West Frisian goes, Dutch, Old High German gans id. (Kroonen2013,168);Baltic *žans(i)-iá. > Lithuanian zí^zs, acc.sg. žqsj, nom.pl. (dial.) žqses, gen.pl. žqsíj, Latvian ziioss, acc. ziiosi (besides the e-stemzuose), Prussian sonsy "goose" (E 719) < *zansT (Derksen 2015, 514); Baltic > Finnish hanhi, Estonian hani id. (SKES 55); Slavic *ggsb "goose / Anser anser" > Bulgarian ggs (Djuvernua), besides standard gäska, Macedonianguska, Slovenian gôs, Slovak hus, Old Czech hus, Czech husa, dial, hus, Upper Sorbian pi. husy, Lower Sorbian gus, Polabian. ggs, Pomerian Slovinciangös, Polishgeš, Old Russiangrsb, Russianguš, Ukrainian, Belorussian hus id. (ESSJ1, 88) with unpalatalized V"from the cluster *ghH2- (cf. Derksen 2008, 184). Rudnyčkyj (1970, 414-17) tried to demonstrate that the expected Slavic +z- was preserved in the Ukrainian interjection dzus\ to frighten geese (besides the parallel interjection gus\). As cognates remain problematic Iranian ornithonyms, designating other kinds of birds: Sogdian z'y "crow" (Gharib 1995, #11134), Yaghnobi zöy "crow" (KEWA III, 571), Munji zóya "raven" (Paxalina 1983, 86), Persianzôy "crow, raven, a sort of pigeon, jay, jackdaw", zäyi abl "water-crow" (Steingass 1892, 606; Schapka 1972,103-04). Doubtful Pashto zäya "goose", derived from Iranian +zaijha- by Geiger, should represent an adaptation of Persian yäz // qäz "goose" (Steingass 1892, 878, 947), itself of Turkic origin (Morgenstierne 1927, 101). Armenian sag "goose", sometimes also added (first Hübschmann 1877, 26; recently e.g. Kortlandt 1993, 11: metathesis & depalatalization), is better compatible with Slavic *sova "owl"; Old High German hüwo, Welsh cuan, Gallo-Latin cavannus id. (Martirosyan 2010, 563). 85 Chinese iff yán "wild goose / Anser albifrons" < Middle Chinese *nqn < Postclassic Chinese *nqn < Han Chinese *rjränh < Classic Old Chinese *rjränh < Preclassic Old Chinese *rjräns [ShTjTng, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0186 a-b). Schuessler (2007, 556: Chinese > Thai ha:nB id. < *hrj-): Middle Chinese *rjanc < Later Han Chinese *rjanc < Old Chinese *rjräns. Baxter & Sagart (2014): Middle Chinese *ngaenH < Old Chinese *C[n]'rar-s. Note: For *n- cf. Min forms: Xiamen gan6, Chaozhou nan4, Fuzhou nan6, Jianou naitf. Sino-Tibetan *i)än(-s) "goose" > Old Chinese iff *nräns "wild goose"; Tibetan nan "goose"; Burmese nanh "goose, swan"; Kachin nan' "white-headed bungarus (snake)" (Shafer 1974, 36; Benedict 1972, 99, 155; CVSTV, 139). Cf. Austroasiatic *na:n "goose" (ChEDb). 86 Chinese H é "goose" [Later Zhou] < Middle Chinese *nä < Postclassic Chinese *nä < Eastern Han Chinese *nä < Western Han Chinese *näj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *näj [Méngzl "{Book of} Master Meng", compiled by his disciples around 300 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0002 p). Schuessler (2007,222): Middle Chinese *nä < Later Han Chinese *nai < Old Chinese *rjäi. Baxter & Sagart (2014): Middle Chinese *nga<0\a Chinese *n'a[r]. Note: For *n- cf. Min forms: Xiamen gia2, Chaozhou go2, Fuzhou nie2, Jianou niie2. 87 Chinese M hän "pheasant feather" [17 Zhöushü "Lost book of Zhou", about the Western Zhou Dynasty 1046-771 BCE]; "to spread (wings), take wings, soar" [Shljlng, 1050-600 BCE] < Middle Chinese *yän < Postclassic Chinese *gan (~ y-) < Eastern Han Chinese *gänh (~ y-) < Classic Old Chinese *g(h)änh < Preclassic Old Chinese *g(h)ärs (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0140 f-g). Baxter & Sagart (2014): Middle Chinese *hanH < Old Chinese *m-k'ar-s. Sino-Tibetan *q(h)är > Old Chinese M *gärs "pheasant feather; wing, to fly"; Kuki-Chin *yär "bird, feather" > Lushai är "fowl". Further Wancho ao-koi "feather", Kham kšr "wing"; Apatani gó, Ersu guar "fly" (CVSTV, 161-62). 56 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations Tocharian and Chinese ornithonyms "(wild) goose" is thinkable only on the level of their protol-anguages, Indo-European *ghH2ens- and Sino-Tibetan *rjan(-s). If it was a borrowing, it would be natural to ask, who borrowed from whom and why? In the case of a common heritage it is necessary to prove a deeper relationship in this term between their hypothetical ancestors, Nostratic and Sino-Caucasian protolanguages. But there is also the third solution in play: onomatopoetic origin implying the independent, parallel development. 3. Tocharian A ku, ku, acc. kom (DTA 146); B ku, ku, acc. kwem "dog" (Adams 2013, 190). Already Schlegel (1872, 26), followed by Conrady (1925,1 If), Nehring (1936, 70-72), Jensen (1936, 141), Pulleyblank (1966, 11; 1975, 505), Ulving (1968-69, 950), Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1984, 935 compared the Indo-European designation of "dog" with (a) Chinese jt quanzt "dog" (and other Sino-Tibetan counterparts). Comments: The Tocharian forms reflect IE *kuud, acc. *kuuon-m (Hilmarsson 1996, 187). With exception of Slavic there are safe cognates in all IE branches. Similarly, the Sino-Tibetan origin of the Chinese term is generally accepted (cf. Lubotsky 1998, 381). Any relation is thinkable only on a level of proto-languages (which is the position of Pulleyblank and Shafer) or better of their ancestors (the idea of Starostin), much like the case of "goose". Naturally, it is possible to speculate about independent onomatopoetic origin or about an accidental similarity. On the other hand, there is another candidate for adaptation of a predecessor of this Tocharian (A?) word for "dog", namely (b) Chinese Sunwar hok-ca, Tulung huk-, Kaling 'hund, Limbu homd, Dumi hukni, Kulung huma id., Yamphu hu?wa "dog", which are apparently of onomatopoetic origin; (ii) Hmong-Mien *klu2 "dog" [Purnell] ~ *qluwX[s&Q Baxter & Sagart 2014, 186], with Austro-Asiatic cognates: Written Mon cluiw, kluiw; Bahnar kd "dog". Schuessler also mentions Bahing k'li "dog" (Kiranti group of the Sino-Tibetan family), which may be of the same origin. It is apparent that the conception of the Sino-Tibetan heritage of Chinese n < Western Han Chinese *khwj3n < Classic Old Chinese *khwtn < Preclassic Old Chinese *khwin? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0479 a-d). Schuessler (2007, 437): Middle Chinese *khiwenB < Later Han Chinese *khuenB < Old Chinese *khwtn?. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 277): Middle Chinese *khwenX < Old Chinese *[k]y*s[e][n]?. Notes: Dialect forms: Xiamen k'ian8'. Vietnamese reading: khuye'n. Sino-Tibetan *qhwij I *qhwln "dog" > Old Chinese it *khwln "dog"; Tibetan khji "dog"; Burmese khwijh "dog" < Lolo-Burmese *khujx; Kachingui2 "dog", also in cSkhjon' "a fox, wolf or wild dog"; Lushai ui "dog" < Kuki-Chin *yui; Karen thwi; Kanauri kui; Moshanggw/-M; Namsangiate;Chepang%?etc. (CVSTV, 169; Shaferl974, 42,408, 428; Benedict 1972, 44; Matisoff 2003,448 on the role of the final -n). 89 Chinese M gou "dog" [Late Zhou] < Late Middle Chinese stfc. *kew' < Early Middle Chinese *kew' (Pulleyblank 1991,109) ~ Middle Chinese *kAw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *kSw < Early Postclassic Chinese *kiw < Han Chinese *kwa < Classic Old Chinese *k6 < Preclassic Old Chinese *ko? [Mengzi, i.e. "{Work of} Master Meng", known as Mencius, summarized by his disciples around 300 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0108 d). Schuessler (2007,257-58): Middle Chinese *kauB< Later Han Chinese *koB<0\d Chinese *klo?. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 186, 215): Middle Chinese *kuwX<0\& Chinese *Ca.k(ro?. I.D. Uncertain and problematic Tocharian - Chinese comparisons 57 4. Tocharian A obi.sg. kukäl, obl.pl. kuklas (DTA 147); B kokale, nom.pl. kokalyi, acc.pl. kok(a) lern m. "cart, wagon, chariot" (Adams 2013, 214). The Chinese character has double reading, but the same meaning: (a) che "chariot, carriage, cart, barrow" (Mathews 1960, 34, #280), also "potter's wheel" or "water wheel" < Late Middle Chinese *t§hia < Early Middle Chinese *tehia (Pulleyblank 1991, 52) ~ Middle Chinese *kö < Postclassic Chinese *ko < Han Chinese *ka < Classic Old Chinese *ka < Preclassic Old Chinese *k(l)a (Starostin, ChEDb: If the reconstruction is indeed *kla, one can think of an early borrowing from IE; GSR 0074 a-d). Schuessler (2007, 182): Middle Chinese *tshja < Later Han Chinese *tsha < Old Chinese *k-hla. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 158, 224, 397, fn. 38): Middle Chinese *tsyhae < Old Chinese *[t.qh](r)A, while Baxter (1992, 214) reconstructed Old Chinese *KHjA. Notes: Vietnamese reading xa. Vietnamese has also a colloquial loan xe id. from the same source. The Middle Chinese form was borrowed into proto-Hmong *tshjuaA "spinning wheel" (Baxter & Sagart 2014, 158). (b) jü "chariot, carriage" (in contemporary Chinese it remains for chess) < Late Middle Chinese *kis/*ky3 < Early Middle Chinese *kis ~ Middle Chinese *kjwo < Later Han Chinese *kia < Old Chinese *ka (Schuessler (2007, 182) ~ Middle Chinese *kjo < Old Chinese *C.q(r)a (Baxter & Sagart 2014,158,224; Baxter 1992, 214, 769: Old Chinese *k(r)ja). Note: The Middle Chinese form was borrowed into Written Burmese khya3 "spinning wheel" (Baxter & Sagart 2014, 158). The character appears already in the Oracle bone inscriptions (1250-1050 BCE), in following Bronze inscriptions90 (1050-770 BCE), and also in Shying (1050-600 BCE). Note: Baxter & Sagart (2014, 158, 224) add still Chinese Myü "bottom of carriage" [Shying, 1050-600 BCE]; "the (lifted) top part of a carriage, carriage box, carriage, vehicle; carrier, to carry on the shoulders" [Zuözhuän "Comments of Zuo", describing the period 722-468 BCE] < Middle Chinese *jo < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *jo < Early Postclassic Chinese *zo < Eastern Han Chinese *za < Western Han Chinese *la < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *la (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0089 j). Baxter & Sagart (2014, 158, 224): Middle Chinese *yo < *a(r)a < Old Chinese *m-q(r)a. Comments: It is tempting to admit a borrowing and merging two originally different forms from different donor-languages, which were recorded by the same character: (a) Iranian *caxra- "wheel" > Avestan caxra-, Old Persian *caxra- (reconstructed according to Elamite transcription za-kur-ra of a hypocoristic personal name), Manichaean Middle Persian chr /caxr/ "wheel", Classical Persian carx, Parthian cxr /caxr/ "wheel, cycle", Buddhistic Sog-dian cyr(h)- /caxr(a)/ "wheel, circle", Manichaean Sogdian cxr- /caxr/ & ckkr /cakr/ "wheel", Khwarezmian cxyr "Schöpfrad", cx(y)r "circle, wheel"; Ossetic calx "wheel" < *cäxria-, Mazan-darani cal "wheel"; further Vedic cakra- "wheel (of carriage, of the Sun's chariot)" [RV], "potter's wheel" [SBr], "oil-mill" [Mn], "circle" [R] (ESIJ 2, 248^19; Hinz 1975, 70; MPP 125, 128; Gharib 1995, ## 3180, 3313, 3192; Benzing 1983, 223, 237-38; Abaev I, 287-88; EWAI I, 521-22; MW 380) could be adopted into Old Chinese as *[t.qh](r)A (Baxter & Sagart). (b) Common Tocharian *kwäkwlce < *kwukwlce < pre-Tocharian *kiukilo- (Hilmarsson 1986, 61, 71-72), whose collective form *k?uk!lä (cf. Greek kdk^o<; m. "circle, ring, wheel", coll. kdk^o) might have been adopted in monosyllabified form into Old Chinese as *C.q(r)a (Baxter & Sagart). This solution implies the introduction of the Iranian term "wheel" into Chinese in the time preceding the occurence of the reading (a) in Shying, maybe simultaneous with composition of the Younger Avesta (c. 900-700 BCE). Older seems to be the reading (b), reflecting probably a borrowing from a Tocharian source already around 1200 BCE. Lit.: Lubotsky 1998, 385 & Mallory & Mair 2000, 326: Tocharian > Chinese. 90 58 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations 5. Tocharian B lant* n. "lead", reconstructed on the basis of the Tocharian B adj. läntassa, corresponding to Pali tipu- "tin" or sisa- "lead" (Pinault 2000, 97-98; Adams 2013, 600; he also speculates about identification of the noun in the formulation /// mä läntsa tasällya III, which could be interpreted as "it is not to be placed on lead", but also might not, how he admits) < Tocharian A *lant < Preclassic Old Chinese *lontos or *lontus "cast lead". Chinese J&SS qiän zhü "cast lead", consisting of qiän91 "lead" < Late Middle Chinese *jyan < Early Middle Chinese *jwian (Pulleyblank 1991, 249) ~ Middle Chinese *jwen < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *jwen < Early Postclassic Chinese *zwen < Eastern Han Chinese *zwan < Western Han Chinese *lwan < Classic Old Chinese *lwan < Preclassic Old Chinese *lon (Sta-rostin, ChEDb; GSR 0229 c) ~ Hon or *jon "lead" [ShüjTng "Book of Documents", 5th-3th cent. BCE, reconstructed around 200 BCE] (Schuessler 2007, 424), and SS zhü "to cast (metal), cast (adj.)" < Late Middle Chinese *tsya < Early Middle Chinese *tmäh (Pulleyblank 1991, 415) < Later Han Chinese *tsoc < Old Chinese92 *toh (Schuessler 2007, 627) ~ *tos93 (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1090 c') ~ *tu-s (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014). With respect to the change */- > *z- realized in the end of the 1st century BCE, the adoption of this term should have occurred earlier. The vowel of the first syllable indicates as a more probable source Preclassic Old Chinese *lontos or *lontus (before the 6th cent. BCE) than Western Han / Classic Old Chinese Hwantoh (lst-5th cent. BCE). Old Chinese *lontos should have been borrowed into (still Common) Tocharian Hcentce (ä la Hilmarsson) or *lente (ä la Ringe) >A+lant, B +lente. The variant *lontus would lead to Common Tocharian Hcentä (ä la Hilmarsson) or *lents (ä la Ringe) > A +lant, B +lent. It means that Tocharian B *lant seems to be borrowed from Tocharian A. Note: Other etymological attempts are discussed in details in the section Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals in light of etymology. 6. Tocharian B nom.sg.m. mewiyo, acc.sg.m./f. mewyai, nom.pl.m. mewiyah, nom.sg.f. mewiya "tiger" (Van Windekens 1976, 631: acc.sg. maiwyai; Adams 2013, 505-06). The term is apparently connected with Buddhist & Manichaean Sogdian myw (Gharib 1995, #5669) and Khotanese mauya, later muyi "tiger" (Bailey 1979, 335, 340). But in these languages designations of "tiger" also remain without any internal or IE etymology (the attempt of Bailey to derive them from the onomatopoetic verb *meu- "to roar" is unconvincing). Already Müller (1907, 464) speculated about origin of Sogdian myw "tiger" in Chinese IS mäo "(wild) cat". Poucha (1931, 177, fn. 12; 1932, 90) and Lüders (1933, 1018) added Khotanese and Tocharian parallels, all as possible loans from Chinese. Let us judge this solution in perspective of historical phonology of Chinese and word formation of Tocharian. Chinese IS mäo "cat, wild cat" < Late Middle Chinese *ma:w < Early Middle Chinese *maiw (Pulleyblank 1991, 208) ~ Middle Chinese *maw < Postclassic Chinese *mhäw < Han Chinese *mhräw < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *mhräw [Shying, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1159 c). Schuessler (2007, 375): Middle Chinese *mau & *mjäu < Later Han Chinese *mau < Old Chinese *mau. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 296): Middle Chinese *maew < Old Chinese *C.mrraw. Notes: Also read Middle Chinese *mew id. < Old Chinese *mhraw. Vietnamese reading meo is colloquial; standard Sino-Vietnamese is mieu. For *mh cf. Xiamen miau1, Chaozhou rjidu1, Longdu mäw1; Shaowu mau7, Guangzhou mäu1. Sino-Tibetan: Bodo maw-zi "cat" (CVSTl, 38: *mräw). There are also other possible cognates in several groups of the Si- 91 Pulleyblank (1991, 249) also mentions the Modern Chinese variantyän, whose initial is regular in contrary to qiän (cf. Karlgren, GSR #0229 c, where reconstructions *iwän < *diwan were proposed). 92 Known beginning from the bronze inscriptions of Western Zhou, 1050-770 BCE (GSR #1090 a'-d'). 93 Starostin (ChEDb) did not reconstruct history of Ii zhü "to cast (metal), casted", he only proposed its Preclassic protoform *tos. But it is possible to expect the parallel development in the case of the close verb ft zhü "to pour, flow to, conduct water; be led to" < Middle Chinese *cii < Postclassic Chinese *cd < Eastern Han Chinese *coh < Western Han Chinese *toh < Classic Old Chinese *toh < Preclassic Old Chinese *to(?)s (Starostin ChEDb; cf. Schuessler 2007, 627; GSR #0129 c). I.D. Uncertain and problematic Tocharian - Chinese comparisons 59 no-Tibetan languages, namely Bodo-Garo (Barish): Konta meyan, Wanang meyoh, Namsangia miah, Garo men-go, Dacca mya-gad, Muthun miah, Banpara mia, Angwanku a-mi, Lalung myad "cat" (Shafer 1974, 448); Dhimalish: Dhimal men-kau, Toto mifi-ki "cat" (Shafer 1974, 169); Loloish: Lahu mi / meh, Phunoi ml or ?a men, Akha a'mi', Mpi ?a2 men4 "cat" (Bradley 1978, 294-95); Ao: Tengsa meyaa; Kiranti: Limbu rnlyo-n; Karenic: Pwo miayu (Shafer 1965, 464-65). The word for "cat" probably also appears in compounds designating "tiger": Bodo mo-sa, Garo ma-tsa, Tipura ma-tsa, Mets mo-tsa (Shafer 1974, 440). Similar compounds meaning "tiger" were formed with other designations of "cat": Kachin rdn & s9ro(n) "tiger, leopard" vs. Written Burmese kraun "cat", Lahu yd "wild cat", Maru raurj id. (Benedict 1972, 27, #107; Matisoif 2003, 138, 294). Another example of the semantic shift "cat" —> "tiger" may be found in the Munda languages. Santali runda "wild cat" is used in the forest as a taboo substitute for kul "tiger" and tqrup "leopard". Related is Mundari runda "wild cat". Prakrit bherunda- "tiger" is probably formed from this Munda root (Kuiper 1948, 151, fn 48). Comments: Tocharian m. mewiyo, f. mewiya "tiger" probably reflect the derivatives in *-iid(n) & *-iia respectively (Van Windekens 1979, 9,149-50). The suffix-(i)ye (*-iio-) forms the adjectives from animal names, e.g. B kewiye "pertaining to a cow or to cows; butter" from keu "cow" or wdrmiye "pertaining to ants" from warme "ant" (Van Windekens 1976, 102-03; Adams 2013, 212, 630). It is natural to interpret mewiyo & mewiya as "pertaining to mew0". If mew" represents adaptation of Middle Chinese *maew (Baxter & Sagart) or Early Middle Chinese *maiw (Pulleyblank) "(wild) cat", mewiyo & mewiya would mean "pertaining to a wild cat", i.e. "similar to a wild cat (e.g. in striped skin)". This is a quite intelligible metaphorical designation for "tiger". If this was the case, the Khotanese and Sogdian tiger-names would have been borrowed from Tocharian. On the other hand, the metaphoric replacement of "tiger" by "wild cat" indicates a hunting lexicon. In this case, one would expect a source in a language of people living in the neighbourhood of forests. It is questionable whether this was characteristic for Chinese, which could have been in contact with Tocharians. Alternatively, the donor-language should be sought in other Sino-Tibetan languages. 7. Tocharian B riye, A ri "city, town" (Adams 2013, 582). The traditional reconstruction of Common Tocharian *riie < *uriH-en- has been supported only by the Thracian gloss Ppia • nolv; [Strabo VII, 6.194], i.e. "city, citadel", and Ppia • k6lit| [Hesychius], i.e. "unwalled village (= Latin vicus); country town, city quarter", opposed to "a fortified city", if it is derivable from *uriHreH- (Adams 2013, 582; Van Windekens 1976, 405; Smith 1910, 43). Greek piov "mountain peak, foothills" cannot be a cognate with respect to Mycenaean ri-jo, indicating the starting point *(s)riiom, which is compatible with Hittite ser "above, on top" adv., Sara "up(wards)" adv.; "on top of, above" (postp.), Cuneiform Luwian sarri "above, up; for", sarra "(up)on, thereon", Lycian hri "up; on (top)" (Kloekhorst 2008, 729). Witczak (1991a, 107, fn. 1) judges that Tracian Ppia is of the same origin, assuming the development *sr-> Thracian (or Dacian) br- (similar to Latin tenebrae "darkness" ~ Vedic tdmisra- "dark night"). He finds support in the substratal ornithonym attested in Rumanian barza, Bulgarian dial. (N. 94 ev xw uexai;i> 5e Staaxfiuaxi xa> aim KaXXaxtSoi; ei<; AjtoXXcoviav Bi^cbvn xe eaxw, r\<; Kaxejt69n jtoM> uepoi; wtd oeionwv, Kai Kpowot Kcri 'OSnaaoi; IVhlrjaicov cmoiKoi;, ran NauXoxoi; MeanuPpiavwv jioWxyiov: eixa xo Aiuov 6po<; \iexpi xfji; Seiipo 9aXdxxr|<; SifJKov: eixa MeoriuPpia Meyapecov cmoiKoi;, jipoxepov 5e MevePpia, oiov Meva 716X15, xoi) Kxioavxoi; Meva Kaiownevow, xf|<; 5e jtoXecoi; Ppiai; KaXoi>nevr|<; 9paraoxi: (bq Kcri f| xoi> £f|)a)o<; noXii; &|>a)nPpia jcpooriyopewxca, f\ xe Aivoi; IToXxwuPpia toxe cbvondCexo... "In the intermediate distance between Callatis and Apollonia, is Bizone, a great part of which was swallowed up by an earthquake; Cruni (= Balcik today); Odessus (= Varna), a colony of Milesians; and Naulochus, a small town of the Mesembriani. Next follows the mountain Hasmus (= Balkan Mountains, also Stara Planina today), extending to the sea in this quarter; then Mesembria (= Nesebar), a colony of the Megarenses, formerly called Menabria, or city of Mena, Menas being the name of the founder, and bria, signifying in the Thracian tongue, city. Thus the city of Selys is called Selybria, and JEnus once had the name of Poltyobria." (see The Geography of Strabo. Literally translated, with notes, in three volumes, ed. by H.C. Hamilton, W. Falconer, London: George Bell & Sons 1903). 60 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations Selo) bárzh "stork", which should reflect *srgo-, reconstructed on the basis of Germanic *sturkaz "stork" and Old Indie srjayá- m. & srjaya- f. "a wading bird". If the traditional etymology is destroyed, it is legitimate to verify less traditional, in this case non-Indo-European etymologies. (i) Smith (1910, 15, cited by Van Windekens 1976, 405) sought a source in Tibetan ris "(city) quarter". (ii) Lubotsky & Starostin (2003, 264) see a source in a predecessor of Modern (Beijing) Chinese H. li "village, neighborhood, community" < Middle Chinese *lt < Preclassic Old Chinese *rs?. With respect to a cognate in Kachin msre "town", implying Sino-Tibetan *risH (CVSTll, 77), the direction of borrowing should be Old Chinese > Tocharian and not vice versa. Although this solution is based on a close semantic correspondence, the word formation and early dating of the hypothetical adaptation imply new questions. (iii) Schwarz (2013, 200-202) seeks a source in history of Modern (Beijing) Chinese rU shi "market, market place" < Middle Chinese *ji < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *jht < Early Postclassic Chinese *jht < Eastern Han Chinese *jhá < Western Han Chinese *dhé < Classic Old Chinese *dhé < Preclassic Old Chinese *dha? (Starostin, ChEDb). He proposes a retroflex pronunciation Iďl of the initial dental in process of fricativization leading to a dental aproximant, followed by application of the rule *dr > r in Common Tocharian adapting the Chinese word. Concerning semantics, cf. Hittite háppiriya-, háppira- "town" vs. happar- / háppir- "business, trade; compensation, payment, price" (Kloekhorst 2008, 295, 297). (iv) But the cluster *(-)dr- also leads to (-)r- in Tocharian inherited words. This rule opens a possibility of seeing in the Tocharian word "city" a hypothetical counterpart of Russian derévnja "village". The Russian form has been derived from a protoform *dbrvbnja *"Ackerland" ~ Lithuanian dirvá "Acker" (Vasmer I, 341 with literature) < *drHu°, or from dérevo "wood" (Miklosich 1886, A2-A3). Bruckner (1925, 1-2) explicitly rejected any connection with Lithuanian dirvá "Acker". The latter solution may be suported by the existence of Ukrainian derévnja "forest, wood", but also "wooden house" (Trubačev, ESSJ 4, 214). In this case the East Slavic word "village" may be projected into the Common Slavic protoform *dervbnja. This is not directly compatible with the Tocharian forms, but the semantic motivation "wooden (houses)" is substantial. The starting point could be reconstructed as *dreuio-95, the adjective derived in -io- from a hypothetical genitive *dreus implying the nominative *doru of the proterodynamic paradigm, known e.g. from Vedic Janu, gen.jňós "knee" < *gónu, gen. *gnéus. The proterodynamic paradigm nom. *doru vs. gen. *dreus explains the loss of *d- in Tocharian AB or, pi. B árwa, applying the rule *dr- > r- realized in the gen.sg. and further generalized in the whole paradigm (cf. Hilmarsson 1984, 112, proposing the gen. *drous). The development of *-euio- was probably also regular, if it changed into *-eiio-96 > *-iio-91 > Tocharian B -rye. Lit: Blažek 2016, 225-27. 8. Tocharian Apor, B púwar, pl.pwára "fire, digestion, beacon-fire" (Adams 2013, 421-22). Chinese j% ßng "beacon-fire" < Late Middle Chinese *Jjyawn/fown < Early Middle Chinese *phuawn (Pulleyblank 1991, 95; GSR 1197 r) ~ Middle Chinese *phjwon < Later Han Chinese *phuorj < Old Chinese *phon [Mözi, i.e. Master Mo, 470-391 BCE] (Schuessler 2009, §12-25 r). Comments: With regard to the identical semantics Adams (2013, 421-22) thinks about connection of Chinese and Tocharian forms. It is tempting to speculate that the Chinese forms in- 95 Attested in the Sanskrit adj. dravya- "derived from or relating to a tree" (MW 501). Cf. also Lithuanian dreve "Höhlung in einem Baumstamm" < *dreuiiä. For *dreuio-/*drouio- Charpentier (1906, 25) even proposed the meaning "house". 96 Cf. B aiyye "ovine" < *H2ouio-, kaiyye adj. "bovine" < *g-ouio- orB saiyye "sheep/goat" < *g-ieH3uio- (Adams 2013, 110, 214, 695; Van Windekens 1976, 95). 97 On monophthongization cf. AB pik- "to write, paint, delineate" < *peik- orB ike "place, location" < *ueik- (Adams 2013, 410; Van Windekens 1976, 30). I.D. Uncertain and problematic Tocharian - Chinese comparisons 61 dicate the lost ra-stem in the heteroclitic formation, but the Chinese final -n cannot be explained from any hypothetical Tocharian form. In Hittite this opposition is well-preserved e.g. in the paradigm: pahhur, gen. pahhuenaš "fire", reflecting *peH2ur, gen. *pH2uens. In Tocharian there are no traces of such an r/ra-stem, but in Iranian it is attested, e.g. in Old Avestan huuar5, gen. xv5ng "sun" < *suHJ, gen. *suH2ens / *sH2uuens (EWAIll, 793-94; Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 153; Wodtko, NIL 608). If a continuant of the r/ra-stem *peH2ur, gen. *pH2uens "fire" was preserved in Iranian, its genitive would resemble the earlier Chinese forms. Although the Indo-Iranian continuants of IE *peH2ur, gen. *pH2uens "fire" are missing in standard handbooks (Pokorný 1959, 828; Beekes, EIEC 202; Wodtko, NIL 540^15), already Morgenstierne identified the r-stem in Nuristani: Waigali puř, purůi "embers", and Dardic: Pashai pur, puer, par "big fire, bonfire", Shumashti par "burning embers" (Turner 1966, #8329; while Mayrhofer, EWAIII, 106 derived them from the root preserved in Vedic paV- "to become clean"98). 9. Tocharian Apracar, dual pratri; B procer, gen. protri, acc. protär "brother" (Van Windekens 1976, 387; Pinault 2008, 510; Adams 2013, 454-55) < Common Tocharian *präccer (Pinault 2008, 428). Chinese JÖ (i) bó "father's elder brother, the eldest (of brothers), uncle"; (ii) bái "father's or husband's elder brother" < Late Middle Chinese *pa:jk < Early Middle Chinese *paijk/*pe:jk (Pulleyblank 1991, 28) ~ Middle Chinese *päik < Postclassic Chinese *pěk < Han Chinese *präk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *prák [Shying, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0782 i). Schuessler (2007, 169-70): Middle Chinese *pek < Later Han Chinese *pak < Old Chinese *prdk. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 65): Middle Chinese *paek < Old Chinese *prrak. Note: The word is very frequently used to denote a clan title - "clan elder, lord" - already from the Bronze inscriptions. It is also used verbally: "to sacrifice to the horse's ancestor". Vietnamese reading: bác. Comments: The Chinese forms cannot be directly borrowed from Tocharian. As a source is thinkable only some hypocoristic modification formed by the suffix -kke or -kki, e.g. B appakke "daddy" from äppo "father", ammakki "mummy", larekke "dear one" from läre "dear, beloved" (Van Windekens 1979, 80; Adams 2013, 17, 22, 592, 595). The hypocoristic forms have sometimes been substantially shortened. A good example, including the semantic dispersion, can be Slavic *batď*baťď*batja > Bulgarian bate "elder brother", dial, bat "father, elder brother", Macedonian bate "elder brother", Serbo-Croatian báta "brother, friend; father, father-in-law", bača "brother", Slovak báťa "father, uncle, elder brother", Old Czech báťa "brother" [Dalimil's Chronicle, finished in 1314], Old Russian bate "father" [Hypatian Codex - AD 1161], Russian dial, bátja "father, grandfather, father-in-law, elder brother", Old Ukrainian baťko "father", Be-lorussian báčka "father" (ESSJ 1, 163-64). Berneker (1908, 45^16) explained these forms as hypocoristic formations from Common Slavic *bratrh "brother". 10. Tocharian B suwo "pig, hog" (Adams 2013, 763). Chinese % sWpig" [Bronze inscriptions, 1050-770 BCE; Shying, 1050-600 BCE], "boar" [Zuozhuán "Comments of Zuo", describing the period 722-468 BCE] < Late Middle Chinese *§r< Early Middle Chinese *eiě/*ď (Pulleyblank 1991, 283; GSR 1238 f) ~ Schuessler (2007, 465; 2009, 125, §7-19 f): Middle Chinese *sjeB < Later Han Chinese *seB / *saiB < Old Chinese *lhe?/*lhai? ~ Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *syeX < Old Chinese Haj?. Probably of Austro-Asiatic origin: proto-Wa *lik "pig"; Mon kloik, klot < proto-Monic *cliik id. (Schuessler 2009, 125). 98 But de Vaan 2008, 500 convincingly returns to the old idea of connecting both etymons, "fire" and "purification"; cf. also Sanskritpavana- "purifying, pure" [Mn, MBh] vs. "fire" [Kulluka on Manu 3.185; lex.] orpavaka- "pure, clear, bright" [RV] vs. "fire of the God of fire" [Up, MBh, Kav] - see MW 623. 62 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations Comments: The Tocharian word has a secure Indo-European etymology (*suH2-on-), while Old Chinese differs from Tocharian and its IE predecessor in its lateral initial, indicating more probable explanation from Austroasiatic substratum. Thus, this comparison is not valid. Note: Polivanov (1937, 405-06) thought about relation of IE *sü-s (i.e. *suH2-) with Chinese H zhü "small pig", but earlier forms indicate that they are not compatible, cf. Middle Chinese *to < Postclassic Chinese *to < Han Chinese *ta < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *tra [Zuözhuän "Comments of Zuo", describing the period 722^168 BCE; Shüßng "Book of Documents, 500-300 BCE, with beginning in Former Zhou] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0045 h). Schuessler (2007, 625) also reconstructs Old Chinese *tra and adds a cognate in Mru tia "(wild) pig". 11. Tocharian A tränk-, B trehk- "to adhere, cling, stick", trehke "clinging, worldly attachment" (Adams 2013, 338-39). Chinese M zhen "post in framework used in rearing earth walls" [Shüßng "Book of Documents, 500-300 BCE, with beginning in Former Zhou], "supports" [Shying, 1050-600 BCE] < Late & Early Middle Chinese *triqjn (Pulleyblank 1991, 401) ~ Middle Chinese *trjeng < Old Chinese *trjeng (Baxter 1992, 695, 808; GSR 08341) ~ Middle Chinese *tjän < Later Han Chinese *tien < Old Chinese *tren (Schuessler 2009, 138, §9-12 1). Comments: The traditional comparison with Avestan drsnjaiti "strengthens, fixes" should be abandoned, if it is connected with Greek Spdoooum "I grasp, take handfuls", implying the root *dregh- (Zehnder & Kümmel, LIV126), i.e. with the initial *dr- simplified regularly in Tocharian r-. Independently of this fact the semantic difference between the Tocharian and Chinese forms is so big that their connection seems to be excluded. Lit.: Lubotsky 1998, 386-87: Chinese < Tocharian. 12. Tocharian B tsähkana or tsähkanta pi. "mountain naked barley" (Adams 2013, 803; Ching 2008). Ching (2008, 17, §7) supposes that a source of Tocharian B tsähkana is its Chinese equivalent qingke "highland barley", lit. "green corn"99, sometimes abbreviated qing "green", also "blue, dark, black" < Late Middle Chinese *tshiajrj < Early Middle Chinese *tshejrj (Pulleyblank 1991, 255) ~ Middle Chinese *chiey < Postclassic Old Chinese *shiey < Eastern Han *shiey < Western Han *shen < Classical & Preclassical Old Chinese *shenm [Shying, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0812 c'-d'). Schuessler (2007, 431): Middle Chinese *tshien < Later Han Chinese *tsherj < Old Chinese *tshen "green, blue". The second character M. ke designates "wheat; grain ready for grinding" (Mathews 1960, 507, #3392) < Late Middle Chinese *khua < Early Middle Chinese *khwa (Pulleyblank 1991, 172). Ching (p.c. 2012) assumes that the adoption of the Chinese designation of mountain barley in Tocharian was realized after the conquest of Turfan by the Tang army in 648 CE. Ching's solution is faultless. But the Tocharian word itself offers an internal etymology, based on the verb attested in B tsähk- "to flay", A tspähk- id. < *ui-TenK- (Adams 2013, 803: IE *thengh- "to pull" - see Kümmel, LIV 657), indicating peeling seeds of this species of barley. The semantic connection with crushing is implied by the compound tsapähce-tsähkana known from the manuscript called We-ber-MacCartney [W-3b2], where the first component is probably a derivative of the verb B tsäp-, Atsäw- "to mash, crush; pierce" (Adams 2013, 798, 800). The same semantic motivation appears 99 The same colour is used for certain kinds of mountain barley in other languages too, e.g. in Tibetan nas "barley" & ngon mo "green, blue" (Ching 2008, 18, fn. 40), or Khun (the Pamir group of the Iranian languages) xing-cusc, lit. "green barley" (Steblin-Kamenskij 1982, 28). 100 Sino-Tibetan *cherj: Kachingac/// "to be fresh, green", Garo gatharj "green", Dimasa gatharj "unripen"; Kanauri son; Rawang mssin "green"; Manipuri asan-ba, Rengma ke-sin "green" (Peiros & Starostin, CVSTIV, 35, reconstruct Sino-Tibetan *chrian, with *-r-, based on Old Chinese ^fe *shren "to live, be alive; grow, give birth", Burmese hraij"to live, alive", Lushai hrin "to be green, fresh"; in the Sino-Tibetan database of Sergei Starostin (2005) already two Sino-Tibetan protoforms are differentiated, *chen and *chren). Baxter (1992, 205, 499) reconstructed Middle Chinese *tsheng and derived it from Old Chinese *sreng "green or blue". I.D. Uncertain and problematic Tocharian - Chinese comparisons 63 in Slavic *pbSeno > Old Church Slavonic adj. *pbšetibm> "wheat, cereal", Bulgarian pi. pšená, Serbo-Croatian pšéno "caryopsis", arch, also "wheat", Slovenian pšéno "peeled millet grains", Slovak, Old Czechpšeno, Old Polishpszono, Old Russian p(b)$eno, Russianpšenó "peeled millet grain", besides common Slavic *pbšenica "wheat", known from Old Church Slavonicpbšenica to Russian pšenica, including Polabian pasinaičs, and Slovenian samopäh, Old Czech samopše "kind of wheat" etc., all from the verb attested e.g. in Old Church Slavonic pbxajg : pbxati "to hit, thrust; press, push, stuff; kick" (Sarapatková, ESJS12, 742). Similarly in the Nuristani language Ashkun pi 'sä "millet" (Morgenstierne 1929, 274) is formed from the same IE root *peis- "to crush, grind" (Pokorný 1959, 796; LIV 466-67), which is attested in Vedie pinásti "crushes, grinds, mills" : pistá- "crushed, ground; flour"; Young Avestan pišant- "crushing, chipping", Persian pist "flour from parched grain", Wakhi past "flour from parched barley grain" etc. (Steblin-Kamenskij 1982, 27). In the Indo-European corn-terminology the Tocharian B tsäňkana or tsäňkanta pi. "mountain naked barley" need not be isolated. Related may be West Germanic *pinkila- & *punkila- > Old High German dinkil m. glossed as 'spelta, siligo, far' (Tatian; 9th cent.), Middle High German dinkel, German Dinkel "spelt wheat, Triticum spelta", dial. (Swiss) dinkel, dinckel, tiinckel, (Steyr) tunkel, dunkel id.; Old Saxon place-name Thinkilburg (10th cent.), today Dinkelburg in the district Warburg; Latvian tengas "barley hulled grain boiled together with pea and beans", also "groats, hulled grain" and "crushed hemp" (LDWW, 163). Muhlenbach (LDWX.c) derived the Latvian word from Estonian tang "(little) grain", but the Estonian word is completely isolated in Balto-Finnic and Finno-Ugric. Finnish tanko "peeled barley grains" is borrowed from Estonian (SKES 1224), and so the Baltic origin of Estonian tang is quite probable. The West Germanic protoforms *pinkila- & *punkila- reflect the ablaut pair *ten(g}ilo- & *tn(g}ilo- projected to late Indo-European (EWAhd II, cc. 657-58). With respect to Old High German himil "heavens", which must be derived from Germanic *himena- (Kluge 1999, 374-75) via nasal dissimilation (cf. Gothic himins, Old Nordic himinn id.), it is also possible to think about analogous development in the case of *pinkila- & *punkila- —> *pinkina- & *punkina- < *ten(g}ino- & *tn(g}ino-. The etymology of the West Germanic forms, which may be applied to their Latvian and Tocharian counterparts, has been sought in a hypothetical Germanic root *penk- (EWAhd II, cc. 657-58), but is attested only with the initial st- (s-mobile?): Gothic, stigqan "to clash, do battle", bi-stigqan "to strike against", ga-stigqan "to stumble", ga-stagqjan "to strike against", Old Nordic stokkva "to leap, spring up, flee", Old English stencan "to scatter" (Lehmann 1986, 325). But this root should be reconstructed with a labiovelar, also with respect to Latin ex-stinguô "I extinguish", di-stinguô "I keep separate, distinguish" < *steng>- (LIV596-97). It may, but need not, be related with Tocharian B tsäŕik- "to flay", Ktspank- "to flay". In spite of apparent semantic compatibility this etymology has its limits in Germanic data especially because of the weak material support of the Germanic root *penk-. For this reason it is legitimate to think about alternative solutions. In the case of a species of mountain barley it is necessary to use irrigation (Steblin-Kamenskij 1982, 29). In this perspective it is quite natural to derive this term from IE *ten(^- > Greek xeyyco "I wet, moisten; dye" | Latin tingô-ere "to wet, imbue, dye"; Old High German dunkôn "to immerse" (LIV 628; Pokorný 1959, 1067). Summing up, it is difficult to decise, if this Tocharian B designation of "barley" is inherited or borrowed from Chinese. 13. Tocharian A teem; B m. tsem, acc. tsenam, f. tseňňa, acc. tseňňai "blue" (Adams 2013, 810). (a) Lubotsky & Starostin (2003, 264) seek a source in Chinese W qing "green", also "blue, dark, black" < Late Middle Chinese *tshiajn < Early Middle Chinese *tshejn (Pulleyblank 1991, 255) ~ Middle Chinese *chietj < Postclassic Old Chinese *shiey < Eastern Han *shiey < Western Han *sherj < Classical & Preclassical Old Chinese *shenlM [Shying, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, 101 Sino-Tibetan *cheij: Kachin gac/// "to be fresh, green", Garo gathaij "green", Dimasa gathaij "unripen"; Kanauri son; Rawang mssin "green"; Manipuri asarj-ba, Rengma ke-sin "green" (Peiros & Starostin, CVSTIV, 35, reconstruct Sino-Tibetan *chrian, with *-r-, based on Old Chinese ^fe *shretj "to live, be alive; grow, give birth", Bur- 64 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations ChEDb; GSR 0812 c'-d'). Schuessler (2007, 431): Middle Chinese *tshien < Later Han Chinese *tshey < Old Chinese *tshey "green, blue". Lubotsky & Starostin (2003, 264) supposed that the Middle Chinese designation of the "green" or "blue" color *chiey was adapted as Tocharian B tsem "blue" and further borrowed unchanged into A, since Tocharian B -e- reflects *-e-, while the A continuant is a: Byente ~ A want "wind" < *uento-. (b) Semantically solution (a) is perfect, but there is a problem with the final nasal. A regular reflex of Chinese final -y in probable Tocharian borrowings is the final -hk: B sank "a wet or dry measure of volume" < Middle Chinese J\ *sin (Starostin). A sostänk "tax collector, banker" < Early Middle Chinese 'ßtiül *euwdzay (Pulleyblank) A trunk, B tronk "hollow, cave" < Clasic Old Chinese ü& *thrun (Starostin; Schuessler) B tsyänk "sauce made from beans" < Early Middle Chinese if *tsiatf (Pulleyblank) On the other hand, Tocharian -m reflects Chinese -n, e.g. B tsum "inch" < Late Middle Chinese \t" *tshun (Pulleyblank). In this perspective it seems better to seek a source of the Tocharian word(s) in Chinese IÄ zhen "black, black (beautiful) hair" < Late Middle Chinese *t§in' < Early Middle Chinese *teirC (Pulleyblank 1991, 402; GSR 0375 e) ~ Middle Chinese *tsjenB < Later Han Chinese *tsinB < Old Chinese *tin(?) [Zuözhuän "Comments of Zuo", describing the period 722^168 BCE] (Schuessler 2009, 319, §32-16 e). Apparently related is Chinese % zhen "black (hair)" < Late Middle Chinese *t§in' < Early Middle Chinese *tein' (Pulleyblank 1991, 402) ~ Middle Chinese *cin < Postclassic Chinese *cin < Eastern Han Chinese *cän < Western Han Chinese *tjm < Classic Old Chinese *tin < Preclassic Old Chinese *tin? [Shijing, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0375 d). Baxter & Sagart (2014): Middle Chinese *tsyinX < Old Chinese *ti[nj? "black hair". The semantic shift from "black" in Chinese to "blue" in Tocharian would be understandable, if it was an attribute of the hair of Chinese women, whose blue-black hue could have been perceived as very attractive by Tocharians. 14. Tocharian AB want- "to cover, envelop, surround" (Adams 2013, 642^13). Chinese is yuan "wall, city" < Middle Chinese *wan < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *w(h)dn < Early Postclassic Chinese *w(h)an < Han Chinese *w(h)an < Classic Old Chinese *w(h)an < Preclassic Old Chinese *w(h)ar [Shijing, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0164m) ~ Old Chinese *[o]war (Baxter & Sagart 2014,137,258,261). Comments: From the point of view of semantics Gothic wands "wall", derived from the verb bi-windan "to wrap", which is a probable cognate of the Tocharian word, is closer to the Chinese meaning than the Tocharian words are. On the other hand, the Old Chinese final *-r in reconstructions of both Starostin and Baxter & Sagart exclude Tocharian as a possible donor-language. More promising are perhaps the Iranian parallels: Young Avestan var- "Schloss, Burg", vara- "Deckung, Wehr"; Khotanese vara- "court, courtyard; enclosure; bank"; Parthian of Turfan 'hryw(w)r, Päzand ganä var, Zoro-astrian Pahlavi Yam-kartvar "the enclosure made by Yam"; Persian bar "Wall, Fundament, Burg" (Bartholomae 1904, 1363-64, 1411; Bailey 1979, 376, 377), all from Iranian *Huar- (Cheung 2007,206-07) < IE *Huer- "to open/close" (Kümmel, LIV22T). According to the periodization of development of Chinese by Starostin, the final *-r existed here still around 600 BCE and earlier. The first source, where the Chinese word is. yuan "wall, city" was recorded, was Shying, originating in the period 1050-600 BCE. Thus, if the Chinese word is of Iranian origin, its adoption would have been realized still before 600 BCE. Let us mention that the same Iranian designation of "fortification" also penetrated into Fenno-Ugric, namely in Hungarian vär "Festung, Burg" (first 1055), and its derivative väros "Stadt" (first 1193) (Joki 1973, 336, #193). mese hraij"to live, alive", hnshai hriij "tobe green, fresh"; in the Sino-Tibetan database of Sergei Starostin (2005) already two Sino-Tibetan protoforms are differentiated, *cheij and *chreij). Baxter (1992, 205, 499) reconstructs Middle Chinese *tsheng and derived it from Old Chinese *sreng "green or blue". I.E. Non-Chinese glosses in Chinese texts 65 E. Non-Chinese glosses, probably of Indo-European origin, in Chinese texts In the present section are included four glosses from non-Chinese, probably Indo-European, sources, identified in Chinese texts. Both of the lion-names are connected with the Kingdom of Shule, i.e. Kashgar, the term #3 reflects an archaic Tocharian B form, the older term #4 may be identified as Early Khotan-Sakan. Two other terms were ascribed to Xiongnu, ##lb & 2, but they are apparently of Tocharian (B) origin. Finally, the term #la has to belong to the Lesser Yuezhi and also looks like a Tocharian (B) loan. The oldest borrowing is surprisingly the lion-name of Iranian origin (#3), whose presence in Chinese is datable already around 300 BCE. The remaining glosses, reflecting more or less the Tocharian B provenance of a donor-language, appeared in Chinese documents during the Han era, when Tocharian B was already separated from A (we date this split to c. 400 BCE, likewise Lubotsky 1998, 380). la. Han Chinese 3H~$eL *hakcja < Lesser Yuezhi ~ Tocharian B hdkc(i)ye "divine, celestial, heavenly". lb. Han Chinese *hakte < Xiongnu < Tocharian B hakte "god". (a) According to the witness of "Records of the {Grand} Scribe" (^jfe-^lil Tdishigong shu), also known as "The Scribe's Records" (jfe!2 Shiji, 20.0087.2), written by Sima Qian (W1HM; 145-86 BCE), the king of Lesser Yuezhi ( Old Church Slavonic mléko, Serbo-Croatian mlijéko, Czech mléko, Russian molokó etc.) has been identified as a Germanic borrowing. All unborrowed forms are derivable from *H/nelg- "to milk" (Pokorný 1959, 722-23; Beekes 2010, 86; de Vaan 2008, 393; Matasovič 2009, 263, 274; Kroonen 2013, 364; Derksen 2008, 307-08; 2015, 310-11). Already more than century ago Antoine Meillet (1911, 146—47) recognized the Tocharian cognates: Amalke, denominative malk- "to milk"; B malkwer n. "milk", malk- "to milk", PP mdlkuwe- (Van Windekens 1976, 284; Adams 2013, 475, 490), but only almost a century later Dybo (2007, 95) indicates a source of the Chinese gloss just in Tocharian. Concerning semantics, cf. Sanskrit dadhi- "thick sour milk" : dadhi-ja- "curds", lit. "milk-born"; Avestan tuiri- "milk that has become like cheese" : Greek xřjpčx; "cheese" (Buck 1949, 387, #5.88). It remains to answer some questions: (i) For the earlier stages of Chinese the following reconstructions were established: Middle Chinese *mieklud or *miekliei by Bailey 1985, 31, following Karlgren (GSR, ## 0859 a-b, 1241 o), *meklwa or *meklej('> by Pulleyblank (1962-63/1991) or *meklejX by Behr (p.c, applying Chinese *li < Postclassic Chinese *l(h)i < Han Chinese *r(h)3 < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *r(h)3 (Starostin, ChEDb). (c) lud "snail; helical shell" < Late Middle Chinese *lua < Early Middle Chinese *lwa (Pulleyblank 1991, 203; character in GSR 1241 o). The character is missing in Starostin's Chinese Etymological Database, but it is possible to help ourselves with synonymous il lud "a k. of mollusc" [Han] < Middle Chinese *lwä < Postclassic Chinese *lhwä < Eastern Han Chinese *rhwä < Western Han Chinese *rhwäj < Classic Old Chinese rhwäj < Preclassic Old Chinese *rhöj (Starostin, ChEDb). Ill Later commentators, e.g. n [hT Lu Xiäng (later Han), explained this hapax as "settlement". Pulleyblank (I.e.) and Behr (p.c.) prefer the meaning "dried curds". 68 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations the system of Baxter), and Postclassic Old Chinese *mieklwo < West Han Chinese *mekrwa according to Starostin (cited after Dybo 2007, 95; Schuessler reconstructs still *-/- for Later Han Chinese). In all these Chinese reconstructions the order of k... I is opposite of that in Tocharian Amalke, B malkwer "milk". This metathesis may be ascribed to transcription of a word foreign to Chinese. There is an analogical case in Chinese transcription of the name of the oasis-city Merw on the Silk Road, today known as Mary in Turkmenistan, mediated by the text fll'/flllf Hdu Honshu "Book of the later Han", compiled by the historian Fan-ye (398^145 CE). The place-name is of Iranian origin, cf. Old Persian Margus, Parthian mrg, Manichaean Sogdian mry /Mary/, besides mrw-rwd "Marv river" IMarw-ruSI (Gharib 1995, ##5430, 5477). Its Chinese transcription 7fc112 itl113, in modern Beijing pronunciation miilii (cf. Chavannes 1907, 177), may be projected into Early Middle Chinese *mswkbwk (Pulleyblank 1991, 220, 201) or Middle Chinese *mukluk < Late Postclassic Chinese *mhwdklwdk < Early Postclassic Chinese *mhdkldk < Han Chinese *mhokrok (Starostin, ChEDb). Alternatively, it is possible to assume a dissimilative loss of the first liquid in the cluster *-lkrw- originating in the following chain of changes: Early Tocharian B *mdlkwcer (Pinault 2008, 444) > Xiongnu *melkwcer > Western Han Chinese *melkrwa > *mekrwa. This latter solution seems more probable with regard to the fact that the adaptation of the Tocharian word into the Xiongnu language and further in Chinese would have been realized during the 1st cent. BCE, i.e. in the Western Han period, while the Early Middle Chinese reconstruction reflects the time around 600 CE. (ii) According to the witness of Yang Xiong, the word jiff!! "dried fermented milk", reconstructed in Middle Chinese as *meklwa or *meklej(,), was the term adopted from the Xiongnu tribes, enemies of the Yuezhi, usually identified with Tocharians, as it was mediated by Sima Qian (W]i§S; 145-86 BCE) in Chapter 123 of his "Records of the {Grand} Scribe" It Taishigong shu), also known as "The Scribe's Records" (jfegB Shiji): 'The Yuezhi originally lived in the area between the Qilian Mountains and Dunhuang, but after they were defeated by the Xiongnu, they moved far away to the West, beyond Dawan {= Ferghana}, where they attacked and conquered the people of Daxia {= Bactria} and set up the court of their king on the northern bank of the Gui river.'114 In the time of the Han dynasty the names of the Xiongnu chieftains were accompanied by the epithet ^=rlH ruddl < Middle Chinese *nyaktei (Pulleyblank 1966, 19-20) ~ Early Middle Chinese *jiiaktej (Pulleyblank 1991, 270, 75) < Later (= Eastern) Han Chinese *hakte (Schuessler) < Western (= Former) Han Chinese *hakte (Starostin). With respect to Tocharian B hakte, Ahkdt, "god", the title becomes understandable (cf. §1 of this section). If the Xiongnu language could borrow the Tocharian titles, why not words for milk products? 3. Han Chinese ffi^f *gdjc9? (Pulleyblank) ~ *s9jcj9[?] (a la Starostin) or *sitsi9[?] (a la Schuessler) < 'Kashgarian' "lion" ~ Tocharian B secake "lion" < *secike < *siceke. The oldest attestations of Chinese Btp^f shizi "lion" come from the Hanshu M. * "Book of {Former} Han" [96A: 3889], completed in 92 CE, but describing the events of the 2nd and 1st cent. BCE: "In the territories of Wviyi (today in Afghanistan) ... there are ttfjc tdobd-s (?Tong-tailed deer'), lions, and rhinoceroses."115 (see Hulsewe 1979, 114; Behr 2004, 9-10). Further is a gloss in the dictionary Shuowen jiezi [5A18: 103] (t&JCM^ "Explaining Graphs and Analyzing Characters"), finished c. 100 CE: 112 Chinese if. mil "tree" < Middle Chinese *muk < Late Postclassic Chinese *mhwök < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *mhök< Han Chinese *mhök< Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *mhök (Starostin, ChEDb). 113 Chinese Sni Iii "(sika) deer" < Middle Chinese *luk < Late Postclassic Chinese *lw5k < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *l5k < Han Chinese *rök < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rök (Starostin, ChEDb). 114 Translation of B. Watson: Record of the Grand Historian of China, vol. 2. New York: Columbia University Press2 1962, 268 (cited after Lin Meicun 1998, 476). 115 fm^m...mM&, w?, I.E. Non-Chinese glosses in Chinese texts 69 "X/ao means 'tiger's roar'. One {commentator} says: ffi^f 'lion'. Derived form {the word} fl jiu for 'tiger'."116 The real word for "tiger" is ffii hu (GSR 0057 a-e), the form fl jiu means "nine" and is used only in phonophoric function (Behr 2004, 10-11). More detailed informtion was mediated by the commentator Meng Kang (]£Ji§, c. 250 CE): "The Records compiled in the Eastern Lodge say: 'The king of the state of Shille111 sent an envoy, who presented a lion and a zebu.' The lion (shizi) is similar to the tiger, pure yellow, with a long mane, and a tuft on its tail which is as big as a bushel."118 (Behr 2004, 11). This event is dated to 133 CE. HduHanshu [3: 158] (87 CE): "The kingdom of Yuezhi119 dispatched an official who presented a fiibd ('hornless unicorn'?) and a lion."120 (Behr 2004, 12). Following Pelliot (1931,449), who first had mentioned similarity of Tocharian Asisdk, B secake "lion" and one of Chinese designations of "lion", Luders (1933, 1018) proposed that the Tocharian words had to represent a transcription of Chinese Btp^f shi121 zi122 "lion", Middle Chinese *siitsis? (Pulleyblank 1962-63,109) ~ Early Middle Chinese *sitsf I *sitsf (Pulleyblank 1991,281,420) < Western Han Chinese *§3jc3? (Pulleyblank 1995, 428). According to Pulleyblank (1962-63, 109) the direction of borrowings must be the opposite, from Tocharian into Chinese. One such occas-sion is even described by Meng Kang (see above) and is dated to 133 CE when a delegation from the kingdom Shille (i.e. Kashgar) brought a lion as a present in China. It was in the period of Han (206 BC - 220 CE) when the western border of China shifted far to the west. At that time the first character was probably read as *s(j)3j < Early Old Chinese *srij, and the second character as *c(j)9 < *ca? (Starostin 1989, 695, 597; 549, 550). The main difference consists in dating the elimination of the final glottal stop: Starostin reconstructed it only for the earliest stage of Chinese, beginning of the end of the 6th cent. BCE, Schuessler introduced it in his pre-Han Old Chinese, i.e. from the 3rd cent. BCE, while Pulleyblank operated with it in his Early Middle Chinese, i.e. till the end of the 6th cent. CE! Making a 'mean value', it is possible to assume its existence still in the Han era. The reading of Btp^f or M^f for this period should be *S9JC9? by Pulleyblank, *s9jcp? a la Starostin and *sitsi9?a la Schuessler. Concerning the substitution of the Han Chinese final *-?for the Tocharian velar, the same fate of the final velar occurs in (Early) Middle Chinese H^f" *ku9n-tsp? (Pulleyblank 1962-63, 226) = *kw9ntsi' (Pulleyblank 1991, 179, 420; GSR 0417 a + 0964 a) which was mentioned in the "Brief History of Wei" (|!tl§ Wei Hie or Wei lyue), written by Yu Huan in 239-265 CE, as the name of a fur-bearing animal in the territory of the Dingling (T#) people. This apparently foreign word, recorded by the same second character as the word "lion", must represent an adaptation of Turkic *qirsaq ~ *qarsaq "polar fox" (Pulleyblank 1962-63,226). The designation of "lion" is attested in both Tocharian A and B. The Tocharian A nom. sisdk occurs e.g. in 12b3: sne wdsklune kesdr sisdk tds "without motion of [his] mane the lion lay" and with the gemined variant 257a6: kesdr sissdk oki pdlkdt stwar kdlymentwam "like a lion's mane the four cardinal points are visible"; in compounds 213a6: 23 sisak-sanwem du. "lion's jaws" (Poucha 1955, 324). Tocharian B secake e.g. in 15&l:ysdsse ramtkarse mlyuwehcpokaine 116 m, Ä^ifeo -BSP^o JAJ%AM. 117 Early Middle ChineseiSfj *gi&hk, i.e. Kashgar (Pulleyblank 1991, 288, 184; GSR 0090 b + 0928 f>. 119 Early Middle Chinese ft K *ijuattei(ä) (Pulleyblank 1991, 388, 404; GSR 0306 a + 0867 a). 120 ft ^m&immm, w?. 121 Chinese SP shi "multitude, army; master" < Late Middle Chinese *gr < Early Middle Chinese *gi (Pulleyblank 1991,281: probably a transcription of TocharianB secake) = Middle Chinese *si < Postclassic Chinese *sij < Eastern Han Chinese *saj < Western Han Chinese *s/3j < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *srij (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0559 a-e); Schuessler (2007, 461; 2009, 283, §26-36): if^p shizi "MorT < Middle Chinese *sitsiB < Later Han Chinese *< *sitsiaB. Baxter & Sagart 2014, 289: Middle Chinese *srij < Old Chinese *srij. 122 Chinese ^pzz""child, son, daughter, young person; prince; a polite substitute for 'you'; derivational suffix" < Early Middle Chinese *tsi'/*tsi' (Pulleyblank 1991, 420) ~ Middle & Postclassic Chinese *cji < Eastern Han Chinese *cji < Western Han Chinese *ca < Preclassic Old Chinese *c3?(s) (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0964 a-j) ~ Middle Chinese *tsiB < Later Han Chinese *tsiaB < Old Chinese *ts3? (Schuessler 2007, 633) - Middle Chinese *tsiX < Old Chinese *ts3? (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014). 70 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations secakem[tse] "thighs like a golden stag, arms [like] a lion's" (Adams 1999, 660). It is difficult to determine a common denominator of the A and B forms: A sisdk is derivable from *sa(n)sake or *sdcdke (via regressive assimilation - see Burlak 2000, 136; the influence of sisri "mane" is also possible - see Adams 1999, 660 & 2013, 723; the specific correspondence of A/': B e has an analogy in A pi. kapsihhdh vs. B kektsehe "body", again between two palatal consonants, cf. Cop 1975, 22; similarly Burlak 2000, 94). But the initial syllable *sP is also reconstructible, while B secake from *set° with c reflecting a palatalized dental and *e explained by the vrddhi-lengthen-ing of the root-vowel (Adams, I.e.). The termination in *-dke can reflect both *-eko- and *-iko- (~ *-k-). In the Indo-European zoological terminology the ^-suffixes are very frequent (Brugmann 1906, 505). From the productive suffixes, *-eko- and *-iko- are compatible with the Tocharian data (concerning IE *-eko-: *-eko- expectable in Tocharian, it is necessary to take in account the morphological alternance of the type Greek akwafe, gen. -ekoc;). Etymology: (i) Van Windekens (1976, 480-81) reconstructed *siteko- and *seteko- for A and B respectively, seeking a support in Latin saeta "mane". Let us add Hittite settis id. and perhaps Greek odxxa • KalrjLiLia KecpaXfjt; yuvauceiat; (Hesych.) [corr. *oavca?]. The Latin word and Hesychius' gloss are derivable from *sH2eits/a or *seH2its/d, while the absence of laryngeal in Hittite indicates the vowel *o eliminating the preceding laryngeals (Beekes 1995, 144), i.e. the starting-point *sH2oiti-. The difference between A and B in vocalism is really troublesome. Accepting the reconstruction of Common Tocharian *d in the first syllable (Cop & Adams quoted above), a common starting point could be *sHit°l*siH2f plus *-eko- or *-iko-. On the other hand, the hypothetical protoform *sH2eit°l*sH2oi1°ox *seH2i1°l*soH2i1° would continue in B +saicake. The actually attested vowel e can represent a hypercorrect A correspondent of B ai, taking in account the rule B ai ~ A e (Van Windekens 1976, 30; cf. also Winter 1984, 75, 84-85 on the phenomenon of hyper-correctness). According to D.Q. Adams (his comments on ms. of Blazek 2005b), the A form is derivable from *sdcek(e) ~ *sicek(e), accepting the influence of the word sisri "mane", while the B form reflects *secdke ~ *secike. He mentions the 'switched' vowels in the first two syllables. Taking in account possibility of the vocalic metathesis in B, the common starting point *sH2itek° seems to be an acceptable solution. The Later Han Chinese transcriptions *s9jcj9? (a la Starostin) or *sitsi9? (a la Schuessler) of the Kashgarian designation of "lion" more or less preserves the first two consonants of Tocharian B secake, but better agrees with vocalism of Tocharian A sisdk, if it is derivable from *sicek(e). Kashgar is located in the far west of the Tocharian oikumene and it is difficult to expect a presence of East Tocharian (= A) here. Thus, the local Tocharian variety preserved the word for "lion" with consonantism close to Western (= B) Tocharian, but with vocalism closer to the A counterpart, being more archaic. Adams (2013, 723) returns to Van Windekens' reconstruction for A and thinks about the zero-grade protoform *siH2teko- "maned (one)". The semantic motivation "lion" = "having a mane" is also quite natural, cf. Sanskrit kesarin- & kes-arin- "lion" = "having a mane" [Mahabharata] vs. kesara- mane (of horse or lion)" [Ramayana], from kesa- "hair of the head" [Atharvaveda], "mane (of horse or lion)" [Mahabharata]. (ii) Adams (1984, 284-86) proposed Common Tocharian *sd(n)sdke which should have been derivable from *singheko-, reconstructed on the basis of Vedic sirhhet-, especially regarding the later derivative simhaka- [Divyavadana]. Later Adams (1999, 660) himself expresses his doubts concerning this etymology. (iii) Schwentner (1939, 59) derived Tocharian A sisdk from *kisdk, which should have been borrowed from Sanskrit kesaka- *"lion", really "bestowing care upon the hair" [Panini], the derivative of kesa- "hair of the head" [from AV], "mane (of a horse or lion)" [from Mahabharata], cf. the semantic development in other derivatives as kesarin- & kesarin- "having a mane; lion" (cf. above). Schwentner admits that he is unable to explain Tocharian B in the same way. 4. Classic Old Chinese / Western Han Chinese ~ W)% *sorn(h)e "lion" < pre-Khotan-Saka gen.sg. *sarguai. I.E. Non-Chinese glosses in Chinese texts 71 The oldest Chinese designation of "lion", MM ~ MM, in modern pronunciation suänni, appears first in two texts, ffffi Eryä123 and W-^^W Mü Tiänzi zhuän124, both dated, at least partially, to the early 3rd cent. BCE, i.e. in the late Zhou period (Behr 2004, 14-16, including his translations): Eryä [18.26, Xü ed.: 336]: "The suänni is like a zhänmäo [a Tight-haired tiger/ fierce cat']; it eats tigers and leopards."125 Mü Tiänzi zhuän [1: 2b]: "The suänni and the wild horse travel 500 li [per day]."126 About the place of origin of this term we are informed thanks to Guö Pü (fßlÜ; 276-324 CE) in his comments to "Lost Book of Zhou" (jUJH * Yi Zhöushu) about the era of Western Zhou: "Suänni stands for 'lion', it stems from the Western territories. During the time of Emperor Shun of Eastern Han [ruled 126-145 CE], the king of Shüle came to present a zebu and a lion."127 Now in the same sentence both lion names are used, MM suänni and ffi^f shizi. It is the same event from 133 CE, described in the preceding paragraph and the city-state ImM) Shüle (< Early Middle Chinese *gi9hhk) is the same address as in the case of the preceding gloss, Btp^f shizi "lion", i.e. Kashgar. Two characters writing the Modern Chinese word MM ~ MM suän-ni "lion" indicate its foreign origin. B. Karlgren reconstructed its pronunciation in his 'Ancient' (really Middle) Chinese as sudn-ngiei and in 'Archaic' Chinese as swdn-ngieg (GSR 0468 d' + 0873 o; cf. Henning 1965, 46; Brough 1970, 81: *suan-nei). Pulleyblank (1991, 296, 223) reconstructed Early Middle Chinese *swannej. Behr (2004,14) assumes a reconstruction of Old Chinese *so[n,r]=tje after Baxter & Sagart. The latter reconstruction is very close to the Old Chinese reconstruction *s5r-ne? proposed by Sergei Jaxontov128 on the basis of the reconstruction of the Archaic Chinese phonology by Sergei A. Starostin (1989, 402: Middle Chinese *Cwan < Old Chinese *Cor; 692: Karlgren's *ngieg < Starostin's *n(h)e?). The characters M, M & fa129 do not appear in Starostin's Chinese Etymological Database, but it is possible to help ourselves with characters consisting of the same phonograms: Wi suän "(to be) sour, bitter, pungent" < Middle Chinese *swan < Postclassic Chinese *s5n < Han Chinese *sön < Classic Old Chinese *sön < Preclassic Old Chinese *sör (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0468 e'). Baxter & Sagart (2014): Middle Chinese *swan < Old Chinese *[s]!or. Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan skjur "sour" (< *g-sur, cf. Rgyarung katsyur); Lushai: thür "to be acid, sour"; Lepcha cor "to be sour, to be acid"; Tsangla tsur; Kanauri sur-; Rgyarung katsyur; Midzu tsur; Bahing dzyur (Shafer 1974, 52, 181; Benedict 1972, 23; CVSTIV, 124). BJfÜ ni "to look askance" < Middle Chinese *rjiej < Postclassic Chinese *n(h)iij < Eastern Han Chinese *n(h)ii < Western Han Chinese *rj(h)S < Classic Old Chinese *n(h)S < Preclassic Old Chinese *t](h)e? (Starostin, 1989, 692 & ChEDb; GSR 0873 h). The result *s5rn(h)e? for Preclassic Old Chinese agrees with Jaxontov's reconstruction. This protoform is reconstructed for Preclassic Old Chinese, dated to the 6th-10th cent. BCE by Starostin. The change *-r > -n was dated by Starostin (1989, 446-47, 450) to the time of transformation from Preclassic to Classic Old Chinese, i.e. around 500 BCE. On the other hand, Baxter & Sagart (2014, 260) reconstruct the coda *-r still for Western Han Chinese. The difference in these 123 An ancient lexicon containing entries on flora and fauna, as well as glosses on terms to be found in the older classics. The presence of numerous citations dating from the middle and late Zhou period led Karlgren to dating it to the 3rd cent. BCE (Rakita Goldin 2001, 95). 124 "Tale of King Mu, Son of Heaven" . Cf. also Hargett 2001, 555. 125 mmmmm, -Řňm. 126 mm, mm, 127 mm, tamto mm#m, m®tt&m*&m?. 128 In his letter addressed to Václav Blažek, dated on Feb 23, 1991. 129 Chinese US ní "fawn" < Late Middle Chinese *rjjiaj < Early Middle Chinese *rjej (Pulleyblank 1991, 223; GSR 0873 o) ~ Middle Chinese *rjiei < Later Han Chinese *rje < Old Chinese *ijé (Schuessler 2007, 398-99). 72 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations positions may be illustrated by various interpretations of the Xiongnu title IP-Ť chán130 yú131. Sta-rostin (1989, 452: Wl32Zf~) reconstructed Western Han Chinese *danwha, following Pulleyblank (1962-63, 91), who reconstructed dánhwáh, and both saw in it the Turkic title tarxan/tarqan. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 260, 399, fn. 66) reconstruct history of the title as follows: Middle Chinese *dzyen-hju < Western Han Chinese *dar-Fiwa < Old Chinese *[dJar+Gw(r)a and identify in it the Written Mongol title daruya > Persian daruga "governor" (TMENl, 319-23). Another example of Baxter & Sagart (2014, 260) is still more convincing, namely the Chinese transcription HíH huán133 qiánlM of the country Khwarezm from the lower Oxus/Amu-Darya, first recorded in "The Scribe's Records" (jfe!2 Shiji), also known as "Records of the {Grand} Scribe" (^ci ^•H Táishígóng shu), compiled by Sima Qian (WJHM; 145-86 BCE). Starostin's Western Han Chinese reconstruction should be *hwanjam, Baxter & Sagart reconstruct for the same period *xiwardzem. Cf. Khwarezmian xw'rzm, PersianXwárazm, Old Persian Huwarazmi-, Young Aves-tan xváirizam- [Yašt 10.14] (Benzing 1983, 686; Bartholomae 1904, 1878). Thus, if the coda *-r was still preserved in the Western Han era, it had to exist in the time of record of the term ~ i.e. in the early 3rd cent. BCE. For Classic Old Chinese / Western Han Chinese it is thus quite legitimate to propose a reading *sórrj(h)ě. Etymology: Henning (1965) and Brough (1970) thought about a borrowing from an Iranian source, but with respect to Karlgren's reconstructions e.g. Henning (1965, 45) speculated about a common pre-Indo-Iranian denominator **slengha- as a source of the Chinese term. His protoform is reconstructed on the basis of Indo-Aryan *sinzha- "lion"135 and the following Middle136 & Modern Iranian forms: Khotanese sarau "lion" < *sargáva-, gen. sg. sarvai & saruai, nom. pi. sarauva 130 Chinese W- dän "single, unit"; chán in the title chányú < Middle Chinese *tän < Postclassic Chinese *tän < Han Chinese *tän < Classic Old Chinese *tän < Preclassic Old Chinese *tär (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0147 a-d) ~ Old Chinese *Ca.tiar (Baxter & Sagart 2014). Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan thor-bu "single, separate"; Motuo thor, Padam a-tel, Shaiyangtei- "one" (CVST11, 118). 131 Chinese -p yú "to go; be in, to; to enlarge" < Middle Chinese */iu < Postclassic Chinese *wo < Han Chinese *wa < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *wa (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0097 a-g). Baxter& Sagart (2014): Middle Chinese *hju < Old Chinese *a"(r)a. Sino-Tibetan: Kachin wa2 "to return"; Lushai väk, va?"\o go, walk"; Chepang, Magari/zwö "to go"; Newariwö "to go"; Dhimalwö// "to enter"; Bunanhwans~hoarj "to come out" (Shafer 1974, 64; Benedict 1972, 105; CVSTV, 10). 132 Chinese W dän "unlined garment" [Late Zhou] < Middle Chinese *tän < Postclassic Chinese *tän < Han Chinese *tän < Classic Old Chinese *tän < Preclassic Old Chinese *tär (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0147 i). Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan ther "a kind of thin woollen cloth" or dar "silk, cloth". 133 Chinese ü huän "to rejoice, joyous" < Middle Chinese *xwän < Postclassic Chinese *hwän < Han Chinese *hwän < Classic Old Chinese *hwän < Preclassic Old Chinese *h"är (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0158 1). Baxter & Sagart (2014, 260): Middle Chinese *xwan < Western Han Chinese *xiwar < Old Chinese *qwMar. 134 Chinese iff qian "to dive, go underwater" < Middle Chinese *jjem < Postclassic Chinese *jjem < Eastern Han Chinese *jjam < Western Han Chinese *jam < Classic Old Chinese *jam < Preclassic Old Chinese *jam (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0660 n). Baxter & Sagart (2014,260): Middle Chinese *dzjem < Western Han Chinese *dzem < Old Chinese *[dz][o]m. Comments: For *j cf. Xiamen ciam2, Fuzhou cien2 (but Chaozhou chiam2). 135 Indo-Aryan *sinzha -: Old Indie [RV] simhá- m. / simha- f. [RV VII, 18.17], Prakrit simha-, simgha-, siha-/sihi-m./f, Pali siha- / sihT-, (> Sinhalese si, siha), Old Gujarati siha, Hindi sigh, sih/ sighrii id., Panjabi sfh m. "lion", sihanii. "tigress", West Pahari si "leopard", sih "lion", sihan "tigress", Kumaoni syü "tiger", Maithili sfh "lion", Lahnda sih "tiger"; Dardic: Kashmiri sah, siih m. "tiger, leopard", simin f. "tigress, leopard"; Nuristani: Waigali si "tiger" (Turner 1966, #13384; EWAIII, 727). There is a remarkable parallel in Burushaski siňgé -tiň -muč "lion, hero; dragon, monster" (Berger 1998, 379; Lorimer 1938, 315; they compare the Burushaski form with Balti singe and Classical Tibetan sen-ge, sin-ge; cf. cognates in modern Bodish dialects as Amdo san-ge, Mustang siňki, Stau serj-ki, Cuona Menba sen55ke55; Qiangic: rGyarong san-ge, Muya si55-rjgi, Jiulong Pumi sin55gi55, Zaň-Zuň sarjg-go, and other geographically closed languages as Lepcha sůng-gi; Geman Deng/Midžu suiij55gi55 - all probably borrowed from some Middle Indo-Aryan source, cf. Prakrit simgha- - lexical data and discussion see Behr 2005, 5-6). 136 From the Old Iranian period there are only uncertain onomastical traces: Old Persian (Hinz) or Median (Mayrhofer) *šargu- in proper names in the Elamite records: Šá-ir-ku-da-da = *Sargu-öäta- "born of a lion" = Classical Persian Šěrzad in Sähname (the herold of Khusraw I), Šá-ir-ku-nu-ya- = *Sargu-vaniya- "lion-conqueror" (the second component corresponds to Avestan vispauuaniia-), Šá-ir-ku-zí-iš = *Šargučya- (Gershevitch 1970, 90; Mayrhofer 1973, 230; Hinz & Koch 1987, 1122). I.E. Non-Chinese glosses in Chinese texts 73 & saramva (with loss of *-g- as in mura- "bird" < *mrga-), Khwarezmian sry "lion", sry'n "lioness", Sogdian (Buddhistic) sryw /saryu/, (Manichean) srwy /sruy/ "lion", Manichean Parthian & Manichean Middle Persian of Turfan sgr /Sagr/, Zoroastrian Pahlavi sgl ~ syl /serf, Modern Persian137 (West dialects) ser, (Tehran!) sir id. (Bailey 1979, 421; Benzing 1983, 583; Gharib 1995, ##9320,9323; Klingenschmitt 2000,208, fn. 64; Lazard 1989,289; MacKenzie 1971, 78; Nyberg 1974, 182). These forms are derivable from Iranian *s/sargu-Ui < *[Jsorg^u- or *[Jsrg^u-. The Classical Old Chinese reconstruction *sorne may reflect a source close to pre-Khotanese gen.sg. *sarguai, adapted via hypothetical *sanfe in Late Zhou Chinese, perhaps around 300 BCE. If the place of origin of this lion-name was really Shule, i.e. Kashgar, it is a witness that in the territory of this city state some early form of the Sakan language was spoken already around 300 BCE. The following etymologies of this Iranian designation of "lion" were formulated: (i) Darmesteter (apud Horn 1893, 178, #803) sought origin of Persian ser "lion" in Avestan xsaOriia- "imperiosus, Machthaber, Gebieter" (Bartholomae 1904, 548), constructing the semantic starting-point "king of animals". Hubschmann (1895, 88) rejected it, determining the correct cognate of this Avestan adj. in Persian sahri-yatun "Persian horse". Moreover, the Middle Iranian "hon"-counterparts definitively exclude Darmesteter's comparison. (ii) It was already said that Henning (1965, 45) speculated about a common Indo-Iranian starting-point **slengha-, which should continue in both Iranian *s/sargu- and Indo-Aryan *sinzha-"lion". But these animal names agree only in the meaning. Both the root and stem vowels are different and incompatible. The regular Iranian counterpart of Indo-Aryan *s- is *h-, while Iranian *s- corresponds to IA *s- and Iranian *s to IA *s. Iranian *r does not correspond to IA n and Iranian *g cannot correspond to IA *zh, whose palatal character is supported by the cognate in Armenian inj, inc, gen. -ow "leopard". (iii) Bailey (1979, 420-21) tried to derive the zoonym from the verb attested in Middle Persian of Turfan sfxs-yn- "to overcome" (*sarg-), Khotanese sar- "to rush at, pounce upon, rise over", Yazgulami sar-, sard, Shughni sar-, sard, Roshani sor, sert, Sarikoli sur-, sord, Ishkashimi sur-, surd, Tajiki sdr- "to creep upon", and further Sanskrit tsdrati "creeps on, sneaks", tsdru- "a crawling animal". Naturally, the semantic motivation leading to the designation of "lion" is not too apparent. (iv) With respect to phonetic laws established in the Indo-Iranian branch, Blazek (2005b, 11) reconstructs the Iranian denotation for "lion" as *sorgfll>-u- or *srg-u- and connects it with another Indo-Aryan predator-name, namely *srgdla-m, usually designating "jackal", but also "fox" or "wolf. The semantic difference between the felidae and canidae is not invincible - let us mention e.g. examples from the Dravidian languages: (a) Tamil uruvai "tiger", Kolami dii "panther" vs. Koi duhkiak "wolf, Gadba ducca id. (DEDR 693); (b) Kodagu nari "tiger" vs. Tamil nari "jackal" & "tiger" (cant), Malayalam nari "jackal / Canis aureus" & "(female) tiger" vs. Kannada, Tulu nari "jackal, fox", Telugu nariyadu "jackal" (DEDR 3606); (c) Kolami kediak "tiger", Naiki khareyak "panther" vs. Kui krddi "tiger, leopard" & "hyena" (DEDR 1132). Similarly (d) Old Indie tardksu- "hyena" [YV] vs. taraksu- "tiger" (EWAI I, 628) or (e) Luwian walwa/i- "lion" vs. non-Anatolian IE *ulk>o- "wolf (Lehrman 1987, 13-18). 137 Persian is a source of Baluchi šěr "lion" (Klingenschmitt 2000, 208; Korn 2005, 119) and Kurdish Kurmanji ser "lion; brave person" (Rizgar 1993, 177); Tajik šěr id. is a source of West Wakhi šěr, East & Central Wakhi sir "lion" (Paxalina 1975, 264), Shughni šěr "lion" (Zarubin 1960,234), Ishkashimi šer, Sanglechi šěr "lion" (Paxali-na 1959, 236). 138 Klingenschmitt (2000, 208-09, fn. 64) reconstructs proto-Iranian *č(š)argu-. 139 Old Indie [SB] šrgálá- & srgálá-, Pali sigála-, Prakrits si(g)ála- "jackal", Sinhalese sivalá ~ hivalá, Maldivian hiyal "jackal", Gujarati siyál, Hindi siyál/r, sál, Bihari siyár "jackal", Assamese xiyal, Bengali siyál, Oriya siyala "jackal", West Pahari: Curahi sidli, Pangwali sagdl, Padari suga'l' "fox", Joshi šiál; Nepali siyál "jackal"; Dardic: Kashmiri šál "jackal", Pashai: Wegali šál "wolf', Shumashti šial "jackal", Shina šál "jackal", Gawaria/ "jackal", Khowar^/a/ "jackal"; Nuristani: Kati syol "wolf, Prasun^//, seli, Dameli sial "jackal" (Turner 1966, #12578); cf. also Burushaski hal "fox" (Berger 1998, 186) < *sayál (Berger 1959, 23, 32). 74 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations In this concrete case there are etymological solutions in Indo-European: (a) A common semantic denominator for "lion" and "jackal / wolf can be their typical sound, the roar for "lion" and the howling for "jackal / wolf. This idea may be supported by the orni-thonym särgd- [Maiträyani Sarhhitä], if we take in account that for bird-names the semantic motivation based on characteristic sounds is most typical. Already in 1857, A. Weber proposed for Indo-Aryan srgdld- the primary semantics "Schreier" (see KEWA III, 368). The only term used for "jackal" in Rgveda, krostdr- [X, 28.4], represents the nomen agentis from the verb krosati "cries out, shrieks". And the 'roaring' epithets for "lion" are equally natural, e.g. Sanskrit bhima-ndda-"lion" (lex.), lit. "terrific sound" [Käv.], Arabic nahhäm "lion" : nahama "to roar, cry out" (Stein-gass 1988, 1150, 1152). But there is no material support for Weber's etymology. (ß) "Lion" and "jackal / wolf are killing predators. But the only Indo-European root of the type *k-r.. expressing some destructive activity, is the set-root *kerH2- (LIV 327-28), perhaps also continuing in Sanskrit sari- "wild beast, beast of prey". But the sequence *krH2C would give +sirC (cf. e.g. Beekes 1995, 145) and not srC as in the word "jackal". (y) "Lion" and "jackal" have their gluttony in common too. Also in this case, only the se/-root *kerH3- (LIV 329) is at our disposal. In the sequence *krH3C it would be probably transformed into +sürC I +sirC. None of the speculations (a-y) are successful. It seems that a non-Indo-European origin of either, or both, Iranian "lion" and Indo-Aryan "jackal" cannot be excluded. It remains to determine a function of the extension in *-äla- in Sanskrit s/srgdld-. The formation in -älo- is productive in more Indo-European branches - Greek: Doric Giyaköc, "reticent" : ovyii, ovydco; Italic: Latin animälis : anima, animäre, naturalis : natura, generalis : genus, pi. genera, generäre, Oscan fertalis *'fertales': Latin fertum, Umbrian uerfale 'verbale': Latin ver-bum; Celtic: Welsh gwasawl "serving" : gwas "servant"; in Slavic the part, praet. of the verbal ä-class: Old Church Slavonic delalh : delati "to do, work" (Brugmann 1906, 369). In Sanskrit this formation is rare. Brugmann (I.e.) quoted only one example formally agreeing with the preceding ones, viz. väcäla- "talkative" (Kävya lit., Kathäsaritsägara) : väcä "speech, word" (Pancatantra). If Indo-Aryan s/srgdla- "jackal, wolf, fox" represents a derivative in -älo- of the primary noun "lion" (preserved only in Iranian *s/sargu-), it is possible to interpret it as "leoninus", "belonging to lion" vel sim. But with respect to Old Indie tradition where "jackal" represented a Tower class' among animals in contrast with "lion" (cf. RV X, 28.4140 and discussion by Gamkrelidze & Ivan-ov 1984, 514), the direct derivation "jackal" = "leoninus" seems rather doubtful. Thieme (1985, 251, 255, 257) identifies the nouns in -ala-/-ara- in Old Indie, frequently forming the names of professions: karmära- & vrddhi kärmärä- "smith", kuläla- & kaulälä- "potter", dhivara- & dhai-vard- "fisher"; sometimes only the vrddhi-formation has been preserved: *mrgära- & mdrgdrd-"hunter", *mindla- & maindla- "fisher". Thieme derives this formation from IE *al- < *H2el- "to nourish" (LIV262; Pokorny 1959,26-27), supposing the semantic motivation "der sich von Fisch (mlna-) nährt" for "fisher", "der sich von Wild (mrga-) nährt" for "hunter", "der Aushöhlung [von Lehmklumpen auf dem Töpferrad] (kula-) nährt" for "potter". Accepting Thieme's idea, the primary semantic motivation of the Indo-Aryan "jackal" could be "der sich dank Löwe nährt". It is a realistic description of the feeding on carrion - so typical for jackals and other wild canidae. There is a similar semantic derivation in Sumerian ur-bar-ra "wolf vs. ur-bar "lion" (Hübner & Reizammer 1986, 1123). Let us also mention the notice of Aristotle from his History of Animals [IX, 1; translated by D'Arcy Wentworth Thompson]: "The lion and jackal or civet are enemies, for both are carnivorous and live on the same food". 140 lopasah simham pratyancam atsah krosta varahdm nir atakta kaksat [RV X, 28.4] "The fox crept up on the lion, his opponent; the jackal sprang on the boar from out of the underbrush" [translated by Stephanie W.Jamison & Joel P.Brereton] LR Indo-European - Chinese parallels without Tocharian data 75 F. Indo-European - Chinese parallels without Tocharian data The following four comparisons are without Tocharian data. Even in the case of their identification in Tocharian texts in future, it could play a role of a mediator only in the lemma "horse" (#1). But the internal Sino-Tibetan etymology of the Old Chinese term *mra? "horse" indicates that the similarity to the Celto-Germanic isogloss *marko- is only accidental. On the other hand, with respect to their phonetic pecularities the earlier Chinese forms in lemmas ## 2, 3, 4 are derivable only from Iranian sources, perhaps close to the language of Scythians. Their adaptation into Chinese would have been dated already before 600 BCE. IE: Celtic *marko- > Middle Irish marc "horse", Old Irish marcach "horseman"; Middle Welsh march, pi. meirch, Old Cornish march gl. 'equus', Middle Cornish margh, Old Breton marh, Middle Breton march, Modern Breton marc 'h; Gaulish calliomarcus, glossed equi ungula by Marcellus Burdigalensis in his pharmacological compendium De medicamentis, written c. 400 CE; marcosior "may I ride" [inscr. from Autun], Galatian acc.sg. LidpKotv "horse", xpuiapKaoia "group of three horsemen" [Pausanias 10.19.11], while Celtiberian [Bottorita III] personal name Markos is more probably an adaptation of Latin Marcus (Meid 1996, 19-22; Delamarre 2001, 64, 183; Matasovic 2009, 257); Germanic *marha- m. "horse, steed" > Old Norse marr, Old English mearh, Old Prisian mar, Old High German marh, marah, Middle High German march id.; *marhi- or *marhjö(n)- f. "mare" > Old Norse merr, Old English mere, Middle Dutch mer(i) e, Dutch merrie, Old High German mariha, meriha, German Mähre id. (Kroonen 2013, 354). North(west) Germanic *marha-menpila- > Balto-Pennic: Pinnish marhain, pi. marhaimed "Halfterriemen, -strick, -kette", Ingrian pi. marhameD, Karelian marhaminta, Vepsian pi. varhindod (LGLO II, 250). Late Old High German mar(i)ha "mare" > Old Czech mrcha "meagre mare", Slovenian mfha "mare; pecus, armentum, merx"; Hungarian marha "merx"; Rumanian marja "goods" (Schräder & Nehring I, 438). From East Germanic there is known only a hypothetical onomastic counterpart MARINGS in the inscription from a buckle discovered by Szabadbattyan in Central Hungary, dated to 400^125 CE. It can reflect *marhings, interpretable as "horseman" or "descendant of *Mar(h)s, i.e. "horse" (Antonsen 1975, 74-75, #98). There are also onomastic traces in the Balkan Peninsula. The first component of the toponym MapKÖSoroa [Ptolemy 3.8.4] from Dacia with the typical component -5ava forming Dacian places of settlements can be of Celtic origin. In Gaulish a corresponding compound should be Marco-durum (Georgiev 1981, 148). Other onomastic parallels are from the West Balkan: Zimarcus from Aquileia [CIL 5.1614]; 'DJ,rjpoi yevot; ... Zuiapxot; [Procopius of Caesarea, Anecdota sive Historia Arcana 6.2] etc., but also from Jambol in present Bulgary: ZiaLiapKnt; (see Detschew 1957, 188, 288). It was probably first Schlegel (1872, 18) who compared the Celto-Germanic isogloss *marko-and Chinese J§ ma "horse". Polivanov (1924/1968141, 167-68), Conrady (1925, 3), Jensen (1936, 141^12), Pulleyblank (1966, 11), Ulenbrook (1967, 540), Gamkrelidze & Ivanov (1984, 553), Chang (1988, 10, 37) and Lubotsky (1998, 385) discuss the frequently repeated comparison between the Celto-Germanic isogloss *marko- "horse" and Old Chinese *mrä? (Starostin) ~ *mrdh (Schuessler) ~ *m!ra? (Baxter & Sagart). Jensen and Lubotsky correctly express their doubts. Besides the limited distribution in the Indo-European space there are convincing Sino-Tibetan cognates to the Chinese word, whose character appeared already in inscriptions on the oracle bones dated to 1250-1050 BCE: Chinese i§142 ma "horse" < Middle Chinese *ma < Postclassic 141 Polivanov's article was published posthumously from an unpublished manuscript. Polivanov operated with this comparison in other articles already in 1924. 142 The charanter is attested already in the oracle bones (a) and bronze inscriptions (b): 1. "horse" (a) 76 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations Chinese *mg < Han Chinese *mrä < Classic Old Chinese *mrd < Preclassic Old Chinese *mra? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0040 a-e) ~ Middle Chinese & Later Han Chinese *mcP < Old Chinese *mräh ~ Middle Chinese *maeX< *w/ra,? "horse" (Baxter & Sagart 2014, 110, 213). For *m- cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou be3, Fuzhou, Jianou ma3. Bai: Jianchuan me1, Dali mer1, Bijiang mo1, ma1. Vietnamese reading: mä. Sino-Tibetan *mräH/ *mrän "horse" > Old Chinese J§ *mrä?"horse"; Old Tibetan rmay; Lolo-Burmese *mhrutjx > Burmese mratjh "horse", Lahu l-mu; Kachin kum-ratj "a horse, a pony"; Rgyarung nporo, poro, mow "horse" > Manyak bwh, bo-ro' (Shafer 1974, 121, 135, 143, 388, 410; Benedict 1972, 43; Matisoff2003, 267; CVSTl, 35-36). Comments: Besides the geographic distance143 between western and eastern peripheries of Eurasia there is another reason, why this comparison can be explained neither as a common heritage, nor as a result of contact, namely internal etymologies in both, (i) Sino-Tibetan and (ii) Indo-European: (i) The Sino-Tibetan designation of "horse", reconstructed as *mräH / *mrärj (Peiros & Starostin), can be etymologized on the basis of Tibetan rmo "to plough, to sow and plough", Thebor myo; Bunan myo (Shafer 1974, 141; CVSTl, 47-48). Baxter (1992, 469, 861, fn. 349) added Chinese ß% mü "Chinese acre; field" < Middle Chinese *muwX < Old Chinese *m(r)o?, while Starostin144 {ChEDb) did not reconstruct the cluster *mr- in Old Chinese here. Schuessler (2007, 392) compares Chinese ß% mü "Chinese acre; field" with Tibetan rmo-ba, rmos "to plow", rmod "the plowing", rmon-pa "plow ox". Concerning the semantic development, cf. Lithuanian arklys "horse" < *H2erH3-tlio- = "belonging to a plough", vs. ärklas (*H2erH\-tlo-) "plough", all from ariü : ärti "to plough" (Pokorny 1959, 62-63). Alternatively, it is possible to connect the Sino-Tibetan designation of "horse" with Old Chinese Ä *m(r)a? "military, martial" [Shying, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin; Baxter & Sagart), although other Sino-Tibetan cognates do not confirm the cluster *mr-U5. A similar correspondence appears e.g. between Chinese iE meng "the eldest (of brothers)" < Old Chinese *mräns (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0761 e-f) and Tibetan miy "brother in relation to his sister"; Burmese maun "brother" (Benedict 1972, 189; Luce 1981, 75; CVSTl, 39). Concerning semantics, cf. Latin eques-itis "knight", equitätus "cavalry", both from equus "horse". The opposite motivation may be identified in Sanskrit ghota- [Äpastamba Srauta-sütra], ghotaka- [Pancatantra] "horse" vs. ghut- "to strike again, resist, oppose" [Dhätupätha] (MW 377, 379). (ii) A meaningful etymology of the Celto-Germanic isogloss *marko- "horse" was proposed already by Schräder & Nehring (I, 438). They explained the word for "horse" with help of Latin merx "commodity, goods, merchandise", mercäri "to buy, trade", mercätus "market", mercätor "merchant", commercärV\o buy" [all Plautus]. Further also Oscan acc.sg. amirikum "commerce", abl.sg. amiricatud"sold" < *ad-merk- (de Vaan 2008, 376); Greek ßpaKetv • ouvi£vat"to understand" (*"to grasp"), ßpd^at • ouM.aßetv, SaKetv, KaTOwustv "to gather, bite, drink"; Vedic mrsäti "touches, takes, strokes, handles" (Pokorny 1959, 739); Christian Sogdian mrws- "to touch", Parthian pd-ms- /pad-mas/ < *pati-mars- "to understand" (EWAIll, 331: *melk-); Tocharian A mdrk- 143 Geographically closer are designations of "horse" in Altaic languages: Mongolian *morin; Tungusic *murin id., if it was not borrowed from a source of the type Middle Mongol murin (Muqqadimat al-Adab); Middle Korean mär id. (Ramstedt 1935, 267; TMEN I, 507). Already Polivanov 1927/1968, 163 speculated about connection between Mongolian & Korean and Sino-Tibetan designations of "horse". 144 Starostin reconstructed Chinese SA mü "Chinese acre; field" < Middle Chinese *mxw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *m£w < Early Postclassic Chinese *mOw < Han Chinese *ma < Classic Old Chinese *ma < Preclassic Old Chinese *mS? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0949 a). Notes: For *m cf. Xiamen bo\ Chaozhou bou3, Fuzhou mu3. Vietnamese reading: mäu. 145 Chinese täl wü "military, martial; brave" < Middle Chinese *mii < Late Postclassic Chinese *mw6 < Eastern Han Chinese *mwä < Western Han Chinese *mä < Classic Old Chinese *mä < Preclassic Old Chinese *m(r) a? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0104 a-e) ~ Middle Chinese *mjuX < Old Chinese *m(r)a? (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014). Comments: For *m- cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou bu3. Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan dmag "army, host, war"; Burmese mak "soldier, war" < Lolo-Burmese *makx; Kachin dsmya? "bandit"; Miri mi-mäk "to be at war" (CVST I, 16; Schuessler 2007, 519; Shafer 1974, 204; Luce 1981, 67). LR Indo-European - Chinese parallels without Tocharian data 77 "to take away" (cf. Adams 2013, 487 - he is ready to separate it from B mark- "to besmirch, smudge, make bleary"; otherwise Malzahn 2010, 755-56: ^H^erg- "abstreifen, abwischen" in LLV 280f). Thus, horses were objects of trade, and they represented property similar to cattle. Schräder & Nehring (I.e.) found interesting semantic parallels: Middle High German meidem "horse" vs. Gothic maipms "(exchange) gift", Old Norse meiömar pi. "valuables", Old English mdpom "gift", Old Saxon měóom "treasure" (Lehmann 1986, 242), all from the IE verb *meitH2-"to change, take (away) (Zehnder, L/F430). Cf. also the formulation Si homo alii equum suum praestiterit vel quamlibet aliam pecuniam qualis ei praestita est, reddat domino ejus ... from Lex Frisionum, Additio Sapientum, Titulus XI (see Canciani 1785, 29), which was introduced during the reign of Charlemagne after 785 CE. It remains to explain the root-vowel a in Celtic. The zero-grade root Cß.C° usually continues in Celtic *CfiiC°, cf. Celtic *mlig-o- "to milk" & *mlixto- "milk" > Old Irish mligid & mlicht; Middle Welsh blith "(full of) milk", or *mrix-to- "variegated, diversified, painted, speckled" > Old Irish mrecht, Old Welsh brith gl. 'pictam', Cornish bruit, Middle Breton briz (Matasovič 2009, 274, 280). De Bernardo Stempel (1987, 24, 32-33) and Schrijver (1995, 141-43) summarize conditions, when the Celtic reflex *C1aRC° appears, namely before *n, *s, *i, *u, *HV. Schrijver applies this rule to explain the root vowel in Old Irish arcaid "asks, pleads", Middle Welsh archaf, Middle Breton archaff"\ ask". It cannot reflect directly IE *prk°, but the s£-present *prk-sk- (> Celtic * * "horse". The Germanic counterpart *marha- would be explainable either directly from *morko- or as a loan from Continental Celtic (cf. Schräder & Nehring II, 176), still before activation of the Germanic Lautverschiebung. 2. "milk" IE *glg-t-s, gen. *glg-t-os or *glk-t-s, gen. *glk-t-os "milk" (Pokorný 1959, 400-01) > Armenian dial, of Agulis kaxc' "milk" < *kalť < *glg-t-s, vs. kaťn id. < *kaiť-n < acc.sg. *glg-t-m (Mar-tirosyan 2010, 345^16); Greek yaka, gen. yaXaKxoq, rare dat. yakma (Call. Hek. 1.4.1) n. "milk", Homeric yláyoq, Cretan KMyo<;, in compound e.g. y^aKio-cpáyot;, all probably derivable from the nom.sg. *yXmcx (Beekes 2010, 256); Latin lac, gen. lactis n. "milk" (de Vaan 2008, 320). Chinese Ü Ido "a kind of acid soy made of rice or millet" [Liji "Record of Rites", 5th-4th cent. BCE, with redaction in the 2nd cent. BCE]; "fermented milk, yoghurt, sour milk, kumiss" [Shuowén Jiězi "Explaining graphs and analyzing characters", c. 100 AD] < Middle Chinese *ldk < Postclassic Chinese *ldk < Han Chinese *rdk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rdk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0766 p: 'Ancient Chinese' *ldk < 'Archaic Chinese' *gldk). Schuessler (2007, 345): Middle Chinese *ldk< Later Han Chinese *lak< Old Chinese *rdk. Comments: For *r- cf. Xiamen hk8, Chaozhou lok8, Fuzhou lok8. Pulleyblank (1962-63, 253): Middle Chinese *lak < Old Chinese *hlak < *yrak. The hypothetical parallels in other Sino-Tibetan languages collected by Starostin (ChEDb: *r[idjk "to ferment; fermented drink"?), namely Burmese drak "spiritous liquor"; Trung a3-rd? "beer"; Lushai tok "to ferment", look like cultural words - at least the Burmese and Trung forms - may represent outputs of relay borrowings leading back to Arabic iaraq, originally "sap, juice" (Pulleyblank 1962-63, 250). Starostin himself concluded: 'The Sino-Tibetan antiquity is dubious.' 146 Vedic prcchdti, Armenian eharc\ Latinposco, Old High German farscon (Schirmer, L/F490-91). The deverbal formations are also productive, e.g. Sanskritprccha, Armenian harc\ Old High German forsca (Brugmann 1906, 478). 78 I. Tocharian and Chinese mutual relations Comments: If the initial cluster *gl- mistakenly reconstructed for 'Archaic Chinese' by Karl-gren (GSR 0766 p) and repeated by Pulleyblank (1962-63) as *hl-, is excluded and replaced by *r-, which should have existed still in Han Chinese according to Starostin or pre-Han Chinese by Schuessler, the similarity between Old Chinese *räk and Indo-European *glg-t- is significantly weakened. On the other hand, there are more promising Iranian parallels: Khotanese ragai "fermented liquor" < *rakaka- or *rankaka- (Bailey 1979, 356); Ossetic rong "hoppy drink", borrowed into the Kartvelian languages: Georgian (dial, of Rača) rangi "hoppy drink, prepared from honey; honey wine", Mingrelian rangi "honey drink", Svan rang id. (Abaev II, 421-22: *frän(a) ka- "breathe" —> "spiritus"). Lit.: Schlegel 1872, 9; Karlgren, Deutsche Liter aturzeitung 1926, c. 1960L, cited by Pokorný 1959, 401; Jensen 1936, 142; Ulving 1968-69, 950: IE + Chinese. 3. "pig" ^ IE *porko- (Pokorný 1959, 841) > Avestan psrsso "piglet" [Nirangastan 114.9-10: yaOa hus psrssô] = corr. *parssa- (Hoffmann 1967, 35-36), Khotanese pása- "pig, hog" < *pälsa- < *par-sa- (Bailey 1979, 235); sometimes quoted Kurdish purs id. is probably a ghostword, cf. Ben-veniste 1949, 88; Indo-Iranian > Fenno-Permic *poršas (*porčas) "pig, piglet" > Finnishporsas, Mordvin purcos, Udmurt pars, Komi pors > Khanty porsš, Mansi purss etc. (Joki 1973, 303; UEW 736); ?Armenian mkn-harsnuk "weasel" = "mouse"-*"pig"? (Mann 1984-87, c. 977) or ors "hunt, catch; hunted animal, game" (Clackson 1994, 164); Latinporcus m. "male pig", porca f. "sow", Umbrian purka, porca f. acc.pl. "sow"; Latin > Greek 7tópKO<; [Varro, Lingua Latina 5.97]; Gaulish personal names Orco-tarris, Orcos, Orcio; toponyms Orgueil < *orko-ialon, Orsai < *Orkaio-, Orcay —> 855 Orciacus etc.; Old Brittonic Orcades = Middle Irish Lnnsi Ore 'Orkneys', Middle Irish ore "piglet, young pig" (Delamarre 2001, 205-06; Matasovič 2009, 137); Germanic *farha- > ?01d Norse farri "boar"; Old English fearh "piglet", English farrow, Old High German far(d)h "pig", dim. farhií'T(n), German Ferkel "piglet" (de Vries 1962, 113); Lithuanian paršas "piglet, castrated boar", Prussian prastian = corr. *parstian or *parsistian "piglet" (Fraenkel I, 542); Slavic *porse, -ete "pig, piglet" > Church Slavonic prase, -ete, Bulgarian prase "pig", Serbo-Croatian prase, Slovenian prase, Slovak prasa, Czech prase, Upper Sorbian proso, Lower Sorbian prose, Polabian porsq, Kashubian parsq //prosq, Pomerian Slovincian pársq, Polish prosie, Old Russian porose, Russian dial., Ukrainian porosja, Belorussian parasjá (Trubačev 1960, 61). There are two etymological attempts to explain this animal name: (i) Benveniste (1949, 89-90) derived the designation of a domestic pig *porko- from IE *perk- "motley" (Pokorný 1959, 820-821). (ii) Nehring (1936, 113-14) interpreted *porko- as "digger", cf. Latin porca "ridge of soil between furrows"; German Furche "furrow" etc., all from IE *perk- "to dig up" (Pokorný 1959, 821). Chinese IE bä "(wild or female) pig" < Late Middle Chinese *pa: < Early Middle Chinese *pai/*pe: (Pulleyblank 1991, 27) ~ Middle Chinese *pa < Postclassic Chinese *pä < Eastern Han Chinese *prä < Western Han Chinese *prä < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *prä [Shying, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0039 d). Schuessler (2007, 152): Middle Chinese *pa < Later Han Chinese *pa < Old Chinese *prá. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 51, 223): Middle Chinese *pae < Old Chinese *prra. Comments: In Tocharian there are no traces of this animal term. In the case of its existence, one would expect A +park, B +perke < +pcerkce. Its hypothetical adoption would look like +prak in Chinese, but the absence of the final velar cannot be explained. Maybe more promising could be an Iranian source. In most Iranian languages a regular continuant of IE *k is s, also in this concrete etymon attested in Avestan and Khotanese. But in Old Persian it is p (pata- "100", *dapa- "10"), continuing as -h- in Middle Persian (dh /dah/) and Modern Persian (dah). Witczak tried to demonstrate that p was a regular reflex of Iranian *s < IE *k also in Scythian (e.g. Apia-7teíOT|<; [Herodot IV, 76, 78] < *aria-paišah- "of Aryan colour = face?", cf. Avestan paesah- "Schmuck, Zierrat", Vedic pesos- "shape, form, colour" - see Witczak 1992a, 55). The hypothetical Scythian counterpart of Avestan pdrdsa- and Khotanese pása- would probably look LR Indo-European - Chinese parallels without Tocharian data 79 like +par8a-. It is thinkable to see here a source of Old Chinese *prä/*prä/*p{ra via a hypothetical intermediate stage *parh (> early Old Chinese *pra(h)) with change *9 > *h analogous to the development from Old Persian to Middle Persian. A similar process may be proposed in the case of Chinese ikfil & 3rfu "axe" and its hypothetical source in Scythian *par(a)6u-. Note: Schuessler (2007, 152) mentions such Mon-Khmer forms as Wa-Lawa-Bulang *bras "pig", while Hmong forms of the type npa4, npua4 would have been borrowed from some earlier form of Chinese. Lit.: Ulenbrook 1967, 540; Chang 1988, 37: IE + Chinese. 4. "axe" Vedic parasu- "hatchet, axe; thunderbolt" [RV], Epic Sanskrit parsu- [R], Pali & Prakrit parasu-&pharasu- "axe"; Ashkunpös, Katipec "large axe"; Parachipasö, Yazghulamiparus, Khotanese acc.sg. padu "axe" < *partu < *para0u, Ossetic fcercet; Iranian > Common Tocharian *paratwd > Tocharian A porat, B peret "axe" (EWAIII, 87; Turner 1966, ## 7799h, 7949; Morgenstierne 1929b, 281; Id. 1974, 59; Abaev I, 451; Bailey 1979, 203; Adams 2013, 425; Tremblay 2005, 425). Witczak (1992a, 56) interpreted the /-forms as loans from Scythian *par(a)6u-. Chinese §k fü "axe" [Late Zhou] < Middle Chinese *pil < Postclassic Chinese *pwo < Eastern Han Chinese *pwa < Western Han Chinese *pa < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *pa [Liji "Record of Rites", 5th-4thcent. BCE, with redaction in the 2nd cent. BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0101 e). Schuessler (2007, 242): Middle Chinese *pju < Later Han Chinese *pua. Chinese ß "axe" < Middle Chinese *pü < Postclassic Chinese *pwo < Eastern Han Chinese *pwd < Western Han Chinese *pd < Classic Old Chinese *pd < Preclassic Old Chinese *pa? [Shying, 1050-600 BCE] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0102 h-i). Schuessler (2007, 242): Middle Chinese *pjuB< Later Han Chinese *puaB < Old Chinese *pa?. Comments: Vietnamese büa "hammer" is an old loanword; regular Sino-Vietnamese is phu . Baxter & Sagart (2014, 100, 224, 381, fn. 11): Chinese §k fi & 3%fi "axe" < Middle Chinese *pyuX< Old Chinese *p(r)a?. Sino-Tibetan *rpa > Karen nin31-wa33, ws33- "axe", Garo rua, Dimasa roa (Benedict 1972, 174, n. 463,78, 441 ;CFSTI, 119). Comments: A source of Old Chinese */)f/rja?"axe" (Baxter & Sagart) and its possible counterparts like Garo rua "axe" (*r-pa) could be hypothetical Scythian *par(a)6u- "axe" through intermediate stages *par0- > *pra0 > *prah, similarly as in the case of Chinese IE bd "(wild or female) pig". The adaptation of this cultural (military) term would have been realized before 600 BCE. 80 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals in the light of etymology A. Tocharian names of metals The area of the Tarim Basin was relatively rich in deposits of ores of various metals. For example, in the Boshan ("White Mountains") part of the Tianshan mountain range, north of Kuqa, the centre of the West Tocharians, copper, gold, iron, lead, tin, were exploited (Mallory & Mair 2000, 74). In cemeteries from Charwighul, north from Qarashahar, dated to c. 1000-400 BCE, bronze and iron knives, daggers and arrowheads were unearthed, further ornaments of gold, silver or iron, and also bronze horse-bits with parallels in the northern steppelands (Mallory & Mair 2000, 158-59). In the aristocratic burials dated to the 3rd and 2nd cent. BCE from the nearby locality Alwighul the deceased were accompanied by numerous golden ornaments and silver beads (Mallory & Mair 2000, 160). Near the modern city Qumul (Hami), northeast from Turpan, the so-called Yanbulaq (or Tianshanbeilu) culture was discovered. In its burials dated to 1000-700 (or 750-550?) BCE bronze and iron knives, arrowheads and ornaments were unearthed together with silver hairpins (Mallory & Mair 2000, 141; Liu & Chen 2012, 342 date the bronze artifacts to 2000-1550 BCE). The oldest iron knife from this locality dated to the 10th-9th cent. BCE, represents the oldest known iron artifact ever unearthed in Xinjiang. To the 9th cent, is dated a bimetallic, bronze-iron toggle, discovered in the cemetery Yanghai near Turpan (Guo 2009, 108). For the Siba culture located along the Hexi corridor (Gansu province), south of the Qilian Mountains, the artifacts made of copper, bronze, silver and gold are typical objects found in burials. The golden earrings and silver nose rings are comparable only with their counterparts from Central Asia (Liu & Chen 2012, 335). The main route of new impulses in metallurgical technologies and motifs of ornaments from Central Asia in the Tarim Basin and further in China led along the Hi (Yili) River valley, where also deep copper mines were unearthed at Nurasay (Mallory & Mair 2000, 136; Guo 2009, 108). In the Tocharian branch of the Indo-European language family the following five metal-names are known (in alphabetical order): copper, gold, iron, lead (or tin?), silver. On the basis of the detailed revision of existing etymologies some new etymological solutions are offered. copper 1. The designation of "copper" is known only in Tocharian B, where the following forms are attested: nom. & acc.sg.pilke "copper", adj.pilkesse nom. & obl.sgm.,pilkessarvom.sg.i.,pilkessa-na nom.-obi.pi.f. "pertaining to copper" (Hilmarsson 1996, 130; Adams 1999, 387; Pinault 2000, 95; Adams 2013,414): /// thitam • klyauccamom tdmram • pilke • a III [THT 529 b4] III ysdmntrdpilkeeneeIII [THT340b7] — an : semem pilke mlo(ssa) -pauksem • at- III [PK AS 19.3 a3] /// ki kaklawau pilkesse te pdksd- III [IOL Toch 234 b4] /// vairudissa wmerssapilkessa lantassa kdwansa • orssa 'wi ... [PKNS 95 b4] ILA. Tocharian names of metals 81 2. In the light of internal etymology the word is derivable from the late IE starting-point *PelKo-(Adams 2013, 414). Let us mention that the protoform *PilKo- is also thinkable. 3. Etymology: 3.1. Usually the term has been derived from the verbpälk- "to burn", hence the semantic starting-point would be "burning"147 or "shining, brilliant" (Adams 2013, 414, 404), further from IE *bhleg- "to burn; shine" (Pokorný 1959, 124-125; Adams, EIEC 513; Schirmer, LIV 86-87). If this is the case, the starting-point should be defined with more precision as *bhelgo-. Let us introduce all relevant continuants in other Indo-European branches: 3.1.1. Vedie bhárgas- n. "radiance, lustre, splendour, glory" [RV] (*bhelg-os-); bhŕgaväna-"shining, glittering" (MW 748, 765; EWAIII, 252). 3.1.2. Greek cp^éyco "I burn (up)" [//. 21.13], cp^eyéOco "I burn (up), scorch; intr. "I blaze, flare up (of lightning, sun)" [//. 17.738, 21.358; Hes. Th. 846], q^éyuan. "flame, fire, heat" [//. 21.337]; (p^eyLiovii f. "fiery, heat" [Plut. 2.699E], qAeyuou; Ô8xó<; ^otvOót;, i.e. "fiery red or red-brown eagle" [Hes. Sc. 134]; cp^ó^ "flame or fire" [Od. 24.71], qÄoyuót; "flame, blaze (as of lightning)" [Eur.iM 1162]. 3.1.3. Latin flagrö, -áre "I am ablaze, burn" [Cicero], flagrantia "blaze, passionate glow" \?\autas\, flamma "flame" [Naev.] < *flagmä; Oscan dat.sg. Flagiuí & Flagiúí 'Fulgurätôrľ - an epithet of Iuppiter; further Latin fulgö & fulgeö, -ere, perí fulsT "I shine brightly" [Pac. & Lucii.], fulgor, -oris "brightness; flash" [Lucr.],fulgur, -uris "flash of lightning", but nom.sg. fulgus by Paul. ex. F.,fulmen (*fulgmeri) "lightning, thunderbolt", all from the zero-grade bhlg-C- vs. bhlg-V- (de Vaan 2008, 224, 247). 3.1.4. Celtic: Middle Irish im(b)lissen gen. du. "iris of eyes" < *ambi-blig-s- < *Hntbhi-bhlg-s-(Vendryes 1923, 43 If; DIL 1-99). 3.1.5. Germanic: Old High German blecken/blecchen "blitzen, glänzen, fulgere, corus-care; sichtbar, entblößt sein" [Notker] < *blakjan-, bleckazzôdi n. "Blitz(strahl), fulgur" [Notker], bleckunga f. id. [gloss], Middle Dutch bläken "flammen, glühen" < *blakön-, Old English blcecern, blacern "Leuchter", Old Icelandic blakra "blinken; flattern" < *blakröjan-; perhaps also Old High German bläh-, Old Saxon blak "Tinte", Old English blcec id., adj. "black" (^'angebrannt"). It is tempting to add Old High German bleh n. (a/az/iz-stem) gl. "Blech, Goldblech, Amulett, brattea, lamina, phylacterium", German Blech, Middle Low German ble(c)k & bli(c)k, Middle Dutch blec & blic "Blech", maybe the Old Saxon hapax blekkot gl. Taminis', correctly perhaps *blekkon, dat.pl. from *blek "Blech" (EWAhd II, 171-174, 154). These forms have been derived from *blika- or *blikka- (EWAhd II, 174), but the root vowel could also be *e and its change into */ might be realized in the zz-stem, i.e. the reconstructions *blekka-/*blekkaz-/*blekkiz- are also possible. In this case, "sheet metal" is compatible with the preceding forms. 3.1.6. Baltic: Latvian balgans "whitish"; 3.1.7. Tocharian AB pälk- 1) to burn; shine, be highlighted"; 2) "to see, look at, take heed of'148, A pälk, B pilko "insight, view; look, glance", A polkämts "sidus, astrum" (Poucha 1955, 190), B empalkatte ~ empalkaitte "unworried, unheeding, unconcerned, carefree"; pdlkiye "desert, waste" < *bh(e)lgu-io- or -H en-; pdlkamo "luminous, shining, bright", pälkaňňetstse "beautiful" (Adams 2013, 403-05, 414, 97). 3.1.8. The Middle West Iranian designation of "bronze", attested in Parthian plync /plinj/ "bronze" (MPP 275), borrowed into Armenian plinj "bronze", further appears in Middle Persian 147 Cf. Baltic *uaria- "copper" > Lithuanian värias, var. väris "copper", adj. varinis "of copper", compound svitvaris "brass" ("bright copper"), Latvian vars "copper, metal, ore", Prussian vargian "copper" [EV525] Ivarjanl, besides Prussian auwerus "Metallschlacke" [EV529], all from the verb *uerHr, attested inHittite war-/ur- "to burn"; Armenian varem "zünde an", varim "brenne"; Lithuanian virti: verdu, Latvian vift: vefdu "kochen, sieden, branden, brodeln, sprudeln", (Fraenkel 1962-65, 1199-1200, 1263); Old Church Slavonic van, "heat", vbreti : variti "to cook" (Kloekhorst 2008, 923-25; LIV 689; Pokorny 1959, 1166). 148 Puhvel (2011, 68-69) separates the homonym pälk- "to see, look at, take heed of and connects it with Hittite palkuiya-,palkuwai- "to look to, look after, have regard for, appreciate" and Greek ß^ejico "I look, regard". 82 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals bryng™, bine7- /brinj/ "bronze" (MacKenzie 1971, 20) = brynng /bring/ "bronze, brass" (MPP 111), continuing in Classical Persian birinj, ö/ra«/"copper" (Steingass 1892, 179). It may reflect proto-Iranian *bRnga-1 *bRngia-U9. If this is the case, it is also derivable from the root *bhleng-, i.e. the formation of the root *bhleg- with the ra-infix. 3.2. Alternatively, Tocharian B pilke "copper" is derivable from the root *bhleig- "to shine" > Old Norse blikja "erscheinen, glänzen, leuchten", Old English blican, Old Saxon blikan "glänzen", Old High German blihhan "bleich werden"; Old Saxon bliksmo "lightning", Old High German blic "schnelles Ganzlicht, Blitz"; plus West Germanic *blika- or *blikka- "Blech" (EWAhd II, 174), if the root vowel was */ (see 3.1.5.) | Lithuanian blyskiu : blysketi "funkeln, schimmern" I Old Church Slavonic blbstg : blbstati "glänzen", bliskb "Glanz"; Old Czech blesk, gen. blsku "lightning" < *blbskb < *bhlig-sk-o- (Schirmer, L/F89; Pokorny 1959, 89). These forms are compatible with the alternative West Iranian protoform *bRinga-/ *bRingia-, "bronze" (see 3.1.8.). 3.3. With respect to phonetic differences it is tempting to think about independent borrowings from some third language. In principle, it could be Chinese, but the only metal-term similar to the analyzed Tocharian-West Iranian isogloss is Chinese $6 bo "folium gold"; late "platinum" < Middle Chinese *bdik < Postclassic Chinese *bek < Han Chinese *bräk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *bräk. With regard to the Old Chinese reconstruction beginning from Middle Chinese and the structure of the character $6, this metal-term should be connected with Chinese Ö bdi "to be white, light, clear" < Middle Chinese *bdik < Postclassic Chinese *bek < Han Chinese *bräk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *bräk150 (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0782 a-e) = *b!rak (Baxter & Sagart 2014, 65, 72, 107). Concerning semantics, cf. Hittite parkui- n. "bronze, brass", from the adj. parkui- "bright, shiny; pure" (Puhvel 2011, 146^17). 3.4. Witczak (2009, 291-302) speculated about possibilities of connecting Tocharian B pilke "copper" with the series of metal-names in other Indo-European languages, namely Sanskrit pärasava- "iron"; Middle PersianpwFwd/pöläwadV "steel"; Mycenaean instr.sg. pa-ra-ku-we & pa-ra-ke-we designating a kind of metal or semiprecious stone used for decorating wooden objects; Hittite hapalki- n. "iron"; Lusitanian pälaga "a clot of gold", dim. pälacurna "a small clot of gold; golden sand" [Pliny xxxm 77]. Let us comment on these comparanda: 3.4.1. Sanskrit [lex.] pärasava- m./n. «iron», adj. "made of iron", is explainable as the vrd-cto-formationfromparasü- "hatchet, axe" [RV\ (EWAI III, 315; II, 87; Turner 1966, #7799h). The cluster -rs- appears in the shortened epic formparsu- m. "axe" [R], continuing e.g. in Prakritpam-su- "axe", Oriyapäüsi "vegetable chopper", Sinhalesepihiya, pihaya "knife, chopper", Nuristani: Ashkunpös, Katipec "large axe", and borrowed in Parachi päsö (Turner 1966, #7947). The corresponding Iranian axe-names confirm the Indo-Iranian protoform *paracu- > Iranian *parasu- > Yazghulamiparus "axe" (Morgenstierne 1974, 59); Southwest Iranian or Scythian *para0u- borrowed in Khotanese acc. padu "axe" (Bailey 1979, 203), Ossetic fcercet "axe" (Abaev I, 451), and further in non-Iranian languages: Common Tocharian *peretd > Aporat, B peret "axe" (Ad- 149 Cf. Middle Persian prt.pf.pass. grypt, gryft, Persian giriftan "to take, seize" vs. Avestan garafinaiti "grabs, seizes, takes" = Vedicgrbhnati (Hiibschmann 1895, 145; Cheung 2007, 119-21; EWAI1, 505-06). 150 On the basis of comparison of Old Chinese 1=1 *brak "white" with South Kuki: Sho, Chinbok bok, Yawdwinpok; Kiranti *bii(k);Bodo-Garo: Garogibok~gipok, Dirmsaguphu < *g-phuk"white" (Benedict 1972, 181;Matisoff 2003, 378-89), Peiros & Starostin reconstructed Sino-Tibetan *bh3k "white" (CVST I, 12). Starostin (ChEDb) changed it to *piak, but he did not explain *-r- in his own Old Chinese reconstruction beginning from the Han Era. Peiros (1998, 224) offered the alternative Sino-Tibetan reconstruction *(r-)bo:k. But the Tibeto-Burman examples are relatively rare and their explanation as loanwords from some continuants of Mon-Khmer *kbook "white, grey" (Shorto 2006, 151, #369a), e.g. Kuy bua?"white"; Stieng bo.k"white, gray", could represent an alternative solution. The Chinese metal-name is probably connected with Mon-Khmer *(ps-)rak "silver" > West Bahnaric *(ps-) rak "silver" > Jam, Brao, Nhaheung, Laviprak, Jukpra? \\ Katuic *(p3-)ra? "silver, money" > West Katuic: So para?1 "silver", Bru pra?1 "silver, money", Bra Van Keu pra? "money", Sou para?, Kuay pra?1 "silver", Ngeu pla?1 "silver" | East Katuic: Pakoh, Taojh, Katu, Kri, Triw, Chatongpra? "silver", Dakkanpra? & prak id., Ngeq pra? "money, silver" (Peiros, Etymological Austroasiatic Database), and Austronesian *pilak "silver" (Peiros 1998, 224). ILA. Tocharian names of metals 83 ams 2013, 425); pre-Permic *part3 > Udmurt & Komi purt "knife" (KESK 233); Old Bulghar *parata- > Chuvash purds "axe" (Joki 1973, 305). Indo-Iranian *paracu- "axe" corresponds to Greek nekernq "(double) axe, hatchet" [//.] (Beekes 2010, 1166), Mycenaean pe-re-ke-u nom. sg. /pelekeus/ & pe-re-ke-we /pelekewes/ "axe-maker" or "carpenter" (cf. Aura Jorro 1993, 104-05);pe-re-ku-wa-na-ka [PY Va 15.2] (Furumark 1954, 53: /pelekus wanax/; Puhvel 1956, 221: / peleku-wanax/), independently of a decision whether the term was inherited or borrowed. 3.4.2. Middle Persian pwl'wd /pöläwad/ "steel" (MPP 286), was borrowed into Armenian p'olopaf, p'olovat "steel", and it continues in Classical Persin puldd "steel" (Steingass 1892, 254). Witczak assumes their virtual Old Persian predecessor in the form +pära6u-uat-. He seeks support in the following regular chain of changes: Old Persian -rO- > Middle Persinan -hi- > Modern Persian -/-, as in Persian pul "bridge", Middle Persian zpwhl Ipuhll (MacKenzie 1971, 69; Nyberg 1974, 162), Old Persian *prßu-151, but in Middle Persian pwl'wd /pöläwad/ there appears no -hi- and in Witczak's reconstruction of Old Persian +para0u-uat- there is no cluster -r0-. The expected cluster -rs- is also missing in Sanskrit pärasava- m./n. "iron" [lex.], adj. "made of iron" [MBh], it appears only in the shortened epic form parsu- m. "axe" [R], continuing in Middle and Modern Indo-Aryan and Nuristani languages (see §3.4.1.). Middle PersianpwTwd/ pöläwad/"'&\.QQX' was more probably borrowed from a source of the type of Vedic päviravat- [RV, VS] or pavirävat- [AV] "armed with lance or a goad", the adj. formed from the noun pavira [Nir] "a weapon with a metallic point; lance, spear" (Kors1521912 apud Reichelt 1913[1914], 74; Schräder & Nehring II, 444), which itself is a derivative of pavi- m. "metallic point of a spear or arrow; tire of a wheel, esp. a golden tire on the chariot of the Asvins and Maruts" [RV,AitÄr] (MW 611; EWAIII, 107). 3.4.3. Mycenaean instr.sg. pa-ra-ku-we & pa-ra-ke-we [PY Ta 642, Ta 714, Ta 715], adj. pa-ra-ku-we-jo [KN Sp 4451], together with Hesychius' gloss ßapaicu; • y^auiavov iudxiov, can be explained as an adaptation of the Semitic designation of "emerald": New Babylonian barraqtu "emerald" : Babylonian baräqu(m) "to lighten, shine" (CDA 38-39), Jewish-Aramaic brq?, Syri-ac bärqä, Hebrew bäreqet "emerald", bärsqat "dark-green beryl", all from the Common Semitic verb Ab-r-q "to shine, gleam" (DRS 86; HAL 162; Aura Jorro 1993, 82-83; Palaima & Sikkenga 1999, 603; Bartonek 2003, 216). 3.4.4. Hittite hapalki- n. as the equivalent of Sumerian AN.BAR "iron" is known already in the Old Hittite period: hapalki lipifr "they licked the iron" [KBo XXIV 52, 6], later the gen.sg. hapal-kiyas is also attested: män-za-kan DU URUKU. B ABB AR-// DLAMA URUKÜ.BABBAR-// DINGIR. MES hapalkiyas [SA] E.MES DlNGIR.MES UL kuezqa marsanuantes "if you, Storm-god of Hat-ti, tutelary deity of Hatti, deities of iron in the shrines [are] not desecrated in any way" [KUB XVI 34 I 1-2]. The term has been connected with Hattic (gen.) ha-pal-ki-an [KUB 28.74 Rs.r.col.3'; KUB 28.75 II 8], ha-pal-ki-ya-an [KBo 37.1 I 13, 15, 23; KBo 37.3+KUB 28.87 Vs.2',7'; KUB 28.116 III 6'] ~ Hittite AN.BAR-as [KUB 55.2 Rs. 4 & KBo 37.1 II 15, 23 respectively] (Soysal 2004, 179, 447^18). The same term appears in Hurritic ha-pal-ki & a-pal-ki (KUB XXIX 8 IV 13 & 20 respectively; cf. Laroche 1980, 88; Puhvel 3, 116-18), besides the rather bizarre variant ahlipaki-, attested in the Hittite texts [e.g. IBoT 131 I 10; KUB XLII 75 Vs. 3 1 & 6], but with the Hurroid type of metathesis (Puhvel 3, 117). The Neo-Babylonian transcription habalginnu / habalkinnu153 of this Anatolian metal-name is known from the so-called El Amarna tablets (CAD 6, 3). Usually, a primary source has been identified in Hattic (Puhvel 3, 117: 'first attested in Hat-tic'). In Hattic the prefix ha- is actually very productive. It forms (i) deverbal nouns, e.g. ha-nti-u 151 The word is missing in the Old Persian lexical corpus. Maybe it is possible to find its reflex in the man's name written in New Elamite cuneiform from Persepolis aspir-du-qa-na which is interpreted as *prtu-kana- "tunnel-digger" by Gershevitch (1969, 220). Other interpretations - see Hinz 1975, 194. 152 Kors, TheodorE. 1912. Nekotoryjapersidskija etimologii. Moskva: Ottiski iz-b 'Drevnostej vostocnyx-b', Tom 4. 153 1 patru sa lisansu h[a]-b[a]l-k[i]-i-in-nu "one dagger whose blade {is of} h. -metal [EA22 i 32] variant ha-bal-ki-nu [EA 22 iii 7]. 10 GI ia-ka-a-tum sa ha-b[al-ki-ni] "tenjakltu-arrowheads (?) of h.-metal" [EA 22 iii 49]. 84 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals vs. Anti "to sit"; (ii) denominal nouns: ha-p(a)ras-un "leopard" (with the oblique ending -uri) vs. Hittite parsana- id.; (iii) nouns from adjectives: ha-sah "das Böse" vs. sah "böse"; (iv) locative formations: e.g. ha-ai-wai(-p-) "in / nach unser Haus" vs. wail "house" with the masculine marker -/'/ (Soy sal 2004, 179, 217, 299). But there is no known root of the type +palk° in Hattic, from which this metal-name could be derived. The same can be said about Human. On the other hand, in Hittite there is the verb palkuiya-, palkuwai- "to look at, look after, have regard for, appreciate" [KUB 29.1 III 5; KBo 25.123, 6], probably corresponding to Tocharian AB pälk- 1) to burn; shine, be highlighted"; 2) "to see, look at, take heed of (see above) (Adams 2013, 403-05, 414, 97). It is tempting to admit the semantic dispersion of the Hittite verb had originally also covered the meaning "to shine", cf. e.g. German blicken "to look, gleam, shine", or Old Church Slavonic zbreti "to look, see" : ozariti "erleuchten", zafa "Glanz, Morgenröte", and Lithuanian zereti "to shine, gleam" (Buck 1949,1044; Fraenkel 1962-65, 1301). Accepting this semantic field, the root *-palk°, a hypothetical base of the Anatolian designation of "iron", is explainable as a derivative of the same root *bhelg-/*bhleg- "to burn, shine; see, look" as Tocharian pilke "copper", West Iranian *bRnga-1 *bRngia- "bronze" and West Germanic *blekka-/*blekkaz-/*blekkiz- "(golden) sheet". It is possible to imagine that the originally Hittite metal-name *palki- was adopted in Hat-tic and extended by the prefix ha-. This new formation would later have been spread throughout the whole of Anatolia, i.e. back into Hittite and also into Human. Alternatively, hapalki- could be a purely Hittite compound, where the first syllable would be related to Palaic ha- "to be warm" < *H2eH-(Kümmel, LIV 257). In this case it is possible to ascribe to *palki- the primary meaning "copper-bronze" —> "metal", while the first component would describe the melting process differentiating the metallurgy of iron from that of copper. Let us mention that the melting temperature of iron, 1482^-1593 °C, is significantly higher than 1084 °C of copper. gold 1. The Tocharian designation of "gold" is well-attested in both A and B languages, including derivatives and compounds: A was sg.m. "aurum", possessive adj. wsäsi "aureus", compounds wsä-yok "aureus" (= "aureae coloris"), wsä-stäm "arbor aurea" [132 a5], wsi-yats "aurea cutis", wsästär "purus ut aurum" (Poucha 300-01, 314-15): was nkihc" "aurum {et} argentum" [393 b6] yokyämu jambunätwäss oki ästär luksänu wsäyokya(ts) [439 b2; 291 b8] wsäsi sul [256 bl] rätram wsäluyämpi wsä-yokäm yatsyämpi länt sew ahn ämpi [144 a2] wsi-yats kapsihhä näskont [8 a6] säm sewäsyats tspähkässi wsästär ysäräm si... [311 b6]. B yasa nom.-obl.sg., gen. ysäntse "gold", adj. ysä-yok "gold-like, golden" [THT 367, a3], lit. "of golden colour", ysähhe "golden" [THT 237, al]; ysässe nom.-obl.sg.m., ysässene loc.sg.m., ysässi nom.pl.m., ysässana nom.-obl.pl.f. "pertaining to gold, golden"; yasnane loc.sg. from the unattested nom.sg. *yasna "treasury" (Adams 2013, 524-25): pahäkte srävastine mäskitär omte sadvarginta yasa hkante wräkahhem wmera makci priyem tanäpati ... [PK AS 18A, a2] ... kraupässa siksapät sänmya • kse samäne yasa hkantesa warhai naumiyenta sahtsa ehkasträ [PK AS 18A,a3]' n yasa ram nopalsko täkahc snai III [THT 7, bl] /// (56) (snai) k(e)syasa wa(sa ekhi)nta : or(o)cce ti- III... [THT 21, bl] II.A. Tocharian names of metals 85 ... ynemane kau(c ydmu sukt) naumiye(nta sa)m ysdsse cdkkdr akdsne ynemane orocce wrene wdrndmane ... [PKAS 17A, b6] ... sdlpamane ram nopehiyacce yaknesa kancamysdsse kwrakdrne sm(ehca) — nn- ... [PK NS 19, b2] /// (mhcu)sk(em) ehku wace sarsa ysdsse III [PKNS 355, a3] /// t- ysdsse 28 sle were po klesanma yaikos ... [THT 30, b2] /// tare samudtdrysdsse n- III [THT 76, a5] r ysdsse semde kektse III [THT 211, b5] III ysdsse asd III [THT 611, a2] /// rpau kah(c)dm ysds(s)e III [THT 615, a5] 2. From a perspective of internal reconstruction the Tocharian forms are derivable from Common Tocharian *w'dsd (Pinault 2008, 563; he mentions -a- in compounds: Awsd-yok, B ysd-yok) ~ *widsd f. < *(H)ues-eHf (Adams 2013, 524-25), while Hackstein, Hiromi & Bross (2015, 74) reconstruct proto-Tocharian *wyds-a < *H2ues-H2. The same protoform is preferred by Pinault (2008, 444^15). 3. From the point of view of etymology the term has traditionally been connected with the designation of "gold" attested in the Italic and Baltic branches (Pokorny 1959, 86-87; Huld & Mallory, EIEC 234; Beekes 2010, 1652). In spite of the same meaning, the Tocharian forms differ in the root ablaut (cf. §2). Let us analyze in detail all relevant forms: 3.1. Italic *ausom n.: Latin aurum [XII tab.; Ennius], Sabine ausom "gold" [Paul. ex. F. 9: aurum ...a Sabinis translatum putant, quod Mi ausum dicebant]. 3.2. Baltic *ausas m.: Old Lithuanian ausas [Bretkun], Lithuanian dial, dusas, standard duk-sas with secondary -k- as in uoksas «hole» < *ds- : Latin, ds, gen. oris; acute perhaps from the derivative duksnas «golden coin» < *ausinas (Smoczyhski 2007, 33, 704; Fraenkel 1962-65, 25); Old Prussian ausis 'golt' [Elbing Vocabulary 523], i.e. «gold», acc.sg. ausin [Enchiridion 43.16] (Maziulis 2013, 63). 3.3. Usually Armenian oski, dial. (e.g. Salmast) voski, "gold", gen.-dat.sg. oskwoy, acc.sg. oskis, nom.pl. oski-k\ has been added. Patrubanyi (1908, 278) derived it from the protoform *ausgiios, but the initial diphthong would have developed into Armenian (h)ag°, cf. aganim & ha-ganim "to put on clothes" < *H2eu- (Martirosyan 2010,3). Discussing various possibilities of sub-stratal origin, Martirosyan (2010, 533) thinks about pre-Armenian *swoskiya- (< *Huoskiio-l). Olsen (1999, 441) derives it from *H2us-tuio- with dissimilatory umlaut u... i > o ... i. Her idea offers an alternative scenario: *H2us-H-uo- —> *H2usHuio- > Early Armenian *(h)usgiio > oski, applying these rules: (i) *H2uo° > Armenian go0 as in goy "exists" < *H2uose; (ii) *-s+g- > -sk-, cf. askn "precious stone of red colour" < *H2Hs-g-m (Martirosyan 2010, 221, 118-19); (iii) dissimilatory umlaut«... / > o ... i proposed by Birgit Olsen (I.e.). 3.4. In Greek there is no apparent reflex of this metal-name154, but in Mycenaean there are hypothetical traces identified by Witczak (1992b, 90-91; 1994, 56-57; cf. also Huld & Mallory, EIEC 234-35; Irslinger, NIL 358). Witczak analyzes the ideogram *141 AURUM155 of the Linear script B (cf. Bartonek 2003, 114, 130) as a ligature of two signs, proposing their reading a4-wo, i.e. *df6<; or b^oq. In September 2016 Professor Nikolai Kazansky (Sankt Petersburg) pointed out 154 The common Greek term jpvaoc,, known from Iliad and identified already in Mycenaean texts as ku-ru-so, was adopted from the Semitic designation of "gold": Akkadian hurásu, Ugaritic hrs, Phoenician hrs, Hebrew hards (Frisk II, 1122-23; Bartoněk 2003, 180, 195, 215). 155 II + M f\ See Old Irish au id., Gaulish woman's name Su-ausia, perhaps ' {lady} with pretty ears' (Matasovic 2009, 48-49), although '{lady} with pretty golden {jewels}' is also thinkable. The river-names156 may (but need not) be formed from the verb *H2eus- "to scoop" (L/F 275-76). But the ethnonym Ausetani [Caesar, BC 1.60.2; Livy 21.23; 61.8; 29^2.2; 34.20.1; 39.56.1; Pliny, NH3.22-23] from Hispania Tarraconensis and the name of their city Ausa [Ptolemy 2.6.69: Arjoa], reflected on the Iberian coins as ausescen and ausain respectively, the latter one in Latin Ausone [Tarraco, CIL II 6110] (Hübner 1893, 30; Id., RE 11.2, cc. 2556, 2558; Holder I, 297), probably are not motivated by "ears", nor by "scooping". Although this area has been ascribed to Iberians, there are also traces of Celtic proper names (Burdy 2016, 3). 3.6. There are attractive, although only hypothetical, cognates in Anatolian. 3.6.1. Hittite ^M)hust(i)- designated a material, which was flammable and strong (i.e. hard?), but it was possible to pound it (see Puhvel 1991, 411): GI§ERIN YA.NUN LA hüszas[-a] samesiyazi "cedar, butter, honey, and h. is burning" [KBo XI 14 I 19]; nu-k[an] hustis GIM-ara KALAG.G[A] KALAG.GA-as esdu "even as h. [is] strong, may he be strong!" [KBo XII 85 II 7-9]; NA4ZA.GIN NA4GUG NA4AS.NUU.GAL tepu däi hustin GI§ERTN GI§SINIG tepu ddi n-at-san ANA DVGkuskussulli katta küskuzzi "takes a little bluestone, carnelian, and alabaster, takes a little h., cedar, and tamarisk, and pounds them with a pestle" [KBo V 2 IV 20-23]. In the term Polvani (1988, 18-27) identified "amber", the word vacillating between the root and /'-stem [nom.sg.: KBo XI 14 I 19: hüsza, while KBo XII 85 II 7-9: hüstis; acc.sg. KUB X 63 Rs. 10-11: hüstan, while KBo V 2 IV 20-23: hustin; instr.sg.: KBo XXIII 1II2-5: NMhustit etc.]. Despite the existence of the Hurrian counterpart husti- id. [KUB XLVII 10, 13; XLV 18 Vs. 15; KBo II 21, 12-13], Puhvel (1991, 411-13) sees here an inherited word, while Rieken (1999, 79-80) prefers its Hurrian origin. Its hypothetical connection with "gold" may be illustrated by one of designations of "amber", recorded by Pliny157, namely chryselectrum = Greek %prjof|^eiapov "gold-coloured amber". From the point of view of word formation it is the /-stem comparable e.g. with Hittite (J1}G)sast(a)- "lying down, sleep, reclining; bedding, bedroll, bed, place for lying down", thematicized only in New Hittite, which is derived from the verb ses-/sas- "to lie down, fall asleep, sleep" (CHD S, 306-10; Rieken 1999, 129-31; Kloekhorst 2008, 746^17). There are also denominal formations in e.g. saudist-Zsäwitist- "weanling" < *so-uetes-t- "of this year" (Kloekhorst 2008, 739^10; Rieken 1999, 147-50). Semantically closer is Hittite maist- n. "glow" < *mois-t-, connected with misriwant- "shining" (Rieken 1999, 137-39; Kloekhorst 2008, 542-43). The Hittite syllable hü- can reflect both *H2u- & *H2eu-, cf. huppar- n. "bowl, pot, keg" < 156 E.g. Ausa - river by Aquileia in Friul; Ausona -flumen in Pago Lemovicino: in fluvio Ausonae [Diplomata, AD 631]; Ausaua - river Oos(e), a tributary of Kyll near Prüm [Tabula Peutingeriana]; Ausoba - river by Galway in West Ireland: Aüoößa Jioxanoi) EKßotari [Ptolemy, 2.2.3] (Holder I, 298-299 with all sources). 157 [37.42] appellantur aliquae et chryselectroe, in colorem electri declinantes, matutino tarnen tantum aspectu. Plini Secundi: Naturalis Historiae, ed. Karl Friedrich Theodor Mayhoff. Leipzig: Teubner 1906. http://data.perseus.Org/citations/urn:cts:latinLit:phi0978.phi001.perseus-latl:37.42 [37.43] "Though it has now altogether gone out of use for jewellery, there is a precious stone known as 'chryselectrum', the colour of which inclines to that of amber; but only when viewed by a morning light." Pliny the Elder: The Natural History, translated by John Bostock & H.T. Riley. London: Taylor & Francis 1855. http://data.perseus.Org/citations/urn:cts:latinLit:phi0978.phi001.perseus-engl:37.43 II.A. Tocharian names of metals 87 *h2uprvs. Germanic *ufna- "oven, furnace" (Puhvel 1991, 387-92; Kroonen 2013, 557), besides Hittite huhha- "grandfather", Cuneiform Luvian huha- id., Hieroglyphic Luvian huha- id., Lycian Xuge- id. vs. Armenian haw, Latin avus id., Gothic awo "grandmother" respectively (Kloekhorst 2008, 364, 352-53). It means, Hittite hust(i)- may reflect both *H2us-t- & *H2eus-t-. Its primary meaning could be "goldness". Hawkins (1995, 95) thinks about a cognate in Hieroglyphic Luvian hwi/a-sa-ti-sa/hwisti(ya)s(a)/" (that) of hwisti-", identified in the inscription called Sudburg: §11. DEVS-ni-zi/a STELE KEL-i(a)-sa hwi/a-sa-ti-sa i(a)-zi/a-td(-sa) §12. wa/i-td STELEpa-sa-'hwi/a-sa-ti-sa i(a)-zi/a-td(-sa) "(He) who has made the stele of HWISTISA for the gods" let his stele be made of HWISTISA" (Hawkins 1995, 88-89, 95). If this identification is correct, the Hieroglyphic Luvian word is derivable from *H2ues-t-. 3.6.2. In Hieroglyphic Luvian texts there is also another candidate: Tunpi 1 (Hawkins 2000, 155-56) §6 \wa/i-' 1 'ARGENTUM'-sa 1 ('SCALPRUM')OTa-raa-.ra | 1 ('SCALPRUW)ma-na-sa-ha-na (*419r)wa/i-sa-ha-sa "one mina of silver and one MANASAHAN (is) the WASHA. Note: If the word wa/i-sa-ha-sa is in the gen.sg. as 'ARGENTUM '-sa, the nom.sg. should be *washa. It seems that *washa had a meaning parallel to 'ARGENTUM'. Assur letters a-g (Hawkins 2000, 537, 551) §27 | d-pi-ha-wa/i-za \ (*420)wa/i-sa-ha-sa | REL-za | VIA-wa/i-ni-ta "Why did they (?) send us WASHASA?" Note: If the word of our interest represented a subject, the attested form would be the nom. sg. m./f. More probably, it could be acc.pl. n. of genitive adj. in -asi- or gen. (partitive) sg./pl. according to Hawkins. Babylon 2 (Hawkins 2000, 395-96) §4 d-mu-pa-wa/i-tu (*4l9,)wa/i-sa-ha-i-za ku+ra/i+sa(-)ka-tara/i-hi?-ha i-zi-i-ha "and for him I made WASHAI(N)ZA and KURISKATARAHI" Note: The transcription wa/i-sa-ha-i-za should reflect *washai(n)za (Oettinger, p.c. May 2016), representing acc.sg. n. It designated a votive gift made for the Storm-god Tarhunzas. Karkamis A4a (Hawkins 2000, 152) §11 C'PANIS.PITHOS")a-za-//-5'a-/7a-wa// DOMINUS-raa-ra; "* 419"-sa-ha-sa-T>AKE-mi-na "meal is to be given to the owner for the washa." Determining a more concrete semantics, it is necessary to take into account the following details describing *washa-\ (i) It is used in commercial transactions (Melchert 2015, 410). Yakubovich (2011,261) extrapolates it as "contribution", (ii) As a material it is used for fabrication of valuable gifts, (iii) It is a heavy material divisible into units of weight; (iv) It is parallel to ' silver'. All these clues indicate that Common Luvian *washa- could mean some 'heavy and valuable metal'. Let us mention the specific weight of the following metals: Sn 7310 < Fe 7870 < Cu 8960 < Ag 10500 Fenno-Ugric *wosa- "ware; trade" > Finnish, Estonian osta-, Li-vonian vosts "to buy"; Saami of Lule uses "commerce; ware", äste- "to buy"; Mari uža "price", wšžale-, male- "to sell"; Udmurt vuz "commerce, ware", Komi vuz "commerce, sale; payment, tax", vuzes "wares"; Mansi So. wäta-qum "merchant" : qum "man", wätel- "to trade, deal" (Joki 1973, 298-99; FUV119; UEW585; Rédei 1986, 48-49; Katz 2003, 228). Related forms may also be found in Germanic: Old Norse vara "ware, article of merchandise"; Old English warn, Old Frisian ware, were, Middle Low German ware, German Ware "wares, goods", if they are derived from *wazö (Kluge 1999, 875). Melchert's etymology implies this crucial question: Can the word for "gold", reconstructed with the initial *H-, be etymologically related to the verb "to buy" and its nominal derivatives expressing such meanings as "price, value, trade, wares", reconstructed with the initial *u-l The answer depends on reflexes in two diagnostic languages, Greek and Hittite. Their regular continuants of the initial laryngeal *H- are v 'Pcoumcov ei? xbc, iffe 9eow n\ibc, (pitamuT|9eiaa to? uev moxoxdxai; xcov Kaxa xqv SikeMccv jioIecov ovaaq EJixaKcdSeKa xfwaocpopeiv eSoyndxioe xfl A(ppo5ixr| Kai oxpaximxco; SiaKooiowi; xripeiv xo iepov. Kcd jiepi uev 'EpwKoi; ei Kcd jtejt)xovdKau£v, &Xk' ovv okeiav jiejioiiine9a xfjv jiepi rf\q Bew; Diodorus Siculus: Bibliotheca Historica, Vol 1-2, ed. Immanel Bekker, Ludwig Dindorf & Friedrich Vogel. Leipzig: Teubner 1888-1890. "Indeed the Roman senate has so zealously concerned itself with the honours of the goddess that it has decreed that the seventeen cities of Sicily which are most faithful to Rome shall pay a tax in gold to Aphrodite, and that two hundred soldiers shall serve as a guard of her shrine." Translated by Charles Henry Oldfather In this perspective it seems attractive to connect Germanic *gulpa-/*gulda- "gold" and *gelpan-/*geldan- "to pay, be worth something", *gelda- "tax, payment" (Pokorny 1959, 436; he thought about the to-present in Germanic). 90 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals is it possible in the Indo-European protolanguage, whose dispersion is dated to c. 4500161 BCE? Since this question must be solved in cooperation with archaeologists162, we leave it open. 4. If the Hieroglyphic Luvian word washa- really has something common with "gold", it is necessary to explain its relation to other Indo-European designations of "gold" in perspective of word formation. 4.1. The first natural question is the internal structure. With respect to Common Tocharian *wiäsä f. < *uesä < coll. *(H)ues-(e)H2-, it is legitimate to speculate about an analogous relation to Hieroglyphic Luvian washa-163 as in Latin rota f. "wheel" < coll. *rot-eH2-, which is a base for the appurtenance-formation *rot-H2-ö-, continuing in Vedic rätha-, Avestan raOa- "wagon" (EWAIll, 429-30; Hajnal 1994, 94, fn. 29; Irslinger, NIL 575, 578). 4.2. It remains to explain a connection to Late {Brugmannian} Indo-European *auso- "gold". It has been derived from the IE root *H2ues- "to become (morning) light" (Pokorny 1959, 86-87; Kümmel, LIV 292). This is applicable to pre-Tocharian *uesä < *H2ues-(e)H2-lM, and probably also for Hieroglyphic Luvian washa- < *H2uos-H2-o- in agreement with Lex Eichner. But the traditional reconstruction *auso-/*H2euso- reflecting the Italic-Baltic isogloss "gold" is not safe either. Driessen (2003, 352-53) and independently Eichner (p.c.) mention that in the case of the full grade one would expect Lithuanian +aüsas with circumflex. The actually attested acute intonation implies the lengthened grade ('Dehnstufe'), i.e. presence of a laryngeal. Driessen and Eichner offer an ingenious solution, the reduplicated form *H2e-H2uso- (accepted e.g. by de Vaan 2008, 63; Irslinger, NIL 358-59; Sukac 2010, 108; Oettinger 2012, 244; Machajdikovä 2014, 41-42; Hackstein, Hiromi & Bross 2015, 74). 4.3. The expected structure *H2eHus° implicit in the Brugmannian reconstruction *auso- can alternatively be a result of compounding. It is possible to speculate about the compound *H2e(H)-(H)us°, where the first component could be identified in Palaic ha- "to be warm" < *H2eH- (Kümmel, LIV251) and the second one with the root *H eus- "to burn" (Kümmel, LIV245; Pokorny 347^18) in the zero grade, i.e. together *Hß -H^us-H -o- with respect to Hieroglyphic Luvian washa-, which is also derivable from *H' uos-H -o. The primary meaning could be "burnt165 or smelted in warmth", perhaps for contrast with the technology of cold-forging. The smelting technology was first applied to metallurgy of copper, as reflected e.g. in the Baltic designation of "copper": *uaria- > Lithuanian värias, var. väris "copper", adj. varinis "of copper", compound svitvaris "brass" ("bright copper"), Latvian vars "copper, metal, ore", Prussian vargian "copper" [£F525] Ivarjanl, besides Prussian auwerus "Metallschlacke" [EV529], all from the verb *uerH -, attested in Hittite war-/ur- "to burn"; Armenian vafem "I kindle", vafim "I burn"; Lithuanian virti : verdu, Latvian vi ft : verdu "kochen, sieden, branden, brodeln, sprudeln" (Fraenkel 1962-65, 1199-1200, 1263); Old Church Slavonic van, "heat", vbreti: variti "to cook" (Kloekhorst 2008, 923-25; LIV 689; Pokorny 1959, 1166). This solution, besides its artificial complexity, leads to the primary meaning "copper" rather than to "gold". 161 Sergei Starostin (Workshop on the chronology in linguistics, Santa Fe 2004) dated this disintegration to 4670 BCE, applying his own variant of so-called 'recalibrated glottochronology'. Later his son George Starostin in cooperation with Aleksei Kassian dated it to 4340 BCE, using their own modification of 'recalibrated glottochronology' (see Blažek 2007, 4; Starostin 2015, 568). 162 According to Mallory (EIEC 235) there are several cultural centres in the Eastern Balkans, where were unearthed golden artifacts dated to c. 4500^1000 BCE, namely the Varna cemetery in Bulgaria, the Gumelnita culture in Romania and the Tiszapolgár culture in Hungary. 163 But following Giusfredi (2010), Melchert (2015, 411) analyzes washa- as an animate action noun in -šha-. 164 Cf. Tocharian A want/want, Byente "wind" vs. Hittite huwant- id. < **H2ueHlnto- or B was- "to dwell" vs. Hittite hwes- "to live" < *H2ues- (A 546, 649-50). 165 Cf. Ossetic Iron syzjcerín/syyzcerín, Digor suyzcerince "gold(en) < *suy(da)-zaraina- < *šuxta-žarania- "burnt gold", vs. Iron syyd, Digor suyd "burnt" < *suxta-, cf. Avestan "suxta- (Bailey 1974, 370; Abaev III, 188). ILA. Tocharian names of metals 91 5. It is possible to speculate whether or not "copper" was a primary meaning of Common Luvian *washa- and pre-Tocharian *uesa-. There is at least indirect witness in Cuneiform Luvian URUDU-washassa[(-) [KUB XXXVIII, 1, iv 21], interpreted as "kupferner Gegenstand in Kultinventar" (Tischler 2001,198 included this word in the Hittite lexicon). Pre-Tocharian *wesa- has been supposed as a source of Samoyedic *wesd166 "iron, metal" (Joki 1973, 339^10; Janhunen 1983, 120; Napol'skikh 2001, 374-75; while Kallio 2004, 133 thinks about the opposite direction of borrowing) and Fenno-Ugric *waska/wdskd161 "copper, ore", with semantic shift to "metal" or "iron" in some branches. In the final *-ka/*-kd a stem determinative can be identified (cf. Collinder 1960, 257-58), to judge from Permic, where there are no traces of any velar extension (Napol'skikh 2001, 374). These difficulties in projecting the Fenno-Ugric forms into one common protoform may be caused by the fact that they represent a confusion of two originally different sources, pre-Tocharian *wusd responsible for the front root vocalism and a hypothetical Indo-Iranian term *uas(i)ka- "bronze axe"168, responsible for the back vocalism. The Tocharian metal-term designating originally "copper" could also be a source of the following Turkic forms: Chaghatai mis, Turkmenian mis, Uzbek mis & dial. (Bukhara) mis, New Uyghur & Taranchi mis "copper", New Uyghur from Turfan also mts "copper", mtskdrct "copper-smith" (Le Coq 1910, 98), Kazakh & Karakalpak mys "copper" (the back y is strange), Kazan Tatar bds "brass with patina" (Rasanen 1969, 339; Rybatzki 1994, 217). With respect to the tendency b- > m- (e.g. Baraba Tatar murut, Turkmenian & Kazakh murtvs. Chaghatai, New Uyghur, Taranchi burnt "Schnurrbart", all from *bur- "drehen" - see Rasanen 1969, 90), it is legitimate to think about primary *b-. This conclusion would determine the vector of borrowing as Turkic > Persian and not vice versa. The Com- 166 Nenets ješe (O), weše (Lj.) "iron; money", Enets bese "iron", Nganasan bása "iron; metal", Selkup kezi (Ta.), kěza (Tur), kwez (Ke.), kwezi (Ty.) "iron", Kamas baza, waza "iron", Koibal 6ajě; Motor 6aje; Taigi beiše "iron" (Janhunen 1977, 175). 167 Finnic *waški > Finnish vaski, gen. vasken "ore; copper, bronze", Estonian vask, gen. vaske "copper, brass" | pSaa-mi *věškě > Saami vcei 'ke -ik- (N) "copper', vei 'hkě (L) "brass", vieške (T), viel (Kid.), viašk (Not.) "copper" pMordva *voife/*vat3 > Mordva Erzya uške, viskä, Moksha uskä "wire, chain" | Mari ksrtňi-waž "iron ore", ši-waž "silver ore" (KB), ši-wož (CK UJ) id. | Permic *ves > Udmurt az-ves (S K G) "silver"; Komi ez-is (S P) "silver" II Ugric *waska > Hungarian vas "iron"; the metathetical variant *waksa is probably a source of Khanty way (V), wäx (DN), öx (O) "iron, metal; money" ( > Mansi N väx, So. folkl. wox "copper, iron"), while Mansi ät-kiiš (TJ), 5t-w3s (KO), at-wsš (P), at-wss (So.), oůt-khwěs (K) "lead" stands close to the Permic forms (Napol'skix 1997, 154-55 & 2001, 374; Collinder 1960, 97-98, 152, 409; Sammallahti 1988, 541; UEW 560, including the abbreviations of dialects). 168 Reconstructed on the basis of Vedic vasi- f. "axe, adze, sharp knife or chisel as the weapons especially of Agni or Maruts and the instrument of Rbhus", and Young Avestan väsi- "Spitzmesser" (EWAIII, 548), which should represent the vraW/z/-formation from an unattested form *vača- (Carpelan & Parpola 2001, 127), corresponding to Osetic wees "axe" (Abaev IV, 58 added assumed later loanwords in Finno-Ugric: Hungarian vésó "chisel", and Finnish veitsi "knife"; but they are derivable from *weijči, cf. Kallio 2006, 7). The velar extension appears in Khotanese vaski "a tool made of stone", perhaps "stone knife" (Bailey 1979, 379). Let us mention that Lubotsky (2001, 312-13) includes *uäc7- in the substratal lexicon possibly adopted from creators of the Bactria-Margiana Cultural Complex. Referring to the only source of the Ossetic word, viz. Miller 1903, 10, Lubotsky corrects the actually recorded form to was < *uač°. The semantic shift from names of weapons or tools to names of metals is not unique. The following two examples illustrate this semantic change: (i) Middle Persian zpwl'pt /pö law ad/ (MacKenzie 1971, 69;Nyberg 1974, 162), "pwl'wd Ipöläwadl "steel" (MPP 286) > Armenian polopat, polovat "steel" (Hübschmann 1897, 231-32, #547) - borrowed from a source of the type Vedic pavlravat- [RV, VS] orpavlravat- [AV] "armed with lance or a goad", the adj. formed from the noun pavira [Nir] "a weapon with a metallic point; lance, spear" (Korš 1912 apud Reichelt 1913[1914], 74; Schräder & Nehring II, 444), which itself is a derivative of pavi- m. "metallic point of a spear or arrow; tire of a wheel" [RV, AitÄr] (MW611;£fK4/II, 107). (ii) Mordvinian Erzya kšňi, kšňe, Moksha kšňi "iron" < *ksrtňs (Keresztes 1986,69) | Mari KB ksrtňi, U B kiirtňó id. < *kiirtň§ (Bereczki 1992, 25, #134) | Udmurt kort, Komi kert "(of) iron"; Permic > Ob-Ugric: Mansi N ker, Khanty kart(s) "iron" (UEW 653: Volgaic-Permian *kärt3). AU < Iranian: Young Avestan karati- "knife", Middle Persian zk'lt [kärd] id., Classical Persian kärd id. (MacKenzie 1971, 49), Baluchi karč "knife" < *kärti", Kurdish kér(d); Sogdian krt, Yaghnobi kort id.; Khwarezmian kre id. < *kartiiä-; Pashto cars "large knife, dagger" (NEVP 21); Yidgha kero "knife", Sanglechi kil, kel, Wakhi köz id.; Ossetic kard "knife, sword", besides laerdin "to cut". Tocharian B kertte "sword" is also of Iranian origin, similarly as later loanwords in Mari kérde "sabre" and Hungarian kard "sword" (Joki 1973, 273, #62; KESK 142; ESU4, 314-16). 92 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals mon Turkic protoform *bis169 is explainable as an adaptation of Tocharian A was sg.m. "gold", maybe in its more archaic form *wids with respect to Tocharian B yasa and Common Tocharian *widsa (Adams 2013, 524-25). The anticipated substitution of Tocharian A w- by Turkic *b- has analogy e.g. in Kazan Tatar bizmdn, Kumyk, Balkar-Karachai bazman "weighing machine, balance" < Persian pi. vazn-dn < Arabic wazn id. (Rasanen 1969, 73). 6. Finally, it is possible to document the existence of language families, where "copper" and "gold" are designated by the same form from the point of view of etymology, i.e. they were originally interchangeable, apparently with regard to their yellow-red colour: 6.1. Lak duk-ni "brass"; originally a plural form; without the suffix -ni the root is attested in the old Archi loanword duk "brass, copper" | Lezghian *jiA.:wa "brass, copper" > Tabasaran jif Agul if, Tsakhurjux:wa | West-Caucasian *la (~ 1.-) "gold" > Abkhaz a-ja, Abazaxa-P$ id., where -ps means "red" < North Caucasian *riX(w)e (NCED 953). 6.2. Proto-Dargwa *dabs:i > Akusha dubsi, Chiragh dabs:e "copper, red copper" | Proto-Nakh *dasVb > Chechen desi, Ingush dosuw "gold" | Proto-Lezghian *jiswV-r > Tabasaranjisur "gold" | Proto-West Caucasian *raswa (~ d-,-sw-) > Adyghe das, Kabardian dasa "gold" < North Caucasian *rewcwi (~ -J-,-a-,-e) (NCED 948-49). 6.3. Turkic: Old Turkic, Old Uyghur, Middle Turkic, Chaghatai altun, Taranchi altyn, Chuvash ilttsn "gold" vs. Yakut altan "copper" (maybe via Mongolic altan "gold" < Turkic), all from Turkic *al "hochrot" and *toh > Chuvash toj "brass", originally borrowed from Chinese M tong110 "copper, brass, bronze" (Rasanen 1969, 14, 18, 488; Rybatzki 1994, 202-206; Dybo 2007, 67: with respect to the change */- > *d- dated to the end of the Eastern Han era, around 200 CE, the adoption of this Chinese form could have been realized around this time). This would mean that the Turkic designation of "gold" was originally "red copper". 7. The analyzed forms can by summarized as follows: Collective *H2ues-(e)H2 > pre-Tocharian *uesa; Appurtenance-formation *H2uos-H-o- > Common Luvian *washa-; ?Appurtenance-formation *H2us-H-uo- —> *H2usH2uio- > Armenian oski (if it is not an adaptation of the Luvian adj. *washaya-); Reduplication *H2e-H2us-(H-)o- (or compound *Hff- + Hps-H-o- > *H2e?usHp-1) > (?Mycenaean-)Italic-(?Celtic-)Baltic *auso-. 8. In the remaining Indo-European branches the designations of "gold" are formed from the root *ghelH3- "yellow-green", in Indo-Iranian extended by the suffix *-nio-, in Germanic & Bal-to-Slavic *-to-\ *ghlH3-nio- >Vedic hiranya-; Avestan zaraniia-, Old Persian daraniya- "gold"; ^IHj-nuo- > (Late) Greek ylovvoq • xpvvoc, [Hesychius]; *g*/i/3-ro- > Phrygian ylovpoq • xpvvoc,, y^oupea • xpuoea [Hesychius] ~ Greek ylcnpoq "green-yellow, yellowish"; the gloss was confirmed by the epigraphic evidence, the adj. gloureos from the Old Phrygian inscription unearthed near Afyon and dated to 4th-3rd cent. BCE (Brixhe 2004, 17); 169 Concerning the vocalism, cf. Common Turkic *gir- "to enter", reconstructed on the basis of Turkmenian gir-, Uyghur to--, Kazan Tatar fc>r- (Rasanen 1969, 21\;EDAL 825). 170 Chinese IIH töng "copper, brass" < Middle Chinese *duij < Late Postclassic Chinese *dw5ij < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *d5ij < Han Chinese *löij < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *L5ij (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1176 d), cf. Chinese M töng "to be red" < Middle Chinese *doij < Late Postclassic Chinese *d(h)5ij < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *d(h)Surj < Han Chinese *d(h)Surj < Classic Old Chinese *d(h)uij < Preclassic Old Chinese *d(h)ün (~ 1(h)-, ~ 1(h)-) (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1008 e-f). Similarly, Pulleyblank 1991, 310: Late Middle Chinese *t/iawn < Early Middle Chinese *dawn "copper" vs. Late Middle Chinese *t/igwn < Early Middle Chinese *dawrj "red". ILA. Tocharian names of metals 93 *ghlH3-to- > Germanic *gulpa-/*gulda- "gold" (Kroonen 2013, 194); *gelH3-to- > Latvian zqlts "gold", East Lithuanian zeltas "golden"; *golH3-to- > Slavic *zolto "gold". iron 1. The designation of "iron" is known in both Tocharian languages, although in Tocharian A only as a derivative, the adj. ancwdsi "of iron, ferrous", allowing reconstruction of the noun *ancu "iron" (DTA 6; Poucha 1955, 3). In Tocharian B besides the noun encuwo ~ incuwo "iron" also the derived adj. encuwanne nom.-obl.sg.m., encuwanna nom.sg.f, is attested (Adams 2013, 84). Illustrative examples (A) prutkos riyam ancwässäm "imprisoned in the iron {obl.sg.f.} city" [340 a7] Illustrative examples (B) ... ma pälsko katkästrä su su orsse encuwo 11 aikärusa ket pälsko snai säk ... [THT 255, b2] ... säl(pa)mo (kälyi)tär-ne kektsentsa: 73 laursa encwanne tarne räskre tsopyem-ne: käskannitär- ne waiptär ... [THT 22, b5] /// (e)ncuwanne c- III [THT 168.C, al] /// (e)ncuwa(nn)e III [THT 168.d, a2] ... kdwansa • orssa • wlyamaslona encuwanna kwrainna • [PKNS 95, b4] ... -kenckektseh käcciyem-ne ydresa : onkolm= encwanna waltsanoy-n= ästa lykaske : [THT 22, b4] 2. Adams (2013, 85) reconstructs Common Tocharian *encuwän-, but the internal reconstruction leads to a different protoform. 3. Etymology: 3.1. Poucha (1955, 3) thought about connection with Irish ond, onn "stone, rock", Vedic adri-"stone, rock, mountain" < *ond-/*nd- (Pokorny 1959, 778). Mayrhofer (EWAI I, 65) added Old Persian *adri- "mountain", reconstructed on the basis of the oronym , if it reflected lark-adri-l, cf. also öpo<; napudSpnt; [Strabo, 11.14 on Armenia], probably Old Iranian *paru-adri-"{mountain}of many rocks", but he was skeptical concerning the Indo-Iranian - Irish comparison. Röna-Tas (1974, 502) developed this idea, projecting the adj. ahcwdsi into the compound *antu-ues°, where the first component should be a continuant of IE *ond-/*nd- "stone" and in the second one (i.e. the adj. suffix) he saw Tocharian A was "gold". But the finals A *-u vs. B -wo reflect unambiguously °u-ön-/bu-än-, cf. A käntu, B kantwo "tongue" ~ Gothic tuggo id. (Van Windekens 1979, 39; Adams 2013, 147). 3.2. Bailey (1957, 55-57), followed by Tremblay (2001, 22, #35; 2005, 424), saw in Common Tocharian *encuwdn a borrowing from an early stage of Sakan, where on the basis of Khotan Saka hissdna- "steel" the protoform *acudn- was proposed by Tremblay. He explained the nasalization as spontaneous, maybe through anticipation of the second syllable, or transferred from the synonym *han-ddna- "wrought metal, alloy", continuing in Ossetic cendan "iron" and corresponding to Sanskrit [lex.] sam-dhdna- "foundry". Khwarezmian hncw "arrow-head" and hnjw "iron tip", have to reflect this secondary nasalization and could be borrowed from the same source as the Tocharian designations of "iron". 3.3. Inspired by German Gußeisen "cast iron", Van Windekens (1976, 146) analyzed the word as the compound of the intensive prefix and the verbal root *gheu- "to pour" (Kümmel, LIV179), 94 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals attested in Tocharian AB ku- "to offer a libation; pour", cf. A pret. sosam "he poured" (Adams 2013, 190-91; DTA 146). 3.4. Pinault (2006, 184-89) offers to explain the Tocharian word "iron" with help of Vedic omšu- "stalk of the soma plant" (= ephedra), Young Avestan qsu- "a plant belonging to haoma-", with respect to the fact that the marrow of soma-plant-stalks is of a red colour. If none of Indo-European etymologies is convincing enough to solve all questions and the sub-stratic version yields any determination of a hypothetical language-donor, it is legitimate to seek a source in non-Indo-European languages. 3.5. Schwartz (1974, 409) assumed a common, substratic, source *ašuwan- for both Tocharian and Khwarezmian forms, but he did not determine the language-donor. With regard to later discussions, it is possible to speculate about the language of the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC). 3.6. Van Windekens (1964, 596) sought origin in Sino-Tibetan languages, quoting a counterpart in one of Naga languages of Assam, Empeo en-džu "stone". The cognates such as Khoirao n-tau, Kabui tau, Kwoireng ta-tto, Maram -to "stone", indicate proto-Kuki *m-to (Shafer 1974, 287,311). 3.7. Naert (1965, 531) proposed as a source the Khanty designation of "steel": (Konda) jint-wax, (Košelevo) ont-wax, (Krasnojarsk) int-wax etc. But this term is very probably borrowed from Mansi Njemtán id. < Komijendonjemdon "steel" < Late Sarmatian, cf. Ossetic cendon id. (Abaev I, 156-57; Joki 1973, 249-50). 3.8. A possible candidate for a source could also be one of the Sino-Tibetan designations of "iron", reconstructed as *šam111 "iron". It is attested in three branches: Lolo-Burmese *$am > Old Burmese sam, sam, New Burmese 6ä, Akha šm, Lahu so, Naxi Lijiang^w, Hani Mojiangyw, Jinuo, Yi Wuding ££, Yi Xide gui du, Lisu xwô, Ahi ho, Lolopho ho "iron" | Nungish: Rawang šam, dial. slam "iron; sword", Trung čäm "iron" | Qiangic: Rgyarung som, Daofu (= Horpa) teo, Namuyi §u, Lúsu^iM, Sixing of Muli^ô, Pumi of Jinghua^a, Ergong teo, Queyu ofYajiang£<5 id. etc., plus Tangutš/ora "iron" (Benedict 1972, 53, 91; Shafer 1974, 359; Matisoff 2003, 255, 257; Kepping 1999, 237). Ahypothetical source of the Tocharian-Khwarezmian isogloss could be reconstructed as *?an-cu(m> or *?an-cwo(m>, where the second component was a predecessor of such Lolo-Burmese forms as Lahu So, Naxi Lijiang §u, Hani Mojiangyw, Jinuo, Yi Wuding ee, Yi Xide gui du, etc., or Qiangic forms as Daofu (= Horpa) teo, Namuyi §u, Liisu §w, Sixing of Muli §č>, Pumi of Jinghua §d, Ergong teo etc. In the first component the Sino-Tibetan nominalizing prefix can be identified, which is known e.g. in Lolo-Burmese languages: Burmese ?9?im "sheath" vs. ?im "house"; Lahu o-šä "meat" vs. šä "animal, game"; Bisu ?an-fa "meat" etc. In Bisu (Northern Thailand) the same prefix also forms adjectives, e.g. Parj-pluirj "full", ?an-plán "black" etc. (Benedict 1972, 121-23; Matisoff 2003, 108-09). The hypothetical formation *?atj-cu or *?arj-cwo would mean "of iron". To demonstrate that the idea of adoption of this hypothetical Lolo-Burmese formation by Tocharians is really possible, it is necessary to prove some historical contacts between the Tarim Basin and Yunnan with adjacent regions, where the Lolo-Burmese populations lived and live till the present time. The Chinese historical annals bear witness to foreign people living in Yunnan, called il sár11. This ethnonym, 'Saka', had been used by Chinese historians to designate populations of Iranian origin from the Tarim Basin and partially from Central Asia too. The Chinese archaeologist Zhang Zengqi recognizes in bronze figures from Yunnan the 'animal style' typical for the Eurasian steppelands and Caucasoid features in the case of human figures. The drinking horns unearthed here are also characteristic e.g. for Scythians (Mallory & Mair 2000, 328-30). If 171 This metal-name can be connected with Sino-Tibetan *sim "black, dark" > Garo sim, Dimasa sim-ba ~ sum-ba, gisim ~gusum "black, blue, dark", Lushai Mm "dark(ness)" (Benedict 1972, 81, #380; Matisoff 2003, 271). 172 Chinese J£ säi & säi "to block (up), stop up, shut; a pass, strait; to fill" < Late Middle Chinese *s3§k < Early Middle Chinese *sak (Pulleyblank 1991, 271) ~ Middle Chinese *sAk < Postclassic Chinese *s§k < Han Chinese *s§k < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *s§k (Starostin, ChEDb; Karlgren, GSR 0908 a; Bailey 1982, 7-8, 19). ILA. Tocharian names of metals 95 these conclusions are correct, some Iranian (Saka?) tribes moved to Yunnan from the Tarim Basin during the 1st mill. BCE. With respect to their mobility they probably were able to keep the trade contacts with their homeland. It could be the same route which brought some names of exotic animals, e.g. "monkey", to the Tocharians from Lolo-Burmese populations173. 3.9. The Common Tocharian designation of "iron", reconstructible as *cencwo (cf. Tocharian A käntu, B kantwo "tongue" < Common Tocharian *käntwo < *käntwä < *tänkwä < *dnghuä, probably representing a merger of ä- and öra-stems - see Hilmarsson 1986, 18,151, 246), can represent an adaptation of the Chinese compound BjtSS an114 zhü115 "dark cast iron" < Middle Chinese *?Am teuah < Han Chinese *?5mh tso. Alternatively, *cen- > A an-, B en-, may be (i) the Tocharian intensive prefix continuing IE *Hpn- "in" (cf. A anapär/anaprä, B enepre "in front of, in face of - see DTA 8; Adams 2013, 89) or (ii) the negative prefix *n- (cf. Aansär/amsär{l), B ehcare "disagreeable, unpleasant, unfriendly, unwelcome" < *ehcähcare vs. cane are / cincare "lovely, agreeable, charming, delightful, tender", from the verb conk- "to please" - see Adams 2013, 83, 272; Hilmarsson 1991, 180-81). In case (i) the formation "in cast iron" could perhaps express *"{made} of cast iron". On the contrary in case (ii) the formation with the privative prefix would determine that it is not made of cast iron, i.e. it belongs to the 'normal' iron. 3.9.1. The Chinese word SS zhü in its earlier shapes, i.e. Early Middle Chinese *teuah or East Han Chinese *tso, was probably borrowed into the Turkic languages: a) Karakhanid (11th cent.) cod'in "bronze" [Mahmud of Kashgar], Cumanish (14th cent.) coyun "bronze" (Clauson) / "ore" (Rybatzki), Chaghatai (15th cent.) ciijiin, coj'in "unsmelted iron", Ottoman Turkish coyan, Uzbek, New Uyghur cujan, Turkmenian cojun, Crimea-Tatar, Karaim, Kumyk, Kirgiz cojun, Kazakh, Shor sojun, Taranchi, Kumandy cöjün, Kazan Tatar cujyn "cast iron", Bashkir suj'in, while Azerbaijani cudan, eudän "cast iron" may be borrowed from Persian; b) Chaghatai cügen "cast iron", Turkish cövgen, Chuvash cuGun, coaon "Guss-, Roheissen" (> Mari cuyun, cuysn; Russian cu-gun, Ukrainian ca(h)un "cast iron"), besides Tatar cögen "gusseiserner Topf, Karachai-Balkar coyun "kettle", New Uyghur of Khotan cögün "gusseiserne Kanne" etc.; c) Oirot, Teleut cojyon "der eiserne Topf, Teekanne", Teleut cöjgön "Teekessel", Taranchi cöjgün "eine eiserne Wasserkanne"; d) Teleut coj, soj "Gusseisen, Eisenerz", Sagai soj, Soiot soj, Kumandy cöj id., and Mon-golic: Oirat cöi, Kalmyk tsö "Gusseisen, Erz" (ZMEVIII, 124-27; Räsänen 1969, 113; Clauson 1972, 403; Rybatzki 1999, 66-70; Adams 2013, 85). The formations a), b) represent adaptations of two various Chinese compounds with the common first component, namely Chinese SS zhü "to cast (metal), casted, casting (metal)". The second component is a) M töng116; b) IB gang111. The 173 The proto-Loloish compound *myok "monkey" + *'ko "macaque rhesus", still surviving in Akha myo Ic'oe (Bradley 1979, 296, ##23 & 26A), could represent a source of both the Chinese gloss ptfM múhóu < Middle Chinese *mukyAw < Han Chinese *m(h)ökgwä < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *m(h)ökgö (GSR 1212 e & 113 g; Starosta 1989, 676, 605, 697; ChEDb; Pulleyblank 1991, 220 & 125) and proto-Tocharian *moko > Amkow- (pi. mkowan and mkowy arämpät "simiae figura") and B moko- (dim. mokomske) "monkey" (cf. also Blažek 1984, 390-391; 1997, 236-37; 2011, 32-34). 174 Chinese Bf an "dark" < Middle Chinese *?Ám < Postclassic Chinese *?Šm < Han Chinese *?Smh < Classic Old Chinese *?§mh < Preclassic Old Chinese *?Sms (Starostin, ChEDb; Karlgren, GSR 0653 h). Cf. also the Vietnamese reading am. 175 Chinese Ii zhü "to cast (metal), casted, casting (metal)" < Late Middle Chinese *t§ya < Early Middle Chinese *teuď (Pulleyblank 1991,415; Karlgren, GSR 1090 a'-d) < East Han Chinese *tsoc < Old Chinese [bronze inscriptions of Western Zhou] *toh (Schuessler 2007, 627) ~ *tu-s (Baxter & Sagart, Old Chinese Database 2014). 176 Chinese IIH tóng "copper, brass, bronze" < Middle Chinese *dun < Late Postclassic Chinese *dw5ij < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *dön < Han Chinese *löij < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *L5ij (GSR 1176 d; Pulleyblank 1991, 310: Yuan thurj' < Late Middle Chinese *t/i3wn < Early Middle Chinese *dawn "copper" vs. M tóng "red" < Yuan thurj' < Late Middle Chinese *t/i3wn < Early Middle Chinese *dawrj). Ill Chinese ii gang "steel, cast iron" < Middle Chinese *käij < Middle Postclassic Chinese *käij < Han Chinese *käij < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *kän (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0697 h; Schuessler 2007, 250, dates the appearance of the meaning "steel" to the Han period, in the text Liezi). Cf. also Sino-Vietnamese cu 'o 'ng, Vietnamese reading gang. Derived from Sino-Tibetan *käij "hard, tense" > Old Chinese PÜ!] *kän "hard, strong", besides ii *käi) "steel" | Kachinlean' "to be stretched, tense, taut". 96 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals compound c) may reflect an adaptation of Chinese ^ chd™ "tea", maybe influenced by Russian nau, & IS (with variant M) gudn119 "jar, pot; can, bucket; flask (of sheet metal)", or If gudnm "cup; pot; jug, pitcher; flask". In d) it seems, in the form *coyin (< *cod'm) the final *-in was reinterpreted as the 3rd person possessive suffix (cf. TMENlll, 124; Rybatzki 1999, 69-70). In the cases a) and b) it is necessary to explain the change of the Chinese final *-rj into Turkic *-n. The final *-tj has been regularly changed into -n/-m in Chuvash, e.g. Common Turkic *jdn "sleeve" vs. Chuvash san(3), savn§ id., or Common Turkic *tdn "identical, the same" vs. Chuvash tan id. (Rasanen 1969, 197, 478). The difference between Chinese *-a- in *kan in comparison with Turkic *o/u/il in the last syllable of the form b) may be explained in a similar way: Turkic *-a- has been changed into o/u in Chuvash, e.g. Common Turkic *san "number" vs. Chuvash som, sum id., or *sariy "yellow" vs. Chuvash sur§ "white" (Rasanen 1969, 400, 403-04). This means that a language related to Bulghar-Chuvash could have been the mediator bringing the Chinese terms to the Turkic milieu. Probably thanks to the Turkic mediation the terms a) & b) were spread to the languages of the Caucasus, where they appeared in Iranian: Ossetic Iron cwajnag "kettle of cast iron", Digor ciwan "cast iron", cigon "a small kettle of cast iron" (Abaev I, 318-19, 311); Kartvelian: Georgian coi-na, Mingrelian cuvani & civani, Chan cuveni & coyeni, Svan cweni "cauldron"; East Caucasian: Ingush con "cast iron"; Avar cojen; West Caucasian: Abkhaz a-cHwan, Abazin cHwan, Ubykh cHwana, Adyghean Siwan, Kabardinian siwan "cauldron" (Abaev I, 318-19; Klimov & Xalilov 2003, 115). "lead" or "tin" 1. On the basis of the Tocharian B adj. Idntassa, corresponding to Pali tipu- "tin" or sisa- "lead", the noun Hant may be expected (Pinault 2000, 97-98; Adams 2013, 600). The adj. appears in the list of materials of which bowls can be made [PK-NS-25b4c]: /// vairudissa wmerssa pilkessa Idntassa kdwansa • orssa • wi yamaslona encuwanna kwraihha • Adams (I.e.) speculates about identification of the noun in formulation /// ma lantsa tasdllya III, which could be interpreted as "it is not to be placed on lead", but also might not, how he admits. 2. Pinault (2000, 103) presents two main variants of internal reconstruction leading to IE starting-point, *(H)lnT- and *(H)lunT-. 3. Pinault (2000, 103-05) himself analyzes several etymologies: 3.1. Comparison with Baltic *al(H)ua- > Lithuanian divas "tin", Old Lithuanian also "lead", Latvian alvs m. & alva f. "tin", Prussian alwis "lead", besides elwas "cassiterite" | Old Church Slavonic olovo "lead", Bulgarian olovo, Macedonian olovo, Serbo-Croatian olovo, Slovenian 6lo-vo n. & olov m.; Slovak & Czech olovo, Upper & Lower Sorbian woloj, Pomerian Slovincian uolow & udldi, (Old) Polish olow m., dial, olowo, all "lead"; Belorussian volava, Old Ukrainian volovo, Ukrainian olovo, Russian olovo "tin" (Havlova, ESJS 10, 583-84). This Balto-Slavic isogloss (sometimes the all Baltic data are interpreted as Slavic loans) has been explained in various ways: 178 Chinese IS chä "tea" < Yuan *tfa' < Late Middle Chinese *trßa: < Early Middle Chinese *drai/dre (Pulleyblank 1991,46) ~ Middle Chinese *da < Postclassic Chinese *dö < Han Chinese *lä < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *tä (Starostin, ChEDb). 179 Chinese II guän (with variant M guän) "jar, pot; can, bucket; flask (of sheet metal)" < Late Middle Chinese *kuan < Early Middle Chinese *kwanh (Pulleyblank 1991, 114). 180 Chinese iSf guän "cup; pot; jug, pitcher; flask" < Late Middle Chinese *kuan' < Early Middle Chinese *kwanh (Pulleyblank 1991, 114). ILA. Tocharian names of metals 97 3.1.1. The most frequent is the solution based on West Germanic *elwa- "yellow(-brown)", implying the initial laryngeal *H1-, but no laryngeal after *-/-181, in contrary to the witness of the Baltic intonation indicating the set-xoot (cf. EWAhd II, 1060-62). For this reason Pinault (2000, 104) is skeptical concerning the "yellow"-etymology. Let us also mention that "lead" and "tin" are frequently characterized as "bright" (both) or "dark" vs. "white" respectively, but never "yellow" or "brown". The idea of Mann (1984-87, 14) operating with Greek äXcuöq "not seeing, blind" [CW.8.195], is not better, since it seems to be derived from the verb läay "I see". 3.1.2. Rybatzki (1994, 205) introduced as a possible candidate to explain the Balto-Slavic isogloss Classical Persian <5/182 "reddish, bright" (Vullers 1855, 47: 'subruber, subrubicundus; nitor coloris'), referring to Bailey (1954, 19) who saw in this Persian word a merger of two colour terms, *äla- and *harda- (> Avestan harsda-, harsöa-, harsta- "red", Khotanese haryäsa-"black", Ossetic Digor xcerce "black"; cf. Bailey 1979, 469; Pokorny 1959, 910-11). However, it is difficult to localize in space and time the trajectory of the potential borrowing from Persian into (Balto-)Slavic, not to mention that the initial *h-/*x- or *ä- in the hypothetical Iranian language-donor would have been adopted as *x- or *a- in common Slavic. 3.1.3. Pinault (2000, 104-05) prefers his new solution, connecting the Tocharian B designation of "lead" or "tin", i.e. the weak and flexible metals, with IE *lento-, attested in Latin lentus "pliant, flexible; tough; sticky; slow" | Old Danish lind "soft, mild", Norwegian linn "flexible, limber"; Old English Ilde "soft, mild", Old High German lind(i) "weak" | East Lithuanian lentas "still, quiet, silent" (Pokorny 1959, 677). 3.1.4. Adams (2013, 600) mentions similarity of the Tocharian metal name with the Celto-Ger-manic isogloss represented by Middle Irish lüaide "lead" and West Germanic *lauda" "lead": Old English lead, English lead; Old Frisian lad "Gewicht"; Middle Dutch loot, Dutch lood n. "lead"; Middle Low German lot "Blei, giessbares Metall, Metall(legierung) zum Löten, aus Blei gegossenes Gewicht, Senk-, Richtblei"; Middle High German löt st. n. "Blei, giessbares Metall; Schlaglot, Metallgemisch zum löten; Lot", German Lot "plummet, solder". These metal-names are compatible, if they are derived from a verbal root of the type *(H)leudh-, forming ra-infix-pres-ent. In "Lexicon of Indo-European Verbs" there is only one root which is consistent with these conditions: *Hlleudh- "to rise, go up, grow" (Kümmel, LIV248^19), also with continuant in Tocharian: A läc, B lac "went out, left" < *HJudh-e-t (Pinault 2008, 601), besides causative forms in B ldntds[k]em[n]e, A lantdskem (Adams 2013, 598-600). But none of meanings of this verbal root or its derivatives offer any explanation of the studied metal-names. 3.1.5. If the meaning of *lant was "tin", it is possible to think about the /-derivative from the root *H]leng/h- "to be light" {not heavy} (Kümmel, LIV 247-4%; Pokorny 1959, 660-61). In Tocharian B there is a safe continuant in lanktse "easy, light", derivable from *H~ Ing^utio-. The form *lant may probably be derived from *H1lng-ht°, cf. Germanic Hinhta- "light" > Gothic leihts id., Old Norse lettr "light, easy; nimble, active", Old English llht, leoht "light, easy", Old High German liht "easy" (Kroonen 2013, 339). The change *-nKt- > -nt- is attested e.g. in Tocharian B wdntalyi "bow(-string)", if it is related to Lithuanian vingis "bow, bend", or Tocharian A pant "fifth" < *penk>to-, while B pinkte id. probably represents the secondary restitution of the velar (Van Windekens 1976, 113, §342). 3.1.6. It is possible to think about a derivative of the root *leH2u-/*leuH2- "to pour" (Kloek-horst 2008, 511-13; Kümmel, LIV 401; Pokorny 1959, 692), cf. Hittite lähu-/lahu- "to pour; 181 Similarly Vedic arund- "reddish" (if it is not derived from *H eru- vs. *Hlreu-dh(Hl)o- "red") and Tocharian B yolyiye "pale" < *H elu-io- (Adams 2013, 556). 182 This term, isolated within Iranian, is well-attested in Turkic: *a/"red, scarlet" > Old Turkic [Orkhon], OldUyghur al, Karakhanid al [Mahmud of Kashgar], Middle Turkic al "bright red" [Codex Cumanicus], Turkmenian at, Turkish, Tatar, New Uyghur, Azerbaijani, Noghai, Bashkir, Gagauz, Karaim, Kumyk al "red" (Clauson 1972, 120-21; TMEN2, 94-95). Benveniste (1960, 70) tried to demonstrate the inherited character of the Persian word, adding Middle Persian al-yonak "of red colour", plus the corresponding Old Persian compound reflected in the woman's name AXoyown recorded by Ktesias (c. 400 BCE). 98 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals cast (objects from metal); (overflow", Cuneiform Luvian lü- "to pour", ld(h)un(a)i- "to wash" | Armenian loganam "I bathe" | Greek ^ouco "I wash, bathe" [//.] | Latin lavö "I wash, bath" | Irish lo-chasair "rain"; Middle Welsh glau id. If the fusing temperatures of the most frequent metals are compared, the lowest melting point is consistent with the cases of tin and lead: tin 232 °C < lead 327,5 °C < zinc 419,5 °C < silver 961 °C < gold 1063 °C < copper 1084 °C < iron 1482-1593 °C. It is quite natural that this feature would serve to designate the metal. In principle, all names of "lead" or "tin" discussed above are derivable from this root: Celtic-Germanic (or Celtic > Germanic) *loudho- "lead" < *louH2-dhHp- or *loH2u-cfHp-"made molten". Baltic *al(H)ua- < *H2el-lHuo- "molten in flame", where the first component *H2el- can be reconstructed on the basis of Sanskrit aldta- n. "fire-brand, coal" [MBh] | Latin altdre "Brandaltar", ad-oleö "verbrenne", Umbrian ufetu 'ad addendum' | Swedish ala "lodern, flammen" (Pokorny 1959, 28; Kümmel, LIV 262 includes these forms under the lemma "nähren, aufziehen", seeking support in the Latin formulation ignem alere). Slavic *olovo- n. "lead" or East Slavic "tin" < *H2el-lHouo- or *H2el-louHo- of the same structure. Tocharian B *lant "lead" or "tin" < *lH2u-nt° "melting"? 3.1.7. All preceding etymological attempts can be supported by some rational arguments, but none is convincing enough to exclude others. In this case it is legitimate to ask if there is any possibility of foreign origin. A promising source may be found in the Chinese expression J&SS qidn zhü "casted lead", consisting of qidnm "lead" < Late Middle Chinese *jyan < Early Middle Chinese *jwian (Pulleyblank 1991, 249) ~ Middle Chinese *jwen < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *jwen < Early Postclassic Chinese *zwen < Eastern Han Chinese *zwan < Western Han Chinese *lwan < Classic Old Chinese *lwan < Preclassic Old Chinese *lon (Starostin, ChEDb) ~ Hon or *jon "lead" [Shüjing] (Schuessler 2007, 424), and SS zhü "to cast (metal), casted" < Late Middle Chinese Hsyd < Early Middle Chinese Heudh (Pulleyblank 1991, 415) < Later Han Chinese Hsoc< Old Chinese184 *toh (Schuessler 2007, 627) ~ *toslt5 (Starostin, ChEDb) ~ *tu-s (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014). With respect to the change */- > *z- realized in the end of the 1st century BCE, the process of adoption of this term should be dated to the 1st cent. BCE or earlier. The source could be Western Han / Classic Old Chinese (lst-5th cent. BCE) compound Hwan-toh or its preclassic (6th - 10th cent. BCE) predecessor *lon-tos/-tus. The older possibility *lon-tos/-tus should have been borrowed into (still Common) Tocharian *lcentce (ä la Hilmarsson) or Hente (ä la Ringe) > A +lant, B +lente. This means that Tocharian B *lant seems to be borrowed from Tocharian A. silver B acc. Pikante, gen. hkantentse "silver", adj. acc.sg.m. hikahce, nom.pl.m. hkahci "silvern" (Adams 2013, 290; Peyrot 2008, 57 about the late forms with hi0). Ankihc "silver" 183 Pulleyblank (1991, 249) also mentions the Modern Chinese variantyän, whose initial is regular in contrary to qiän (cf. GSR 0229 c, where reconstructions *iwän < *diwan were proposed). 184 Known beginning from the bronze inscriptions of Western Zhou, 1050-770 BCE, see GSR 1090 a -d . 185 Starostin (ChEDb) did not reconstruct history of Ii zhü "to cast (metal), casted", he only proposed its Preclassic protoform *tos. But it is possible to expect the parallel development in the case of the close verb ft zhü "to pour, flow to, conduct water; be led to" < Middle Chinese *cii < Postclassic Chinese *cd < Eastern Han Chinese *coh < Western Han Chinese *toh < Classic Old Chinese *toh < Preclassic Old Chinese *to(?)s (Starostin ChEDb; cf. Schuessler 2007, 627; GSR #0129 c). II.A. Tocharian names of metals 99 The designation for "silver" is known in both Tocharian languages: 1. The following forms, including derivatives, are attested: A nkinc "silver" kusne nispal koprdhk-fpdjrsant was nkinc har wrok he(mintu) [A303 b6] "whose possession [is] koprdhk-fpdjrsant (= 'moon-stone'), gold, silver, necklace, pearl, jewels" [translated by Melanie Malzahn, p.c] Ankdhci adj. "silvern" vaiduri sim oryo nkdhcim [A316 a4] (Poucha 1955, 157) B acc. hkante, gen. hkantentse "silver" yasa hkante wrakahhem wmera makci priyem [Pelliot Koutcheen - nouvel series - 18A-a2] "they themselves were wearing jewels of gold, silver, and pearl" (Adams 2013, 290) B adj. acc.sg.m. late hikahcem, nom.pl.m. hkahci, acc.pi.m. hkahcem ~ late hikahcem, acc.sg.f. hkahcai, nom.-acc.pl.f. hkahcana "silvern" ysassem hikahcem wmera "gold and silver jewels" [109a4L] (Adams 2013, 290; Tamai 2011, 151). 2. From the perspective of internal reconstruction, A nkinc may reflect the noun in °nt-e(n)ni and nkdhci the adj. in "nt-iio- (Van Windekens 1979, 125). The termination of B acc. hkante is derivable from Common Tocharian "dntce < "nto-.188 Mentioning the same derivational pattern as in IE *Hergnto-,li9 Hilmarsson (1986, 202) speculated about the replacement of this old etymon190 by a new term, perhaps borrowed from Old Chinese (cf. the discussion below), while the original termination remained preserved. 3. Etymological attempts in chronological order and their evaluation: (a) Pisani (1942^13, 27): Derived from IE *sneigfh- "snow". Ad (a): This seems to be a typical Wurzeletymologie without any support for its non-trivial semantic development. Such a semantic development is really known, however: Sanskrit [Manu] heman- "gold", haima- "golden" is derivable from himd- "snow" (Turner 1966, ##14096, 14163; KEWA III, 607; EWAI III, 543-44). In Celtic it is possible to find the development from "white" to both "silver" and "snow", e.g. Celtic *arganto- "silver" > Old Irish argat, Old Welsh argant, Welsh arian(t), Cornish argans, Old Breton arc'hant, vs. *argio- "snow" > Middle Welsh eiry, Welsh eira, Middle Breton ere 'h id., with regard to Hittite harki- and Tocharian A arki "white" (Delamarre 2001, 46-47), but the opposite direction in semantic development, i.e. from "snow" to "white" and further to "silver", is practically excluded in the case of the root *sneigvh-, which was recognized in the Tocharian B adj. siheatstse "snowy" (Adams 2013, 689). 186 Peyrot (2008, 57): / in the first syllable of the late forms is epenthetic. 187 Hilmarsson (1986, 335) supposed the original nom.sg. in *-nts and its later remodelling after the adjective oblique stem in *-ntio- > -nc-. 188 Cf. Tocharian Apkdnt "separate" andB pkante "obstacle, hindrance; something put crosswise" < Common Tocharian *p(d)kdntos < *bhegnto-, from the verb *bheg- "to break" (Pokorny 1959, 114-15; Van Windekens 1976, 376 & 1979, 54; LIV66; Adams 2013, 439). 189 E.g. Latin argentum, Celtic *arganto- (see §3), Hittite KU.BABBAR-imf-, Khotanese aljsata, etc. (Bailey 1979, 25; Puhvel 1991, 171; NIL 317-22). 190 He reconstructed a hypothetical, but unattested, Common Tocharian protoform *arkdntce. In reality the situation is more complex. Tocharian A arki, B arkwi 'white' reflect the original accusative *H2ergu-ien-m with respect to the oblique forms: A nom.sg.f. arkim, obl.sg.f. arkinam, B acc.pl.m. arkwindm, nom.sg.f. arkwanha, acc.sg.f. arkwahhai, nom.-acc.pl.f. arkwina, while the A nom.pl.m. arkyams, nom.-obl.pl.f. arkyant are derivable from *H2ergu-ion-t- (DTA 45; Adams 2013, 53). 100 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals (b) Poucha (1955,157): Related with Tocharian Ahemi "jewel" and Old Irish niam "Glanz", Latin niteo "to shine" < *nei- (Pokorny 1959, 760). Ad (b): Atypical Wurzeletymologie. (c) Van Windekens (1960, 764): Compared with Ainu nike "light". Ad (c): The Ainu form nike "light" is probably identical to the form nikeh from the Raichishka dialect of Sakhalin. More archaic variants appear in the Hokkaido dialects: Soya nikep, Nayora, Saru nipek, Asahikawa nipeki, Bihoro nupek, Horobetsu, Yakumo, Obihiro nupek (Hattori 1964, 224). They indicate the metathesis keh/kep < pek. For comparison with Tocharian "silver" only the first syllable *ni/*nu remains. It is probably identical with the common Ainu word ni "wood (for fuel)" (Hattori 1964, 107). So, without any need to comment on the difficulties arising from the geographical and historical distance, this etymology can be discarded. (d) Rahder (1963, 107) and Van Windekens (1976, 634): Borrowed from {Old} Chinese ngien "silver", plus the Common Tocharian suffix *-dnte typical for designating "silver" in some other IE branches (cf. Hilmarsson 1986, 202). Details see below. (e) Witczak (1990, 47-48) tried to derive the Tocharian metal name directly from *H2regntom via dissimilation through *(H2)negntom. Ad (e): Witczak mentions no example of analogical development. However, the same sequence appears e.g. in A arkant-, B erkent- "black, dark", probably from *H1rg!ont- (Adams 2013, 101), and without any tendency to dissimilation. Discussion of the etymology (d): The Chinese etymology should be analysed in detail with respect to the identical meanings and very similar forms. The Chinese character IS "silver" is today pronounced yin according to standard Beijing pronunciation. The preceding forms are reconstructed in chronological order as follows: 14th cent. CE: za« (Starostin) =jin '(Pulleyblank 1991, 373) according to Zhongyuanyinyun (1324 CE); 10th cent. CE: Late Middle Chinese *nin (Pulleyblank 1991, 373); 822 CE: tjin transcription in the Tibetan script (Coblin 1994, 364); 6th cent. CE: Early Middle Chinese (Pulleyblank 1991, 373) = Middle Chinese *nin (Starostin 1989, 122; Baxter & Sagart 2014, 110) = "Ancient" Chinese *ngien (Karlgren, 1923, 114, #312; GSR 0416k); 5th-3rd cent. CE: Postclassic Chinese *rjin (Starostin, ChEDb); c. 400 CE: Old Northwest Chinese *rjin (Coblin 1994, 364); 3rd cent. CE: Proto-Min *tjyn ~ *nuin > Xiamen gun2, Chaozhou rjirj2, Fuzhou nilrj2, Chaozhou non2 (Schuessler 2007, 573; Starostin, ChEDb); c. 200 CE - 200 BCE: Han Chinese *tjran (Starostin, ChEDb), while Schuessler (2007, 573; 2009, 326, #33-1) reconstructs Late Han Chinese *nin; c. 200 BCE - 500 BCE: Classical Old Chinese *nran (Starostin, ChEDb); c. 500 BCE - 1000 BCE: Preclassic Old Chinese *nran (Starostin, ChEDb; Schuessler 2007, 573; Baxter & Sagart 2014, 110), while Karlgren (GSR 0416k) reconstructed "Archaic" Chinese *ngien. There are convincing cognates in other Sino-Tibetan languages,191 leading to the reconstruction of Proto-Sino-Tibetan *(d-)nul (Benedict 1972, 15) & *d-rjul (Matisoff 2003, 415), *dngjiul (Coblin 1986, 133), *nM (d-, r-) (CVSTN, 142, #523) = *nil (d-, r-) (Starostin, ChEDb). 191 Written Tibetan dtjul 'silver', Caodeng, Daofu rnal; Written Burmese ijwe 'silver' < *ijity; Achang rjui, rjoi, iju, ILA. Tocharian names of metals 101 The Chinese designation of "silver" was borrowed into neighbouring languages from various post-Han Chinese sources of the 1st mill. CE: Middle Mongol munggu(n) [Secret History of Mongols], Written Mongol mongun "silver" < Chinese ffliS men191 yln "proved silver" < Late Middle Chinese *mun-nin < Early Middle Chinese *mdn-nin (cf. TMENl, §377; Rybatzki 1994, 213-16 with parallels in other Mongolic languages and loans in Tungusic and Turkic). Sino-Korean un "silver" (Kwono Hyogmyon apud Rybatzki 1994, 215); Sino-Japanese Kan-ong/ra, Go-on gon (Karlgren, 1923, 114, #312; Rybatzki 1994, 215); Hmong-Mien *jiwi9nA "silver" (Baxter & Sagart2014, 110; Castro, Flaming & Youliang 2012, 51), probably borrowed from a source close to Proto-Min *rjuin; Daic,193 where the term was borrowed apparently after disintegration of the Daic protolan-guage and therefore a single protoform cannot be reconstructed. From this perspective, the adaptation of the Chinese designation of "silver" in Tocharian seems quite legitimate. First of all, the borrowing would have had to occur after the simplification of the initial cluster *rjr- > *rj- in Chinese, i.e. not earlier than the 3rd cent. CE with regard to the stratification of the development of Chinese as reconstructed by Starostin (ChEDb).194 By that time both Tocharian languages had already separated.195 Naturally, the adaptation of the Chinese word e.g. first into Tocharian A and its subsequent borrowing into Tocharian B is quite possible. More difficult to explain is the substitution of post-Han Chinese *rj- as Tocharian A nk-, B nk-, implying *nVk-, and not expected nk- (cf. Adams 2013, 290). The Tocharian forms better resemble Hmong-Mien *jfpn 'silver' (Baxter & Sagart 2014, 110), but for historical and geographical reasons any direct contact cannot be supposed. The most probable source of the Hmong-Mien word 'silver', Proto-Min *nuin, stands already too far from the Tocharian words in both form and geographical position, originally located in the Fujian province in the south-eastern coast of China, opposite the island of Taiwan. One can conclude that Chinese in any of its stages of development or in any of its historical dialects was not the source of the Tocharian designations for 'silver' (Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, 265-66 also expressed their doubts). The same can be said about other Sino-Tibetan cognates of the Chinese word "silver" as well as Chinese loanwords in non-Sino-Tibetan languages. 4. The negative evaluations of existing etymological attempts open the possibility for a new solution. The most probable source of borrowing seems to be the Sogdian designation of 'silver', namely the Manichean Sogdian feminine adj. n'ktync196 "silvern, of silver", vocalized as lndk(d)tencl. Its masculine counterpart is n'ktynyy lndk(d)tene/ (Gershevitch 1961, 190, §1273; Zaiwa nun, Mara: Langsu noi; Bola no; Leqi rja; Naxi: Yongning nv; Nusu tjuia; Trang: Dulonghe qui, Nujiang quun; Tsangla: Motuo qoi, Tilang ngui, Cuona qy; Tujia qo, qa; Bai: Dali, Bijiang qi; rGyalrong po-qi, pa-qei, po-nge; Qiangic: Qiang Mawo qua zi, Qiang Taoping/z/w, Pumi Taoba no, Pumi Jinghua ijäu, Ergong zqan, Muya qu, Queyu qui, Guiqiong wü, Ersu qua, Lusu rju, Namuyi rju, Shixing fiü,jü; Xixia (= Tangut) qwo; North Naga: Konyak & Phom ngin; Nocte (= Namsangia) ngun, Wancho (= Banpara) ngung; Abor-Miri-Dafla: Bokar Lhoba qi; Damu ijy; Tagin anyi, Milang ün (Matisoff 2003, 415; Gong 1995, 66; Shafer 1974, 36, 125, 429; Benedict 1972, 15, 173). 192 Chinese ÍP1 men "to lay hands on, hold, stroke, touch; seek, test, examine" < Late Middle Chinese *mun < Early Middle Chinese *man (Pulleyblank 1991, 211; Karlgren, GSR 0441 e). 193 Daic: Southwest: Siamese nan, Ahom ngam, Shan & White Tay nin, Lü nim, Khamti nun; Central: Lungchow nin, Nung ngän, Tho ngsn, T'ien-pao nan; North: Po-ai nan, Wu-ming nan, Dioi gan, Hsi-lin nan, T'ien-chow nan "silver" (Li 1977, 204, 206; Shafer 1974, 36, 429; Starostin 1989, 131). 194 It bears mentioning that Schuessler (2007, 573; 2009, 326, #33-1) reconstructs Late Han Chinese *qin. 195 Glottochronological dating to 400 BCE according to Blažek & Schwarz 2011, 136-37; 20 BCE according to Starostin (2004, p.c.). 196 Similarly zyrnynyy /ziměně/ m. vs. zymync /zirněnč/ f. "golden"; zrywnyy /zaryoně/m. vs. zrywnc /zaryönc/ f. "green"; 'spnyny /(a)spaněně/ m. vs. 'spn'ynch /(s)spaněnč/ f. "of iron" (Gharib 1995, ##11579, 11577; 11404, 11402; 1633, 1626; Gershevitch 1961, 161, 191). 102 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals Gharib 1995, ##5772, 5773; MSB 121). The other orthographic traditions preserve more ahistori-cal spelling: Buddhist n'krfyn'k/n'krt'yn'y/n'krtyn'km. Ind-krtenel vs. Sogdian script n'krtynch f. Ind-krtenc, nd-k(sr)tenc/ (Gharib 1995, ##5759, 5772). These adjectives are derived from the noun attested in Buddhist texts as n'krt'k ~ n'krt'y ~ rfkrtk Indkrtel, Inakstel, Inaksrtel "silver" (Gharib 1995, #5756), originally *nd-krtaka- "undone" in the sense "uncoined", which is a caique on Greek aonuot; "without mark or token" (cf. Bailey 1979, 25), used as aor|Lio<; xpvvoc, "uncoined gold, bullion, or plate" [Herodotus IX, 41]; similarly aonuot; xpucriov, or aonuot; dpyuptov [Thucydides 11,13; VI, 8]. The Greek term was adapted already in Old Persian sa-i-ya-ma-ma / saiymam/or /siyamamA91; Bactrian otLityyo "made of silver" < *ouio "silver" + suffix -nyyo; adj. ouuvo < *otuo "silver" + suffix *-aina- (Sims-Williams 2007, 264); Manichean Middle Persian of Turfan 'sym tiscm ""siher". adj. 'symyn /asemen/ "of silver" (MPP 57), Zoroastrian Pahlavi '.sr/;; ascin ""siher". adj. 'symyn/asemen/"sftvenf'' (MacKenzie 1971, 12), Classical Persianslm "silver", adj. simin (Steingass 1892, 717; Noeldeke 1892, 45; Horn 1893, 169, #764), Kurdishzlv /ziw, zew "silver" (Cabolov 2, 530). Morgenstierne (1938, 249) explained Kurdish z- through the influence of zar "gold". Zazaki slm id. (Cabolov 2, 530) and Parachi slm "silver, wire" (Morgenstierne 1929, 287) are probably of Persian origin. 5. The process by which the Sogdian feminine adjective n'ktync lndk(d)tencl 'silvern' was adapted to the phonotactic rules of Tocharian can be reconstructed as follows: lndk(d)tencl > *n(d) katenc > *nkacdnc > A *nkdnc & B *nkanc°. The haplological shortening has an analogy in e.g. B ehcare 'disagreeable, unwelcome, unpleasant, unfriendly' < *encdncare = the negative prefix *cen- + cancare ~ cincare 'agreeable, lovely, charming, delightful' (Van Windekens 1976, 121; Hilmarsson 1991, 180-81; Adams 2013, 83, 272). Before the adaptation of the Sogdian designation of "silver" in Tocharian, a derivative of the IE colour term *H2erg- "white" really could have served for this designation of a metal. As at least an indirect witness, a hypothetical loanword in Chinese may serve: M wii "silver, silvered" < Middle Chinese *?ok < Late & Middle Post-Classical Chinese *?dk < Early Postclassic Chinese *?duk < Han Chinese *?auk < Classic Old Chinese *?auk < Preclassic Old Chinese *?dkw (Starostin, ChEDbm; Schuessler 2009, 196, #16-10): Middle Chinese *?uok< Later (= East) Han Chinese *?ouk< *?duk; Karlgren, GSR 1141m: "Ancient" Chinese *uok< "Archaic" Chinese [Shijing; 1050-600 BCE] *ok "silver"; later "to silver; gild, cover iron with molten metal of a more precious kind"). The spelling of foreign words and names borrowed or transcribed into Chinese was not uniform in the past. In the cluster VRC the liquid was frequently omitted, such as in the transcription of the Old Indie epic hero Arjuna: PbJ199)I|M2003|3201, d-shun-nd (or no) in Modern Chinese < Middle Chinese *?d-zwin-nd < Postclassic Chinese *?d-zwin-n(h)dn (Starostin, ChEDb; cf. Pulleyblank 1962, 68, who quoted Karlgren's "Ancient" Chinese transcription *d-dz'imn-nd) or Old Indie suvarna- 'of a good colour, bright, golden, yellow' [RV]; 'name of a Deva-gandharva 197 Used in the inscription [A'l] of Artaxerxes I, called Longimanus (465-425 BCE): haya imam bätugara seymam viOiyä karta "who this silver cup was made in the house" [Skjasrvo 2002, 140]. 198 Starostin (I.e.) compared it with Written Tibetan gag "silver in bars, small pieces", and reconstructed Proto-Si-no-Tibetan *yälr (-?-) "silver" (CVST V, 38). Schuessler (2007, 516) connected it with Written Burmese uB "to polish, make bright". 199 Chinese M e & ä "slope" < Middle Chinese *?ä < Post-Classical Chinese *?ä < Eastern Han Chinese *?ä < Western Han Chinese *?äj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *?äj (Starostin, ChEDb). 200 Chinese M shim "to follow, agree; be agreeable, compliant; favourable" < Middle Chinese *zwin < Post-Classical Chinese *zwin < Eastern Han Chinese *zwanh < Western Han Chinese *lwanh < Classic Old Chinese *lwanh < Pre-Classical Old Chinese Huns (Starostin, ChEDb). 201 Chinese IP nä & nä "which, what, that; there; so" < Middle Chinese *nä < Postclassic Chinese *n(h)än < Han& Classic Chinese *n(h)än < Preclassic Old Chinese *n(h)är. ILA. Tocharian names of metals 103 [MBh.] or a minister of Dasaratha' [R.]: It202!!!.203, xiuhudn in Modern Chinese < Middle Chinese *sjuYwdn < Postclassical Chinese *s(h)jwowan (Starostin, ChEDb; Coblin 1983, 252 - he reconstructed Late Han Chinese *sjuywari). It is possible to conclude that the inherited designation of "silver", the derivative of IE *H2erg-"white", probably existed also in Tocharian, besides Indo-Iranian, Greek, Italic and Celtic, and perhaps Anatolian, judging from the hypothetical borrowing in Old Chinese *dkw "silver". The preceding Tocharian starting point should have ended in a velar in a labialized environment, i.e. one would expect that the following grammatical endings were regularly dropped. The most frequent extension of the Indo-European 'silver' words is in -nt- (see the table below). Together with the expected stem auslaut in u/w of the Tocharian model, it is possible to speculate about its reconstruction as *H2ergunts > *drku2M or *H2erguonts > *drkwo.205 The semantic reduction of the Tocharian etymological bundle "white-silver" to only the meaning "white" might have been caused by adaptation of the Sogdian term "silver", namely its feminine adjective derivative n'ktync lndk(d)tencl. If this hypothesis is correct, there are some chronological implications. It was already said that Sogdian rtkrfk reflected *nd-krtaka- "undone" in the sense "uncoined", which is interpreted as calqued on Greek aonuot; "without mark or token" (cf. Kent 1950, 209; Bailey 1979, 25), used as aonuot; ypMooq "uncoined gold, bullion, or plate" [Herodotus 9.41]; similarly aonuot; xpuotov, or aonuot; dpyupiov [Thucydides 2.13; 6.8]. The Greek term was probably mediated to Sogdians by their southern neighbours, Persians. In the inscription [AT] of Artaxerxes I, called Longimanus (465^125 BCE), the Old Persian adaptation of the Greek term appears in the form sa-i-ya-ma-ma [seymam]. Its continuation is also known from the Middle Iranian period: Middle Persian ^sym [asem] "silver"; Bactrian otLityyo "made of silver", adj. otLitvo (see above, §4). This means that the Iranian world knew the Greek term already in the 5th century BC. Its transfer to ancestors of the Sogdians could have been realized more or less immediately. In this case the borrowing of the Sogdian neologism by Tocharians might precede the disintegration of Common Tocharian, dated to 400 BCE (Blazek & Schwarz 2011, 131-37). If the transfer of the term to Sogdians was realized after the disintegration of Common Tocharian, Sogdian "silver" could have been borrowed first in Tocharian B and from it in Tocharian A or more or less immediately in both B and A from Sogdian merchants. Table 1: Word-family "white, bright" & "silver' "white, light, bright" lE " silver" IE 01. arji- *H2ergi- 01. rajatd- *H2reg-nt-o- OI. drjuna- *H2ergu-no- Khot. äljsata *H2erg-nt-o OI. rjrä- *H?rg-rö- YAv. srszata-206 OP. ardata *H?(e)rg-nt-o- Hi. harki- *H2(e)rgi- KU.BABBAR-aw/-CL. harraya-201 *[H2(e)rg]-nf *H2(e)rg-oi- 202 Chinese It xiü "to offer food; fine food, delicacies; shame, disgrace" < Middle Chinese *sju < Postclassic Chinese *s(h)jwo < Eastern Han Chinese *s(h)jwa < Western Han Chinese *snwa < Classic Old Chinese *sno < Preclassic Old Chinese *snho (Starostin, ChEDb; cf. GSR 1076 h-j). 203 Chinese fe huän "to turn round, turn back" : (Yin); "to be pillar-like (Late Zhou); hesitate; a kind of willow" < Middle Chinese *ywän < Postclassic Chinese *wän < Han & Classic Old Chinese *wän < Preclassic Old Chinese *wär (Starostin, ChEDb; cf. GSR 0164 a-f). 204 Cf. Aspälu "excellent", acc.sg.m. spälunt< *ghebhöl-unt-svs. -ount-m (VanWindekens 1979,61); B keru "drum", if it is derivable from *kuorunto (Adams 2013, 209). 205 Cf. Hilmarsson 1986, 20. 206 Hilmarsson (1986, 173) considered an original spelling *arazata-, reflecting *H2ergnto-. 207 Starke (1990, 424). 104 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals "white, light, bright" IE " silver" IE Hi. arkuwae- "make a plea" *H orgu-ie/o- Gr. dpyot; *H/g-[r]ó- Myc. a-ku-ro, Gr. apyupot;, *H?(e)rgu-ro- Gr. apyucpot; *H2ergu-bhH' o- ápyúpiov > Mes. argorian *H2(e)rgu-rio- Gr. apyrvoeu; *H2ergi-no-uent- La. arguo "show" = "enlighten" *H2ergu-ie/o- La. argentum, Ose. ara-getud *H2(e)rg-nt-o- Ga. argidam™ *H2ergi-ď OIr. argat, OW. argant CIb. arkďto-bedom "s. mine" *H' (e)rg-nt-o- Ga. Argio-talus *"white-foreheaded" *Hjgio-tHlu- Ga. ArgantomagofsJ Go. Apyixa209 *H2ergi-tä Br. *argio- "snow" *H2ergio- Ga. Arguenna silva210 *H2ergu- To. A drki, B arkwi *H2ergu-ien-m OCh. *äkw < To. *arkw/u°? ? *H2erg-unts To. Apl.m. drkyams, pl.f drkyant *H2ergu-ion-t- Abbreviations: Av. Avestan, Br. Brittonic, Ch. Chinese, Clb. Celtiberian, CL. Cuneiform Luvian, Ga. Gaulish, Go. Goidelic, Gr. Greek, Ir. Irish, Khot. Khotanese, La. Latin, Mes. Messapic, Myc. Mycenaean, O Old, 01. Old Indie, Ose. Oscan, P. Persian, s. silver, To. Tocharian, W. Welsh, Y. Young. Note Rybatzki (1994, 207-08) proposes relationship of the Sogdian term with Khwarezmian nqryk, nkrk- 'silver' (Benzing 1983,475); Pashto ndqrd (RAS 658), Ormuri nokra, Parachi nuqra, Yidgha nukrd, Sanglechi noksre (Morgenstierne 1938,404; 51*), Shughni nuqra (RSS215), Wakhi (Central, East) riiqra, (West) ndqra (VJa 228). However, this similarity is accidental. The term is of Persian origin, cf. Classical Persian nuqra 'silver' (Steingass (1892, 1419; Vullers 1864, 1336: 'argentum') = Modern Persian noyre 'silver' (PDW 810), likewise in the case of Baluchi nuyra (Gilbertson 1925, 606). The Persian word itself is borrowed from Arabic nuqrat, pi. niqdr 'molten gold or silver, molten ore, gold or silver coin', from the verb naqara 'to pierce through, excavate; carve in stone; whet the mill-stones' (Steingass 1988, 1141). The Arabic form is also a source of borrowing of Turkish nukra "lump of smelted gold or silver", New Uyghur (Turki) noqrd "silver or gold ingot or bar", while Uzbek nuqra & noqra "silver" and Moghol nukhra /nukra /noqra id. are more probably borrowed from Dari noqra id. (Rybatzki 1994, 208). 208 Magical formula by Marcellus of Bordeaux, cap. 12, 24 (Holder III, 682). 209 Ptolemy, II.2.1, today Bann, cf. Olr. bán "white" (Holder I, 214, 343). 210 Today the Argonne region (Holder III, 683). II.A. Tocharian names of metals 105 Conclusion Analyzing the Tocharian designations of metals, the following conclusions may be formulated: 1) Two terms, "copper" and "gold", were probably inherited from the Indo-European protolan-guage. The possible Anatolian cognates indicate the early layer of the protolanguage, where these words designated the metals concerned. 2) It seems that Common Tocharian "silver" was borrowed from an ancestor of Sogdian or from historical Sogdian, depending on chronological scenario. In the first case it should have been realized by the end of the 5th century BCE, before disintegration of Common Tocharian, dated by us to c. 400 BCE on the basis of the recalibrated glottochronological test. In the latter case, the term could have been adopted from Sogdian merchants by West Tocharians which brought it to East Tocharians, all in the first centuries of the 1st mill. CE. This conclusion agrees with the fact that Tocharians used the silver originating from Central Asia (during the Han era in the Tarim Basin the silver mines were known only from Northwest, the locality ItlŽŽ Guizi, see Golas 1999, 125, 127). In China silver was rare and for this reason e.g. copper, lead or golden coins were preferred for a long time (Golas 1999, 123, 133). 3) The inherited designation of "silver", in both the literary Tocharian languages replaced by the Sogdian borrowing, could be preserved as an early loanword in Chinese. This hypothetical borrowing should have been realized before 500 BCE. Such a date agrees with the earlier chronology of adoption of the Sogdian word in the end of the 5th cent. BCE, which could have led to elimination of the meaning "silver" of Tocharian continuants of the root *H2erg-. 4) Among numerous etymological attempts trying to explain origin of designations of "iron" and "lead" in Tocharian, the Chinese etymologies seem to be most promising. With regard to chronology of sound changes in development of Chinese it is possible to estimate that the Chinese term "iron" was probably borrowed into Tocharian around the year 0 CE, while "lead" should have been borrowed earlier, before the 1st cent. BCE, maybe even before 500 BCE. Let us mention that "lead" was used in China already in the pre-Shang and Shang periods, while the oldest known lead-mines from the Tarim Basin are dated only to the Han era (Golas 1999, 93, 108). Iron metallurgy is younger in China, but in the 6th cent. BCE it was already widespread in many territories of China. It is important that iron casting was probably invented in China for the first time around the middle of the 1st mill. BCE. The iron mining in the Tarim Basin is dated only to the Han era (Golas 1999, 152, 153, 156). 106 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals B. Iranian names of metals The Iranian metal terminology represents a complex system consisting of archaic inherited terms, besides recent borrowings from Greek, Indo-Aryan and Dardic, Burushaski, Turkic and Arabic. And in opposite directions, the Iranian designations of various metals were borrowed by neighbouring languages, e.g. Indo-Aryan, Tocharian, Chinese, Fenno-Ugric, Turkic, North Caucasian, Kartvelian, Syriac and Arabic. For this reason the terms are classified in four sets: A: Indo-European heritage; B: Indo-Iranian heritage; C: Iranian innovation; D: Borrowing from an identified source. The metal-names are arranged alphabetically, the synonyms begin from the most archaic ones (A, B) through innovative (C) to borrowings (D). The order of languages follows more or less the chronological and genealogical points of view: I. Old: Avestan, Scythian, Sarmatian, Old Persian; II. Middle: Middle Persian, Parthian, Sogdian, Bactrian, Khwarezmian, Khotanese; III. Modern: Classical and New Persian, Sangisari, Baluchi, Kurdish, Ossetic, Yaghnobi, Para-chi, Ormuri, Pashto, Pamir languages & Wakhi. brasSj - C III. Ossetic Iron bur, Digor bor "brass" = "yellow" (ROS 232, 148; Abaev I, 271); cf. Middle Persian zbwl /bor/ "reddish-brown" (MacKenzie 1971, 19), Persian bor "red-brown; fox"; Sogdian fiwr "blond", Yaghnobi vur "brown, grey"; Khwarezmian fiwr "grey"; Yidgha vur "light red" etc., all from Iranian *baura- (ESIJ2, 152; Bailey 1974, 369; Horn 1893, 53, #243). brass2 - D III. Persian pital "brass", pdtil, pdtila, "cauldron, kettle, pot (of copper or brass)" (Steingass 1892, 263, 228: Hindi origin); Baluchi pital "brass" (Gilbertson 1925, 83: < Hindi pital). IA: Borrowed from Indo-Aryan: Late Sanskritpitala-fpittala- n. "brass", adj. pitala- "yellow" [all lex.], Hindi pital "brass", etc., all from Sanskrit pitta- n. "bile" [AV] & pita- "yellow" [GrS] (Turner 1966, ##8184, 8230, 8233). bronze^ A II. Middle Persian Mbryng, zblnc Ibrinjl "bronze" (MacKenzie 1971, 20) = Mbrynng /bring/ "bronze, brass" (MPP 111), Parthian Mplync Iplinjl "bronze" (MPP 275); ?Sogdian brynz "brass" (Henning apud Sundermann 1981, 168; Rybatzki 1994, 223; but Gharib 1995 does not cite it). III. Classical Persian birinj, rare biranj, besides piring, "copper", also "brass" (Vullers 1855, 227: "aes cyprium, orichalcum"; Steingass 1892, 179, 244); Kurdish pirinjok "copper" (Hiib-schmann 1895, 27, 232; 1897, 231, referring to the "Kurdish-French Dictionary" of A.A. Jaba). Internal loanwords: Horn (1893, 48, #208bis) determined the Persian loans in Kurdish birinj "bronze" (Cabolov 1, 185), "brass" (RKS 294), Baluchi brinj "ore, copper, brass" (Gilbertson 1925, 83: birinj), Pashto birinj(RAS 53). From Iranian it is possible to add Shughni birinj "copper, bronze" (RSS 41, 109), Sarikoli birinj (Morgenstierne 1938, 386), Wakhi (West) bdrdnj, (Central) birinj"brass, yellow copper" (VJa 187), Yazghulami brandz, Shughni birindzin "copper" etc. (Rybatzki 1994, 222). External loanwords: Middle Persian Mbryng, zblnc Ibrinjl > Kartvelian: Georgian brinjao "bronze" > Mingrelian brinjao, Lazprinji™, Swan brinjao id. (Klimov & Xalilov 2003, 133). Persian birinj> Turkic: Uzbek birinz "bronze", Turkmenian burunc "bronze, brass", Azerbaijani biiriinj "copper" (ibid.), Gagauz, {Osman} Turkishpirinq "brass" (Rybatzki 1994, 222-23; Rasanen 1969, 385: Osman pirinc "bronze") > South Slavic: Bulgarian perinc, Serbo-Croatian 211 Let us mention that Laz prinji stands closer to Kurdish pirinjok or Turkish pirinc in both phonetic form and geographical distance. IIB. Iranian names of metals 107 pirinac"brass" (Skok I, 217), and further West Caucasian: Abadzexprindz-zes "brass"; East Caucasian: Tsaxurpirindz id. (Erckert apud Rybatzki 1994, 222). (Persian >) Baluchi brinj"ore, copper, brass" > Dravidian: Brahui brinj "brass" (Bray apud Rybatzki 1994, 223). Parthian Mplync Iplinjl "bronze" > Armenian plinj, gen. plnjoy "copper (money), coin, ore, brass" (Hübschmann 1897, 231, #544); Kartvelian: Georgian spilenji "copper" (> Swan spilenj id.), Mingrelian linji (Klimov & Xalilov 2003, 148-49); Semitic: Talmudic Aramaic plyz? "orichalc, brass", Syriac plizzd {not +pelzd} "bronze, brass" (Ciancaglini 2008, 233). Syriac is a source of Arabic and Persian filizz, filazz, fuluzz, "ore, metal in general; a kind of white brass of which kettles are made, tin" (Steingass 1892, 937). On the other hand, Brockelmann (1895, 288) connected Persian piring and Syriac +parnog 'cyprum' [PsC 9 7], but it should be a ghost-word and the correct form was piruzag "sapphire", cf. also Arabic fayrüzag id., firüzag "turquoise-stone", borrowed from Persian piröza "a turquoise, a kind of blue gem", which was derived from Middle Persian zpylwc, Mpyrwz Iperözl "victorious" (Ciancaglini 2008, 233; it was already Nöldeke, who expressed his doubts about Syriac +parnog, followed by Hübschmann 1895, 175). Etymology: The West Iranian forms are derivable from *BRinga-/ *BRingia-, where B = b or p and R = I or r. There are two possibilities of deeper reconstruction: (i) The root-vowel was really *-/-. In this case the reconstruction can be projected into the proto-Iranian level, (ii) Alternatively, West Iranian *BRinga-/ *BRingia- is derivable from proto-Iranian *BRnga-/ *BRngia-, cf. Middle Persian prt.pf.pass. grypt, gryft, Persian giriftan "to take, seize" vs. Avestan gdrdßnäiti "grabs, seizes, takes" = Vedic grbhnati (Hübschmann 1895, 145; Cheung 2007, 119-21; EWAI I, 505-06). Horn (I.e.) connected Persian birinj with unclear Young Avestan bsrsjiia- in parö.bsrsjiia-, epithet of aoniia- "oven" [Vd 8.86] (Bartholomae 1904, 859-60: adj. without any determined meaning). Bailey (1979, 314) interpreted parö.bsrsjiia- as "food-roasting". Mayrhofer (EWAI II, 278) admitted in the Avestan form a counterpart of Vedic bhrjjati "will roast", projecting them into the common Indo-Iranian root *bhrg-. This root is compatible with the variant (ii) *BRnga-/ *BRngia-, determining B as Indo-Iranian *bh. The semantic difference is also not insuperable. The Parthian verb bry-, derivable from the same root (the Iranian verbal stem *brjia-), preserves a more archaic meaning "to burn" (Cheung 2007, 23), frequently used as a base for various metal-names. IE: There are external parallels determining the primary root *bhleg- "to shine; burn" (Pokorny 1959, 124-25; Schirmer, LIV86-87) or *bhleig- "to shine" (Pokorny 1959, 156-57; Schirmer, LIV 89). The following forms, semantically closest to the Iranian metal-names, are derivable from both: Germanic *blika- or *blikka- > Old Norse blik "leuchtender Glanz, Gold(blech)"; Old High German bleh n. (-a/az/iz-stem) gl. "Blech, Goldblech, Amulett, brattea, lamina, phylacterium", German Blech, Middle Low German ble(c)k & bli(c)k, Middle Dutch blec & blic "Blech", maybe the Old Saxon hapax blekkot gl. Taminis', correctly perhaps *blekkon, dat.pl. from *blek "Blech" (EWA II, 171-174, 154) I Tocharian B acc. pilke "copper", adj. pilkesse "pertaining to copper" (Pinault 2000, 95). Note: Persian origin is also probable for the common European term "bronze" attested in almost all modern languages, namely Romance (Middle Latin [1313] brundium, [1335] bronzum; Italian [14th cent.] bronzo > Spanish [1522] bronce, French [16th cent.] bronze; Venetianish bronz > Friulish brond); Germanic (Italian > German Bronze; French > English [1721] bronze); Slavic (German > Czech, Polish bronz, Ukrainian, Russian bronza; Italian > Serbo-Croatian [16th cent.] brünza, [17th cent.] bronca, today bromza f, bromzo n., dim. brünac), further Albanian brunts, Middle Greek \i%pom(p<; (Schräder & Nehring I, 268-69; Lokotsch 1927, 132-33, #1657; Meyer-Lübke 1935, #1113). The difference in vocalism between Persian birinj and the European counterparts has been explained as follows: 108 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals Skok (I, 217) thought about contamination of the Persian term and the name of the port Brindisi, Latin Brundisium (originally perhaps of Messapic origin), according to Pliny [XXXIII, 45/130212] known by its factories for processing bronze. Kluge (1999,137) supposed the (unattested) role of Arabic in mediation of the borrowing from Persian into Italian. Mancini (1992, 49) speculated about a Persian dialectism of the type +burunz. At least an undi-rect witness of existence of a similar form may be identified in Azerbaijani [Azeri] burunj, which itself is of Iranian origin. During the Crusades the term could have been brought into Europe. bronze2 - C III. Pashto žar, žer "bronze, brass" (ARS 484; RAS 53, 300), from žar "yellow" (ibid.). bronze3 - D III. Persian tuj "brass, mixed metal" (Steingass 1892, 333; Vullers 1855, 477: "metallum ex aere flavo arte paratům"); Kurdish Kurmanji ťůnj, /'w/"'bronze, brass" (Cabolov 2, 419). External loanwords: Persian > Arabic tug "bronze, brass" (Steingass 1988, 194). Borrowed from Turkic: Middle Turkish túč [Mahmud of Kashgar, 11th cent.; ibn Muhanná, 14th cent] "yellow metal (bronze or messing)", Qumanic tuč "bronze" [Codex Cumanicus], Modern Uyghur tuč "brass, light alloy of copper", Osman Karaim duč "brass, bronze", Osman Turkish tunc, tunj "bronze, ore", Azerbaijani tunf "bronze" etc. (TMENW, 275, #2007; Rásánen 1969, 499; Clauson 1972, 449; Rybatzki 1994, 225-26; Mudrák: pTurkic *túnč). The Turkic forms are probably derived from Chinese Miř tóng213 zPu < Late Middle Chinese *tňswn-tsz' < Early Middle Chinese *ddwn-tsi,ltsť (Pulleyblank 1991, 310, 420) ~ Middle Chinese *don-cji (Starostin, ChEDb). It seems, Late Middle Chinese dated around 1000 CE is the most probable donor-language. bronze, - D III. Ossetic bronzce (ROS 46) < Russian brónza id. coppei^ (ore) - A I. Old Avestan aiiah- n. "(ordeal) ore" [Y 30.7215, 32.7216, 51.9217], Young Avestan aiiah- n. 212 Atque ut omnia de speculisperagantur in hoc loco, optima aput maiores fuerant Brundisina, stagno et aere mixtis. "However, to finish our description of mirrors on the present occasion - the best, in the times of our ancestors, were those of Brundisium, composed of a mixture of stannum and copper." Translated by John Bostock, & H.T Riley 213 Chinese IIH töng "copper, brass, bronze" < Middle Chinese *dun < Late Postclassic Chinese *dwön < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *dön < Han Chinese *löij < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *L5ij (GSR 1176 d; Pulleyblank 1991, 310: Yuan thurj' < Late Middle Chinese *t/iawn < Early Middle Chinese *dawn "copper" vs. M töng "red" < Yuan thurj' < Late Middle Chinese *t/igwn < Early Middle Chinese *dawrj). 214 Chinese -ff zi"to carry, burden, sustain"; zi"son, child" < Middle Chinese *cji < Postclassic Chinese *cji < Eastern Han Chinese *cp < Western Han Chinese *ca < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *ca (GSR 0964 k; Starostin, ChEDb; Pulleyblank 1991, 420: Late Middle Chinese *tsz' < Early Middle Chinese *tsi'/*tsi'). 215 kshrpSm utaiiüitis dadät ärmaitis qnmä aesqm toi ä anhatyaSä aiianhä ädänäis pouruiiö "{But} if one comes to it {existence} with power, good thought, and truth, then stability grants form {to one's body}, right/mindedness {grants} breath, so that through their {the Daevas'} being fettered in iron, {existence} will be Thy prime one." 216 aesqm aenanhqm naecit vlduuä aojöi hädröiiäyäjöiiä sSnghaiteyäis sräuui x"aenä aiianhäyaesqm tü ahurä irix-tam mazdä vaedistö ahi "I sincerely declare myself {to be} not to all conscious of any {instance of} such crimes which are called 'by violence', for which one becomes notorious by the {ordeal of} glowing metal, {and} for which Thou, O Wise Ahura, knowest best the net assets." 217 yam xsnütam ränöibiiä dä9ßä ä9rä suxrä mazdä aiianhä xsustä aibi ahuuähü daxstam däuuöi räsaiierjhe draguuantam sauuaiiö asauuamm IIB. Iranian names of metals 109 "metal", adj. aiianhaena-, compound aiio.xsusta- "geschmolzenes Metall (Eisen)" (Bartholomae 1904, 159, 162) > II. Middle Persian "ywxsyst layöxsistl "metal" (MPP 6). IA: Vedic ay as- n. "copper, bronze" [RV], "iron" [SB] (EWAI I, 104), Pali, Prakrit ay a-, Sinhalese^- "iron" (Turner 1966, #590). IE: Latin aes, gen. aeris n. "copper, bronze, brass; money", a(h)enus "made of bronze, brazen"; Umbrian abl.pl. ahesnes 'aenis', Oscan acc.pl.n. ou^vico "made of bronze" (de Vaan 2008, 27-28) I Germanic *aiza- n. > Gothic acc. aiz "money, metal coin", aiza-smipa "coppersmith"; Old Norse eir "bronze, ore, copper", Old English är, English ore, Old Saxon er, Middle Dutch eer, Old High German er "bronze, ore" (Kroonen 2013, 16), all from *H2ei-os, obi. *Hei-es° \ ?Tocharian B aise "cooking pot" (Schmidt 1999, 99-100: *aiso- *"object from metal"). A hypothetical Anatolian counterpart could be identified in the term asiu(m) used by Old Assyrian merchants for iron, perhaps of meteoritic origin (AHw I, 80; CDA 28), which they purchased in Southeast Anatolia in the beginning of the 2nd mill. BC. (cf. Landsberger 1950, 331: equivalent of KU.AN in parallel texts; Ivanov 1983, 91). The term has no cognates within Semitic, so it is legitimate to expect its borrowing in the original area, i.e. in Anatolia. Taking into account the Akkadian historical phonology, the term asiu(m) reflects the skeleton Alh-s-y (the final -m represents the so-called mimation, originally serving as a determinative; the preceding u indicates the nom. sg.). The expected Anatolian counterpart of late (non-Anatolian) IE *aios : *aies- could look like *(h)ayas- or *(h)ayis-, differing from pre-Assyrian A'lh-s-y only in the order of the second and third consonants, explainable via metathesis in Assyrian caused perhaps in process of adoption. More probable is an assumption of monophthongization already in an Anatolian source. So for Luwian, the most probable source from the point of view of geography, the monophthongization is typical, e.g. Cuneiform Luwian äs(sa)- "mouth" is derivable from *äias- with regard to Hittite nom.-acc, sg. ayis, dat.-loc. sg. issi "mouth" (Puhvel 1-2, 15-17). The same process is known in Hittite too, e.g. ä-ri "is hot", ä-anta "are hot", part, ä-nt- "warm, hot" vs. e-nu-, i-nu- "to make hot", ay-is(s)- "to become hot". It is apparent that the sequence *aya is contracted in *ä (Puhvel 1-2, 10-12; Kümmel, LIV229 derives it from the rather enigmatic root *Hpi-, while Kloekhorst 2008, 164-66 operates with ^HpHJ- / *H1H3i-, but the absence of the laryngeal in Hittite is easier explainable from the o-vocalism, cf. Hittite äppa "behind, back" vs. Greek h%6 "(away) from", Ö7uo0ev "behind, at the back" < *H2ep°l *Hpp° - see Kloekhorst 2008,194). Related may also be Greek iaivco "I (make) warm; delight; heal". The root *H2ei-/*Hpi- "to be warm" (cf. Lehmann 1986, 22) explains the s-stem *Hpi-os : *Hpi-es- "made in warmth" > "copper", later levelled in *ai-es-. A similar semantic development is identifiable in Baltic *uaria- "copper" which is derivable from *uerH- "to burn, cook" (Kümmel, LIV 689; Pokorny 1959, 1166). The semantic difference between the meanings of asiu(m) "iron" and late IE *aies- "copper (ore)" has analogy e.g. in Vedic, where the continuant of the same etymon, äyas-, meant originally "copper" and only later "iron" (Blazek 2010, 97-98). It is necessary to mention that iron-metallurgy probably developed in Anatolia and was first spread into neighbouring regions. copper2 - A II. Middle Persian Iwd/roy/''copper, brass", Iwdyn [/üyenl"{made of} copper, brazen" (MacK-enzie 1971, 72), Mrwy Iröyl "copper, brass", adj. rwyn & r'wyn Iröyenl "of copper" (MPP 303); Parthian Mrwdlr58l "copper" (MPP 299); Sogdian (Gharib 1995): Brwö IroSI "copper, brass" (#8568), Brwöyn,k IroSenel "(of) brass" (#8568), Brwöynch Iroöencl f. "(of) brass" (#8569), MrwSny(y) IroSnel, acc. rwönw, pi. rwSnyt "(of) brass, (of) copper, brazen" (#8567) = Mrw8ny "made of copper, brazen" (MSB 169); "Which satisfaction Thou apportionest by means of Thy red fire, according to balance, O Wise One, {by the ordeal} with molten metal, make that clear in {our} vital energies. To harm the deceitful one, Thou dost benefit the truthful one." [Translated by Humbach 1991] 110 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals III. Classical Persian ray "aes vel stannum fusum" (Vullers 1864, 81), Modern Persian ruy "tin, bronze, brass" (PDW311); Baluchi rod "copper" (Horn 1893, 141, #635; Korn 2005, 378). Further Parachi ru, Ormuri rd "iron" (Morgenstierne 1929, 283). External loanwords: Parthian > Armenian aroyr, gen. arowr "brass" (Hubschmann 1897, 111, #76; Olsen 1999, 869) > Georgian rvali "copper, brass" (Martirosyan 2010, 716). ?Alanic *rauSia-l > Hungarian rez, acc. rezet "copper", similar to Daghestanian: Avar rez id. (Munkacsi 1901, 527, #304; EWU 1263; Katz 2003, 259), perhaps in contamination with Alanic predecessor of Ossetic cerzcet "ore" (Abaev I, 187-88) < *arza0a- (ESIJ 1, 231). IA: Vedic lohd-21s adj. "red, copper-coloured" [SrS], "made of copper" [SBr], m.n. "copper" [VS], "iron" [MBh], Pali loha- "metal", esp. "copper or bronze", Prakrit loha- "iron", Gypsy loa "steel", Sindhi lohu "iron", Lahnda, Panjabi loha, Hindi loh(a), Oriya loha, luha, Assamese, Ben-galese lo "iron", Sinhalese loho, Id "metal, ore, iron", Maldivian ratu-lo "copper" etc.; Dardic: Khowar loh "copper"; Nuristani: Waigali loa "steel" (Turner 1966, #11158; EWAIII, 484-85: Indo-Iranian *(H)raudhd- < *H1roudh(o)- "red metal"). Etymology: IE: Latin raudus [Lucil.], rudus, rodus, roudus [Paul. ex. E] "coins from bronze; rough piece, lump"; the varying vocalism and irregular reflex of indicate a borrowing219 (de Vaan 2008, 515) | Germanic *raudan- > Old Norse raudi "red iron ore" > Finnish rauta "iron" | Slavic: Old Church Slavonic ruda "ore, metal" all from the root *H]reudh- "to be red"220 (Wodtko, NIL 580-84; Witczak 2000,184). The relation to Sumerian URUDA/URUDU/URUD "copper, metal" (Halloran 2006, 303) remains open. Akkadian eru(m) "copper, bronze" has also been sometimes taken in account, but in Old Akkadian the more archaic forms werum & werium (AHw 1495-96; CDA 438) were recorded, indicating a connection with Arabic wariya "to burn, blaze" (Steingass 1988,1209). For this reason it cannot be derived from the Sumerian metal-name, as Zimmern (1915, 59) judged. copper3 - C II. Khotanese sa "copper" (= Buddhist Sanskrit tdmra-, Tibetan zans), sdva- "copper", adj. "copper-coloured, red". Etymology: Derived from the Iranian designation of the dark colour: Avestan siiduua-, Middle Persian Msy' w [sydw], zsyd [syd], Persiansiydh, Middle Parthian ofTurfaniy'wfgj, Armenian lw. sea, gen. seuoy, Sogdian Bs,w, Yaghnobi sow, Khwarezmian s'w, Ossetic Digor, Iron sau "black", cf. Iron sau sffl?//""dark star", Sanglechi siii, Wakhi sTu, sii, sii "black", etc., further an Iranian loan in Khowar sa, and finally Vedic sydvd- (Bailey 1979, 396, 397, 398; cf. Pokorny 1959, 540-41: IE *kieu-). 218 Huld (2012, 333) speculates about the possibility that Vedic loha- "copper" is a caique on Iranian *rauda-. 219 E.g. Kretschmer (1898, 212) speculated about Gaulish as a source. There are really several Continental Celtic proper names derived from *raudo-: 'PaiiSa-city of Vaccaei ontheDuero in Old Castilia [Ptolemy, 2.6.49]; Citra Alpis in campis, quibus nomen eratRaudiis in North Italy [Veil. 2.12.5] etc. (Holder II, 1083-84). 220 Vedic rohita- = Avestan raoiSita- "red, reddish", rudhird- "red; bloody", Khotanese rrusta- "red" = Sanskrit losta-n. "rust of iron" [lex.] | Mycenaean e-ru-to-ro [erut'ros], e-ru-ta-ra [eruthra] Greek epi>9p6<; "red" [II.], epewOoi; n. "redness" [Hp.] | Italic *roupo- > Latin rufus "red(-haired), tawny" [Plautus], Umbrian acc.pl.m./f. rofu/rofa id., besides *rupro- > Latin [Ennius] ruber "red", Umbrian acc.pl.m./f. rufru/rufra id. | Celtic *roudo- > Old Irish riiad, Old Welsh rud, Welsh rhudd, Cornish, Old Breton rud, Breton ruz "red"; Gaulish PN Roudus, Ande-roudus *rauda- > Gothic raups, Old Norse raudr, Old English read, Old Saxon rod, Old High German rot "red"; *reuda-> Gothic ga-riups "honorable", Old Norse rjodr, ags. reod "red" | Lithuanian raudas = Latvian rauds "reddish brown"; Lithuanian riidas "brown-red" = Latvian ruds "reddish" | pre-Slavic *roudho- > Old Czech rudy, Old Polish rudy, Russian dial, ruddj "red"; *ru(fro- > Russian-Church Slavonic rbdry "gold-yellow", Croatian rdar, Old Russian redryj "red(-yellow)", besides Old Church Slavonic ndeti se "to blush, sich roten" (Sarapatkova, ESJS 13, 781-82, 788) | Tocharian A rtdr, B ratre "red", A rdtr-arkyant "red and white" (Pokorny 1959, 872-73). IIB. Iranian names of metals 111 copper4- C III. Sangisari zd "red copper" (DS 419). Etymology: Maybe related to Young Avestan zaiia- "weapon; tool, instrument" [e.g. Yt 10.132221], adopted in Middle Persian zzydy Izayl "weapon, instrument" (MacKenzie 1971, 98) and continuing in Classical Persian zdi "weapon" (Horn 1893, 301). Note: The semantic shift from names of weapons to names of metals is not unique. There are several illustrative cases realized in the process of borrowing: (i) Middle Persian zpwFpt Ipöläwadl (MacKenzie 1971, 69; Nyberg 1974, 162), MpwFwd Ipöläwadl "steel" (MPP 286) > Armenian polopat, polovat "steel" (Hübschmann 1897, 231-32, #547) - borrowed from a source of the type Vedic päviravat- [RV, VS] or pavirävat- [AV] "armed with lance or a goad", the adj. formed from the nounpavira [Nir] "a weapon with a metallic point; lance, spear" (Kors 1912 apud Reichelt 1913[1914], 74; Schräder & Nehring II, 444), which itself is a derivative of pavi- m. "metallic point of a spear or arrow; tire of a wheel, esp. a golden tire on the chariot of the Asvins and Maruts" [RV, AitÄr] (MW 611; EWAIII, 107). (ii) Mordvinian Erzya kshi, kshe, Moksha kshi "iron" < *ksrth3 (Keresztes 1986, 69) | Mari KB ksrthi, U B kürthö id. < *kürth§ (Bereczki 1992, 25, #134) | Udmurt kort, Komi kert "(of) iron"; Permian > Ob-Ugric: MansiN ker, Khanty kdrt(s) "iron" (UEW653: Volgaic-Permic *kdrt3). All < Iranian: Young Avestan kardti- "knife", Middle Persian zklt Ikärdl id., Classical Persian kdrd id. (MacKenzie 1971, 49), Baluchi kdrc "knife" < *kdrti°, Kurdish ker(d); Sogdian krt, Yaghnobi kort id.; Khwarezmian krc id. < *kartiid-; Pashto card "large knife, dagger" (NEVP 21); Yidgha kero "knife", Sanglechi kil, kel, Wakhi köz id.; Ossetic kard "knife, sword", besides kcerd'tn "to cut". Tocharian B kertte "sword" is also of Iranian origin, similar to later loanwords in Mari kerde "sabre" and Hungarian tore? "sword" (Joki 1973, 273, #62; KESK142; ESIJ4, 314-16). copper5 - C III. Ossetic Iron cerxwi (ROS 245), Digor cerxi id. (Abaev I, 186). External loanwords: FU: Mari P B M UJ vüryehe, K wsryehs "copper" < pMari *wiiryeh3 with w- after Mari B wiir "blood" (Bereczki 1992, 90, #490) | Permic *urgen > Udmurt irgon, Komi irgen "copper" (KESK 329) > Mansi KU drysn, So. dryin id. (UEW 628: Mari-Permic *üry3ri3). Their source could be a hypothetical Sarmatian adj. *cerxwince- < *xruina- *"bloody {metal}". Joki (1962, 150-53) offered an alternative hypothesis: an adoption of Sogdian wyrn /yxwrn /ywrn etc. [wuxrn] "blood" (Gharib 1995, #10016). The semantic motivation would be the same, but the phonetic closeness is higher. Etymology: Sköld (1925, 8) explained the term as the "metal of a bloody colour" from Iranian *xrü-"blood", cf. Young Avestan xrü- "blutiges, rohes Fleisch", Old Avestan xrüniia- "Bluttat, blutige Misshandlung" (Bartholomae 1904, 539). Abaev (I, 186) accepted the phonetic side of this solution, but expressed doubts concerning semantics. But Cowgill (1986, 68, fn. 10), followed by de Bernardo Stempel (1987, 120-21; 1992, 93-94), interpret the Celto-Germanic isogloss *isarno-"iron" < *(HJesHr-no- as a derivative of *(H1)esH2r- "blood", i.e. "bloody metal". If this solution is correct, the Germanic forms should have been borrowed from Celtic, because the Germanic continuant +isurno- would be expected. 221 histaite aom väsahe mi9rahe vouru.gaoiiaoitöis vazram sriram huniuuixtam satafitämm satö.däram frauuaeyam vlrö.niiäncim zaröis aiiatjhö frahixtam amauuatö zaraniiehe amauuastamam zaiianqm varaSrauuastamam zaiianqm "Es befindet sich dort im Wagen des weite Fluren besitzenden MiOra die schöne gutgeschwungene Keule mit {ihren} hundert Buckeln {und} hundert Schneiden, {die} anprallend auf die Krieger niederstürzt, aus gelbem Metall gegossen, aus festem goldenem, die festeste der Waffen, die sieghafteste der Waffen" [Translated by Fritz WolffJ. 112 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals copper6-D? III. Classical Persian mis "copper", misin "made of copper" (Steingass 1892, 1224, 1241; Vull-ers 1864, 1174: "aes, cuprum") = Modern Persian mes "(red) copper" (PDW712). Internal borrowings: Persian > Mazanderani, Baluchi, Kurdish mis (Geiger 1892, 455, #166); Pashto mis (RAS 321), Parachi mes, Yidgha, Sarikoli mis "brass" (Morgenstierne 1938, 10*), Shughni mis (RSS 108), Wakhi mis (VJa 221) "copper", but by Morgenstierne "brass". Geiger (1892, 455, #166) also mentioned Ghilaki mirs (Melgounof 1868, 198) and Yidgha mirs id. (Biddulph). Rybatzki (1994, 217) thinks that these forms are of North Caucasian origin: Avar max "iron, ploughshare" > Lak max (mux:a-) "iron", besides inherited muh "sickle" | Proto-Dargwa *mex > Akusha meh "iron", Chiragh mex "iron, horseshoe", Dargwa dialects: Kadar mih, Kubachi mix, Tsudakhar mex "iron", Urakhi mirh, Kaitag meh "iron; lock" (NCED 815). The only example with an unclear medial -r-, Urakhi mirh, may be explained from influence of Urakhi murhi "gold" (NCED 840). On the other hand, if Persian mis and its counterparts of the type Ghilaki and Yidgha mirs are really of Turkic origin, this -r- (if it is not only a mistaken record), should be explained from Turkic too. First of all, it is necessary to assume the metathesis analogical to Persian ars, Baluchi als "tear" vs. Avestan asm- id. (Geiger 1892, 400). The hypothetical predecessor of the r-forms, *mis-ir (?), should be extended by the same suffix, which was analyzed in Common Turkic *bak-ir "copper" vs. Baikar bak- "ausbereitetes Erz" or Salar kan-ur / -uf "steel" vs. kan id. < Chinese IB gang "steel, cast iron" < Middle Chinese *karj (Rybatzki 1994, 221). External loanwords: Dardic: Pashai mis/mss/mes, Dameli, Gawar-Bati, Khowar, Phalura, Tirahi mis, Tregumi mis, Katarqala mesin "copper" < Persian or Pashto mis "copper" (Fussman 1972, 129). Daghestanian/Lezghian: Tsaxur, Kryts, Budux, Udin, Xinalug mis "copper" < Azerbaijani mis "copper" (Klimov & Xalilov 2003, 149). Etymology: In the Persian term and its Turkic counterparts (see below) Schräder & Nehring (I, 269) saw a source for such West Germanic forms as Middle High German messe, Swiss dial, moesch, Middle High German messinc, Middle Low German messink (> Late Old Norse messing - see de Vries 1962, 385), Old English mces(t)ling, mceslen, perhaps via their West Slavic counterparts as Kashubic mosgg & mosgj, Polish mosiqdz (> Belorussian mosenz, Ukrainian mosjdz), Upper Sorbian mosaz, Lower Sorbian mosez, Czech mosaz, Slovak mosadz. But the West Slavic forms are apparently borrowed from the West Germanic form reconstructible as ^massing, while the most probable source of the West Germanic forms seems to be the ethnonym Mossynoeci222 from northeastern Asia Minor, famous for their mastery of working this alloy according to Pseudo-Aristotle (cf. Kluge & Seebold 1999, 555). Let us analyze the corresponding Turkic forms: Chaghatai mis, Turkmenian mis, Uzbek mis & dial. (Bukhara) mis, New Uyghur & Taranchi mis "copper", New Uyghur from Turfan also mis "copper", miskdrct "copper-smith" (Le Coq 1910, 98), Kazakh & Karakalpak mys "copper" (the backj is strange), Kazan Tatar bds "brass with patina" (Räsänen 1969, 339; Rybatzki 1994, 217). Although they are not attested in Middle or Old Turkic texts, with respect to their geographical dispersion they can reflect an old lexeme. With respect to the tendency b- > m- (e.g. Baraba Tatar murut, Turkmenian & Kazakh murt vs. Chaghatai, New Uyghur, Taranchi burut "Schnurrbart", all from *bur- "drehen" - see Räsänen 1969, 90), it is legitimate to think about primary *b-. This conclusion determines the vector of borrowing as Turkic > Persian and not vice versa. The Com- 222 (Pseudo-)Aristotle, De mirabilibus auscultationibus, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1909, §62: cpaoi xov Moowoikov XoXkov laurcpoxaxov mi Iedkoxcixov eivca ox> jtapamyvDuevoD ai>xa> Kaooixepow akXa yfji; xwoi; yivouevni; awve\|/ou£vr|<; carta) "Men say that the copper of the Mossynoeci is very brilliant and white, no tin being mixed with it; but there is a kind of earth there, which is smelted with it." [translated by J.A. Smith & W.D. Ross] TLB. Iranian names of metals 113 mon Turkic protoform *bis223 is explainable as an adaptation of Tocharian A was sg.m. "gold", maybe in its more archaic form *wids with respect to Tocharian B yasa and Common Tocharian *widsa (Adams 2013, 524-25), originally perhaps (also) "copper". The anticipated substitution of Tocharian Aw- by Turkic *b- has analogy e.g. in Kazan Tatar bizmdn, Kumyk, Balkar-Karachai bazman "weighing machine, balance" < Persian pi. vazn-dn < Arabic wazn id. (Rasanen 1969, 73). It is possible to propose several alternative solutions: (i) Akkadian source represented by the participle mesu(m)224, Assyrian masiu(m), mas'um "washed, purified" (from the verb mesu(m), Assyrian masd'u(m) "to wash, purify"), used for various metals, including "copper": me-su-u, glossed by Sumerian URUD-ITJ-LUH-HA"purified copper" (Halloran 2006,303), Old Assyrian eriam ma-si-am, Nuzi eru me-su-u "purified copper" (AHw 647). Given the big chronological interval, how this word was borrowed through time remains to be explained (the distance between the neighbours Persia and Mesopotamia is insignificant). (ii) Elamite source attested in New Elamite masip "zinc" (EW 894), where the final -p may be interpreted as the plural suffix. The different metals "copper" and "zinc" are compatible in their common alloy, "brass". And so only the question of the different root vowels remains to be explained. (iii) Indo-Aryan origin on the basis of such forms as Sanskrit mdsa- m. "weight of gold" [Mn], "a copper coin" [Kaut], Gujarati mdso "a weight of gold" (Turner 1966, 10098). From the point of view of semantics it is acceptable, but the substitution of the root vowel a by / remains unexplained. copper? - D III. Baluchi trdmd, trdmd id. < Sindhi tramo, Lahnda trdmd "copper" etc., all from Sanskrit tdmrd- adj. "dark red; copper-coloured" [VS], n. "copper" [Kaus], the vfcW/zz'-formation from Ve-dic [RV 10.73.5] tamrd- "dark" (EWAIl, 627, 642; Turner 1966, ##5694, 5779; Gilbertson 1925, 147: Baluchi < Hindi tdmra, correctly tdmrd "copper-coloured, dark red"). copper8 - D III. Persian sufr "copper, brass" (Steingass 1892, 789), Kurdish sifir "copper" < Arabic sifr & sufr "yellow copper, bronze, gold" (Cabolov 2, 255; Steingass 1988, 584) and Hebrew seper (HAL 767) < Akkadian siparru(m), Nuzi siperru "bronze" < Sumerian ZABAR "bronze" (Zim-mern 1915, 59; CDA 324; Halloran 2006, 309: ZI, ZE2 "to cut, pare" + BAR "bright"). copper9-D III. Kurdishpdxir/l, pdyir "copper" < Azerbaijani paxyr, Turkish baqyr id. (Cabolov 2, 105; Rybatzki 1994,220; Joki 1952, 80 and Rasanen 1969, 58 quote as a source doubtful Persian bahyr "copper"). copper10-D III. Pashto tamba (RAS 321) < Dardic: Phalura tamba, Shina tamba "copper", besides Prakrit tamba-, Pali tamba- "red", n. "copper" < Sanskrit tdmrd- adj. "dark red; copper-coloured" [VS], n. "copper" [Kaus], the vrcW/zz-forrnation from Vedic [RV 10.73.5] tamrd- "dark" (Turner 1966, #5779). 223 Concerning the vocalism, cf. Common Turkic *gir- "to enter", reconstructed on the basis of Turkmenian gir-, Uyghur kir-, Kazan Tatar few- (Rasanen 1969, 271; EDAL 825). 224 It is tempting to identify the Akkadian source of the type mesu "(Wasch?-)Gold" (AHw 647) also in the Daghes-tanian designation of "gold": Avar-Andian *mis[ur]-di "gold" (*-di is the adjectival suffix) > Avar mesed, Chada-kolob mesed, Andi misidi, Akhvakh misidi, Chamalal misud, Tindi miseji, Karata mesed, Botlikh misidi, Bagvalal meser, Godoberi misidi; Archi missrttu id. may reflect the more archaic form *miser-dV | Lak musi id. | Dargwa *mursi "gold" > Akusha murhi, Chiragh muse, Dargwa of Kubach mute, Urakhi murhi, Tsudakhar mursi I musi id. (Nikolaev & Starostin in NCED 840 reconstruct *mVlse, but the protoform *misur- with the frozen plural suffix *-r- seems more adequate). 114 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals coppern-D III. Pashto (East) tat; cf. tatar "coppersmith" (ARS 273; RAS 321), further Baluchi tatdrd "copper-smith" < IA: Sanskrit *thattha- "brass", reconstructed on the basis of Nepali thattar "an alloy of copper and bell metal", and Sindhi thathdro "brass worker" < Prakrit thatthara- < *thatthakdra- (Turner 1966, ##5491, 5493; Gilbertson 1925, 147: Baluchi < Sindhi). copper12 - D III. Yidgha loh "copper" < Khowar loh "copper" (Morgenstierne 1938,255; Turner 1966, #11158). goldj-A I. Avestan zarahiia- n. "gold" [e.g. Yt. 5.129225; 17.14226; Vd 8.87227, 14.11228], with variant zardna- n. [Az 4229], adj. zaranaena- [Yt. 5.123230] & zardhiia- [Yt. 5.78] "golden", in compounds e.g. zardnu-mani- "with golden necklace" [Yt 14.33] (Bartholomae 1904, 1678-80, 1683; Old Persian daraniya- n. "gold" [DSf 35-36231]; Median *zarnamaniid "with golden necklace", *zarnakara- "goldsmith", reconstructed according to Elamite transcription of the woman's name Za-ir-na-ma-nu-ya (= Avestan zarsnu-maini-) and the term za-ir-na-qa-ra respectively (Hinz 1975, 277); Scythian Zapiva232 'queen of Sacae233' [Ktesias: Persica, fragment mediated by Diodorus Sic-ulus, 2.34] = Zaprvaia [Nicolaus of Damascus] (Justi 1895, 382); 225 ya9a karatam 9ßarstäi zrüne caramä vaenantö bräzanta frana arazatam zaranim. "Bei richtiger Bereitung zur vorschriebenen Zeit strahlen die Felle auf die Beschauer Silber und Gold(glanz) in Fülle..." 226 aesqm arazatam zaranim nibara9i äbarata baraiti aißitaräbiiö haca danhubiiö vasträsca kasä bämaniuuä. "Ihnen schafft Silber {und} Gold der Schaffner in die Kammer und aus fremden Ländern prunkvoll gefertigte Kleider..." 227 yö ätram pisrathacazarahiiö.saepät"Wenn einer aus der Schweiße, {worin} Gold geschweißt wird, Feuer {hinbringt}" 228 kqstram paitis.harazam varazaiiantam hakarat arazatam hakarat zaranim: dätara gae9anqm astuuaitinqm asäum cuuat yauuat arazatam: äatmraot ahurö mazdä ya9a aspahe arsnöparaska dätara gaeSanqm astuuaitinqm asäum cuuat yauuat zaranim: äat mraot ahurö mazdä: ya9a ustrahe arsnö paraska. "Einen Spaten {soll er} gießen für den wektätigen {Bauern}, ein Teil Silber, ein Teil Gold. 'O Schöpfer {der stofflichen Welt, asaehrwürdiger!} Wieviel Silber?' Da sagte Ahura Mazda: '{Soviel} als der Wert eines Roßhengstes {ist}.' 'O Schöpfer {der stofflichen Welt, asaehrwürdiger!} Wieviel Gold?' Da sagte Ahura Mazda: '{Soviel} als der Wert eines Kamelhengstes {ist}.'" 229 uruua9ö bauuähi yazatanqm ya9a zarönam masiiänqm "Sei den Yazata so lieb, wie es das Gold den Menschen." The vowel a was occasionally replaced by ö (Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 64, §33). 230 zaranaenam paiti dänam vanuhi histaite drazimnö araduui süra anähita zao9re väcim paitismaramna auuat manaijha mainimna "Das goldene Brusttuch haltend, steht die gute da, die gewaltige makellose Aredvi, sich nach der Stimme des Zaotar sehnend, folgenes im Sinne sinnend..." [Translated by Fritz Wolff 1910]. 231 daraniyam hacä Spardä utä hacä Bäxtriyä äbariya taya idä akqriya "The gold, which was made (worked) here, was brought from Sardis and Bactria." [Skjasrvo 2002, 85] 232 Bamleüoca 5e töte töv Saraav yuvaiKa xa mxa jto^euov eCn^coKuiav Kai tö^ut| te ran jipd^Ei jk>M> StacpEpowoav tcov ev SciKcai; yuvaiKov, övou« Zapivav. "At that time the Sacae were ruled by a woman named Zarina, who was devoted to warfare and was in daring and efficiency by far the foremost of the women of the Sacae." [Translated by C. H. Oldfather] [http://penelope.uchicago.edU/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Diodorus_Siculus/2A* .html] "At that time a woman named Zarinaia ruled over the Saka who, admirable in matters of war, was far superior to the other women of the Saka in boldness and action." [Translated by Nichols 2008, 78]. 233 According to the witness of Herodotus [7.64], for the Persians the ethnonym Sacae was also used for Scythians: Sarai 5e oi SrcvjOm jiEpi uev Tflm KEcpalflm rcvjpßaoiai; e; oi;i> cmrrfuEvco; op9co; Ei^ov jiEJinywiai;, ava^wpiSai; 5e eveSeSükeoov, tö£,a 5e eiayüpxa Kai iyyßxpxhxa, jtpöi; 5e Kai ä^ivco; oaydpii; Ei^ov. toütow; 5e eövtc«; £kv>9c«; AuDpyiow; Scikco; ekc&eov: oi yap nEpom jidvTCo; toix; SkuSco; KcdEowm Scikco;. [http://data.perseus.Org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0016.tlg001.perseus-grcl:7.64.2] "The Sacae, who are Scythians, had on their heads tall caps, erect and stiff and tapering to a point; they wore trousers, and carried their native bows, and daggers, and also axes which they call "sagaris." These were Amyrgian Scythians, but were called Sacae; that is the Persian name for all Scythians." [Translated by A.D. Godley] [http://data.perseus.Org/citations/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0016.tlg001.perseus-engl:7.64.2] II.B. Iranian names of metals 115 Sarmatian ^iprv234 "ransom" [Lukianos: Toxaris velAmicitia], originally probably *zarin "golden" (Abaev 1979,310). II. Middle Persianuzr235 Izarrl (MPP 384), Zoroastrian Pahlavi ZHB' Izarrl, adj. zzlyn Izarrenl (Nyberg 1974, 229-30), Parthianzrn Izarnl "gold", adj. zrnyn Izarnenl "golden" (MPP 384; Korn 2005, 380), plus Armenian lw. zamavuxt "seiden", originally "golddurchwebt" (Hubschmann 1897, 149-50, #227; Sogdian (Gharib 1995): M-Szyrn Izirn /zeml "gold" [#11566] = (MS 235) < *zarnya-, Chzyn Izfn/zenl "gold" [#11544], Bzyrnyrík/Bzyrnynyy /Bzyrríyríy Izirnenel "golden" [#11576], Bzyrnync /Bzyrnynch Izirnenel f. "golden" [#11577]; Bactrian ^apo "gold" < *zar(a) nya-, adj. ^apiyyo "golden" < *zar(a)naina-ka- (Sims-Williams 2007, 211); Khwarezmian zrny, zn- (Benzing 1983, 717, 715); Khotanese^ľrra- "gold" (= Buddhist Sanskrit hema-, Tibetan gser) < *zirna < *zarnia- < *zarania- (Bailey 1979, 352-53); III. Persian n. zarr, adj. zarren (Northwest Iranian loans), Sangisari zar (DS), Kurdish zer (RKS 224), Ossetic Digor zceri(j)nce, Iron zcerin "gold" < *zaraina- < *zaranaina-, frequently in compound: Iron syzycerin/syyzcerin, Digor suyzcerince "gold(en) < *suy(da)-zaraina- < *šuxta-ža-rania- "burnt gold", cf. Iron syyd, Digor suyd "burnt, scorched" < *šuxta-, cf. Avestan "suxta-(Bailey 1974, 370; Abaev III, 188), while Abaev (III, 190) reconstructed the primary compound *šuxra-žarania- "red-golden"; Pashto srszdr "gold" : súr "red", zarin "golden" (RAS 228, 288), ziyar "brass", Ormuri sur-zdr "gold" (Morgenstierne 1938, 26*). Internal loanwords: Baluchi zarr (but Baluchi of Makran zar "silver" (£57 X, 436), Yaghnobi zar (Novák 2010, 203), Parachi zar "gold" (Morgenstierne 1929, 303: < Persian), Shughni zar(-at nax) (RSS 81), Yidgha zer id. (Rybatzki 1994, 198). External loanwords: FU: Volgaic *serňä > Mordvinian *sirňs (Keresztes 1986, 143): Erzya siŕňe, Moksha šime "gold", besides the derivatives in Moksha šiŕdh, šeŕdň "copper, brass, silver" and perhaps a younger loan sere, šere "copper, brass" | Mari K šortňs "gold" (Bereczki 1992, 93) | pre-Permic *sern3-/*sarn3 > Udmurt-Komi zarhi id. > Khanty DN sorňs, Mansi KU sursn "gold" | Ugric * Oar ana > Hungarian arany (1075 CE: acc. aranijat) "gold; money"; Mansi taréň, tarňé "copper", Khanty Nloms "copper", Vj./om/ "copper, brass" (Joki 1973, 250, #8; UEW843; EWU 44). Persian > Turkic: Chaghatai zar "gold", Turkish zer "gold; money, coin of any kind; yellow; light skinned", Azerbaijani zdr "gold", Turkmenian zer "gold, golden", Uzbek zar "gold", New Uyghur zer "gold", Tatar, Bashkir zdr id., Kumyk zer, Kazakh, Kirgiz, Karakalpak zer "gold" (Rybatzki 1994, 198). Baluchi > Brahui zar(r) "gold, money" (Bray apud Rybatzki 1994, 198). Etymology: The Indo-European designations of "gold" of this origin may be arranged according to derivational suffixes: *ghlH3-nio- > Avestan zarahiia-, Old Persian daraniya- "gold"; Vedic hiranya-; ^IHj-nuo- > Greek ylovvóq • xpvGÓq [Hesychius]; *ghlH3-to- > Germanic *gulpa-/*gulda- "gold" (Kroonen 2013, 194); *gelH3-to- > Latvian zqlts "gold", East Lithuanian želtas "golden"; *golH3-to- > Slavic *zolto "gold". 234 ran oi utv Sawpondxm Snpuevcn toik; cikovxco; a>pur|aav in enkov ax, KaxaKevxiioovxei;, 6 5e e|36a xo 'Zipiv.' xoiixo 5e ijv ri'jxn, owkexi (povewexm xm' auxcSv, aXka Sexovxca awxov (bq ejii Xmpoiq f|Kovxa. [http://data.perseus.Org/texts/urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0062.tlg044.perseus-grcl] "The Sauromatae rushed upon him, and were about to transfix him with their raised javelins, when he raised the cry of zirin. The man who pronounces that word is safe from their weapons: it indicates that he is the bearer of ransom, and he is received accordingly." [Translated by H. W. Fowler & F. G. Fowler; see ]. 235 Initial z- instead of expected +d- indicates a Northwest Iranian loan. 116 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals All from the root attested in Young Avestan zari- "yellow(ish), gold-coloured" [Yt 10.96236], Khotanese ysar- "to be reddish, yellow"; Vedie hári- "golden, yellow", all from ^elHJ- or *gholH3i- (Bartholomae 1904, 1680; Bailey 1974, 370-73; 1979, 346; EWALll, 805-06; Pokorný 1959, 429-33). The laryngeal *H3 is reconstructed on the basis of Greek xlcnpoq "right green, pale green, green-yellow, yellowish, pale" < *ghlH3-ró- (Beekes 2010, 1638-39), corresponding to Phrygian y^oupót; • ipwoq, ylovpea • xpúoea [Hesychius]. There is the corresponding /'-stem in Caland-sys-tem in Vedie híri-šmašru- "gold-bearded" < *ghlH3-i- (EWALII, 806). gold2-D III. Classical Persian tila & tala "gold" (Vullers 1864, 545: "aurum rubrum"; Steingass 1892, 322) = Modern Persian tela & talä id., talä'i "golden" (PDW497, 498). Internal loanwords: Baluchi tilä "gold" (Geiger 1892, 461, #271; £57 X, 436: Karachi dial, tilälí), Sangisari tälá (DS), Yaghnobi tillä1 (Novák 2010, 170), Pashto tila (RAS 228), Ormuri tala id. & Parachi tala/ til(l)a id. (Morgenstierne 1929, 410 & 293), Yidgha tila "copper", Munji tilä, telá, tillä "gold" (Morgenstierne 1938, 255), Shughni tillo (RSS 81), Sanglechi tilä, Wakhi tila, tilla (Morgenstierne 1938, 415, 545). External loanwords: Turkish telli "mit Metali- (Gold-, Silber-)Fäden durchwirkt" (TDW920), cf. tel "gold or silver thread woven into a tissue; a very long fringe of gold or silver, worn by ladies" (TEL 585), tila "gold prepared for writing or painting", Turkmenian tilla "gold", Karakalpak, Uzbek tilla id., Taranchi tilla "eine kokandische Goldmiinze" etc. (Radloff III, c. 1386; Rybatzki 1994, 199). Source: Arabic talli "glittering fabric with interwoven gold or silver threads" (Wehr 1979, 117) or tilä quoted by Geiger 1892, 461, #271 ? gold3-D III. Persian altun "gold, golden" < Chaghatai altun, Old Uyghur, Middle Turkic altun, New Uyghur, Taranchi, Azerbaijani, Kumyk altun, Chuvash ilttSn "gold" (TMENll, 112-13, #529; Clauson 1972,131; Rybatzki 1994, 202-03), all from Turkic *<5/237 "(bright) red" and *toň > Chuvash toj "brass", originally borrowed from Chinese M tóng23S "copper, brass, bronze" (Räsänen 1969, 18, 488; Dybo 2007, 67: with respect to the change */- > *d- dated to the end of the Eastern Han era, around 200 CE, the adoption of this Chinese form could have been realized in this time). It means, the Turkic designation of "gold" was originally formed from "red copper". Internal loanwords: Kurdish altun "gold" (TMENll, 113). 236 vazram zastaiia drazamnö sataßtämm satö.däram frauuaeyam virö.niiancim zaröis aiiatjhöfrahixtam amauuatö zaraniiehe amauuastamam zaenqm varaSrauuastamam zaenqm "In der Hand hält {er} die Keule mit {ihren} hundert Buckeln {und} hundert schneiden, {die} anprallend auf die Krieger niederstürzt; aus gelbem Metall gegossen, aus festem goldenem, die festeste der Waffen, die sieghafteste der Waffen" [Translated by Fritz Wolff] 237 Turkic *äl "red, scarlet": Old Turkic (Orkhon), Old Uyghur al, Karakhanid al, Middle Turkic (Mahmud of Kash-gar) äl, (Codex Cumanicus: "bright red") al, Turkmen äl, Turkish, Tatar, Uighur, Azerbaijani, Noghai, Bashkir, Gagauz, Karaim, Kumyk al (Räsänen 1969, 14; Clauson 1972, 120-21; TMENll, 94-95). 238 < Middle Chinese *duij < Late Postclassic Chinese *dw5ij < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *d5ij < Han Chinese *lon < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *L5n (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1176 d), cf. Chinese M töng "to be red" < Middle Chinese *doij < Late Postclassic Chinese *d(h)5ij < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *d(h) sun < Han Chinese *d(h)sun < Classic Old Chinese *d(h)ün < Preclassic Old Chinese *d(h)ün (~ 1(h)-, ~L(h)-) (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1008 e-f). Similarly, Pulleyblank 1991, 310: Late Middle Chinese *tfi3wn < Early Middle Chinese *dawn "copper" vs. Late Middle Chinese *t/igwn < Early Middle Chinese *dawn "red". IIB. Iranian names of metals 117 Note: Thanks to the Turkic mediation the term was borrowed in many languages239 of various language families, collected by Doerfer in TMENII, 113 and Rybatzki 1994, 202-03. gold4-D III. Yidgha suworum id. < Khowar sorum (-m from droxum "silver"), Pashai swaren, Shu-mashti suarin "gold", originally from the compound attested already in Vedic su-vdrna- "of bright colour; golden" [RV], n. "gold" [AV], sauvarna- "golden" [SrS], n. "gold" [MBh] (Morgenstierne 1938, 249; Turner 1966, #13519; Fussman 1972, 256-58). iroiij / steel - A I. Avestan hao-safnaena- adj. "of steel" [e.g. Yt 10.130240], indicating *hu-safna- *"steel", lit. "good iron" (Bartholomae 1904, 1737). ?01d Persian *sanataka in the New Elamite record 3 MA.NAsd(?)-na(?)-ta-qa ... a-h kds-[za-ak] "drei Pfund sanataka ... wurden hier geschmiedet" (EW1131), where the second component could be identified in Old Persian *taka-, known from the compound takabara- "petasos-bearing" (Kent 1950, 185; Skjasrvo 2002, 164). The Greek term 7iexaoo<; designated a hat or metallic helmet. On the other hand, Old Persian asd in asd ddruv "ebony" [DSf 41^t2241], interpreted as "iron wood" by Benveniste (1930, 60), meant more probably "stony wood" (Kent 1950, 190) with the Median reflex of Iranian *s < IE *k. The hypothetical Old Persian *sana- would regularly reflect Iranian *suana-. Sarmatian man's name DoTUVLio^ot; (Olbia: 2nd cent. CE), probably *'Oo7riv-Pa4ocj < *as-paina-bazu- "with iron arm" (Abaev 1979, 282; Zgusta 1955,315, #693) < *aspanaina- "of iron". II. Middle Persian z'hyn lahenl (MacKenzie 1971, 6; Nyberg 1974,32 recognized Pazand dhin and Pahlavi 'syn lasenl "iron"), M'hwn lahunl "iron" (MPP 35; Nyberg 1974,32), Middle Parthian of Turfan 'swn ldsun-1 "iron" (MPP 56); Sogdian (Gharib 1995) B,spn,yn/(r>)spanenl "(of) iron" (#1624),B' sprfyrf k/sprfyrfy/' spnyrfk l(o)spanenel "(of) iron" (#1625), B,spn'ynch l(o)spanencl f. "(of) iron" (#1626), B,spnyn"y / 'spnyn'k / 'spnyny l(o)spanenel "(of) iron" (#1631), B,spnyn'nk bspanenel "(of) iron" (#1664), Bspn'yn"k /spnyrfk Ispanenel "(of) iron" (#8892), Chspyn- [spen /span /spsn], pi. spynf "iron, chain, iron fetter" < *aspanya- (#8921), Chsfnyq Isfariikl "iron, of iron" (#8737), Chspnyq [spanik] "(of) iron" < *aspanyaka- (#8899), U-Chspnync(,) Ispanenel "(of) iron" (#8902), besides u,spnyny "made of iron" (MSB 25). Khwarezmian 'spny hspanll, besides sbny & spny "iron", spnynk "of iron" (Benzing 1983, 90, 571, 581) Khotanese hlssana- < *hu-suania- = Wakhi (y)Tsn (Bailey 1979, 486-87). III. In Modern Iranian languages there are at least four more or less different partial protoforms: (i) *a0ana-\ Persian ahan (Steingass 1892, 126; Herzenberg 2014, 25), Sangisari, Keshei ohan, Sede, Gazi, Shamirzadi, Kohrudi, Zefre ohen, Sivandi ohon, Kafroni ohm, Vonishuni oyen "iron" (Cabolov 1, 454). The primary *-9- is a typical Old Persian continuant of Iranian *-s-, but not of Iranian *-su- which continues in Old Persian -s-. 239 Common Mongolic *altan "gold" > Yakut altan "copper" and Tungusic: Negidal altan "copper", but Nanai altan "gold"; Yeniseian: Arin altyrC, Assan, Kottish alturC "gold"; Samoyedic: Kamas, Koibal altln "gold"; Ob-Ugric: Mansi alten, Khanty of Tom ältun "gold"; Kartvelian: Laz altin, altuni "gold", Georgian uzaltuni "10 kopeykas", minaltuni "silver rub!" (< Azerbaijani üz altun & min altun respectively); Arabic 'altün "fil d'or" (Dozy); Balkan Slavic: Bulgar alten, Macedonian altan, Serbian aldum "gold"; East Slavic: Old Russian (from 14th cent.) altyn "alte Rechenmünze von 6 Dehgi". 240 histaite aom väsahe miSrahe vouru gaoiiaoitois hazarjram cakusanqm haosafnaenqm bitaeyanqm hukaratanqm "Es befinden sich dort im Wagen des weite Fluren besitzenden Mithra ein Tausend stählerner wohlgefertigter zweischeidiger Wurfäxte..." [Translated by Fritz Wolff 1910]. 241 ardatam utä allsä däruv haeä Mudräyä abariya "The silver and the ebony were brought from Egypt." [Translated by Skjasrvo 2002, 104-05]. 118 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals (ii) *ásana-/*ásuna-: Talysh ósdn "iron" Semnani osun & ásón, Lasgardi ásón, Sorhei ásin, Baluchi ásin (Collett 1983, 140: ásin, besides áhin; LSI X, 436-37: ásin, but Upper Sindh áharí), Kurdish Kurmanji hásin, hasin, Sorani ásin "iron", Zazaki ási(n). (iiia) *spana-\ Ossetic Digor cefscen, Iron "fscen "iron", in later Ossetic "plowshare", adj. Digor cefscejnag, Iron "fscenag (Abaev 1,480-81); Pamir group *spania-\ Shughni sipin, Sarikoli s(i)pin, Ishkashim špín, Sanglechi sšpón, Khufi sipun. (iiib) *á-spana-: Pasto óspana, óspina, Waziri yěspana, Wanetsi óspsnds; Munji yuspsn, yispsn, Yidgha nspen "iron". (iv) *hu-šuania-\ Wakhi (y)Tšn id., similarly as Khotanese hissana- (Bailey 1979, 486-87). Internal loanwords: Persian/Tajik > Sangisari áhen (DS), Baluchi áhin, G{urani?} vuhen (Horn 1893, 14, #53), Yaghnobi óhán (Novák 2010, 121); Parachi áhen, Ormuri áhin, áin (Mor-genstierne 1929, 232, 387), Yidgha áherii, Ishkashim áhán "iron", Sanglechi áhariin "made of iron" (Morgenstierne 1938, 31*, 380). External loanwords: Persian > Chaghatai, Khalaj ahan and Moghol ahan "iron" (Rybatzki 1994, 237). Chinese fHIS bin tie "wrought iron" is attested first in the text called Suishu242, 'Book of Sui', completed during the following dynasty, Tang, in 636 CE (Wagner 2008, 268-71 dated the adoption of the term in the 6th-7th cent. CE). The second word IK tie means "iron"243. Laufer (1915, 515, #85) recognized an Iranian origin of the first term U bin < Middle Chinese *pjin (Pulley-blank 1991, 38). A source may be identified in Sogdian Chspyn Ispsnl < *aspania- "iron, chain, iron fetter" (Gharib 1995, #8921). Cf. also the forms of the Pamir languages: Shughni sipin, Sarikoli s(i)pin, Ishkashim spin "iron", derivable from *spin < *spania-. Etymology: Avestan *safna- "iron", reconstructed on the basis of the vrddhi-formation in compound hao-safnaěna- adj. "of steel", implying *hu-safna- *"steel", lit. "good iron" (Bartholomae 1904, 1737). The Avestan word *safna- probably represents a metathesized variant of the expected form *spana-, reflecting pre-Iranian *suana-, cf. Sogdian *aspan- (Buddhist adj. m. 'spn'yriy, f. 'spríynčh, Manichaean 'spnyn(y), Christian 'spnynč, sfnyq). IE: With respect to the dark colour of "iron", Bailey (1979, 486-87) offered a comparison with Greek KÚotvot; "lapis lazuli; copper sulfate, copperas; dark-blue enamel, blue glass" [II.], cf. also Mycenaean ku-wa-no "smalt" (Beekes 2010, 793), and further Hittite ku(wa)nna-(n-) "copper" (with determinative URUDU), "ornamental material" or "piece(s) or bead(s)" (with determinative NA4) (Puhvel 4, 308-11). Danka & Witczak (1997, 362-63) reconstruct their common denominator together with the Iranian forms as *kunHo-. Abaev (I, 481) assumed an alternative solution, seeking origin of *suana- "iron" in Young Avestan spanah- [Y9.27] &spánah- [Yt 1.8] "Heiligkeit, sanctitas" spanahuuant- "heilig, sanctus" [Yt 1.8], Gatha Avestan spahiiah- "derhei-ligere" [Y45.2], spsnta- "heilig, sanctus" [29.7, 48.3, 51.16], superl. spSništa- "der heiligste" [Y 30.5, 43.2, 43.16 etc.] (Bartholomae 1904, 1612, 1618-23). Abaev judged that the "holy" character of "iron" was connected with its celestial origin (cf. Sumerian AN.BAR "(meteoritic) iron" = AN "sky" + BAR6 "to shine; bright" (Halloran 2006, 19, 32). Tremblay (2004, 241) proposed the pre-Iranian starting-point as *ač-uan- "pointed, acute" < *H2ek-uon-. iron2 - D III. Classical Persian fimur "iron" (Steingass 1892, 344; Vullers 1855, 494: "ferrum") < Turkic: Chaghatai temur "iron" (TMENlll, 666, #1012; Rásánen 1969, 473; Rybatzki 1994, 239^10) < Sanskrit cimara- in cimara-kára- "coppersmith" [Samghata-sutra], but in the Chinese version 242 FS# Suishü 'Book of Sui' is the official history of the Sui dynasty (581-618 CE). 243 It is projected into Late Middle Chinese *fiiat < Early Middle Chinese *fi£t (Pulleyblank 1991, 308) = Middle Chinese *thiet < Postclassic Chinese *thiet < Eastern Han Chinese Hist < Western Han Chinese *Xhj§t < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *Xhit (Starostin, ChEDb). IIB. Iranian names of metals 119 translated as M tie "iron". The meaning "iron" also appears in Dardic: Pashai čimár, Shumashti čímar, Wotapuri, Gawar čimár, Kalasha člmbar, Bashkarik čimer, Torwali čimu, Phalura čímar, Shina čimár (> Burushaski Nagir-Hunza čímar), Kashmiri č"mur", Khowar čúmur (> Burushaski Nagir-Hunza čhumár, Yasin čumár); and Nuristani: Waigali čilmar, Dameli čimár(r), Ashkun číma, čimd, Kati Cime, Prasun zíme id. (Turner 1966, #14496; EWAI III, 192; Berger 1998, 88, 101). iron3 - D III. Classical Persian čaudan "cast metal" (Steingass 1892, 402), New Persian čodan "cast iron", Dari čodan id. (TMENlll, 124-27, 1149; Rybatzki 1999, 67). Internal loanwords: Persian > Kurdish čodan "Gußeisen, gußeisener Kessel / Topf, Pash-to čudan "cast iron", Yazghulami tšsdan, Yidgha zdx-čídin "kettle" (> Burushaski čidin "metal cooking-pot"), Ishkashim čudan "cooking-pot" (Rybatzki 1999, 67). ?External loanwords: Persian > Azerbaijani čudan, čudan "cast iron" (Rybatzki 1999, 67). Etymology: The Persian term was probably borrowed from a Turkic source close to Ottoman Turkish čoy-an, Uzbek, New Uyghur čujan "cast iron" with respect to the final -an, but before the change *-ö-> -y-. Only Mahmud of Kashgar had recorded a form with *-ö-, namely Karakhanid (11th cent.) coöin "bronze". In all later records only -y- or -j- appear (Azerbaijani čudan, čudan "cast iron" was probably borrowed from Persian): Qumanic (14th cent.) čoyun "bronze" (Clauson) / "ore" (Rybatzki), Chaghatai (15th cent.) čiljiln, čojin "unsmelted iron", Ottoman Turkish čoyan, Uzbek, New Uyghur čujan, Turkmenian čojun, Krym-Tatar, Karaim, Kumyk, Kirgiz čojun, Kazakh, Shor šojun, Taranchi, Kumandy cöjün, Kazan Tatar čujyn "cast iron", Bashkir sujin id. (Rybatzki 1999, 67). The Turkic forms themselves were also borrowed, from the Chinese compound SSiM zhu244 tang245, in the Early Middle Chinese reconstruction of Pulleyblank (c. 600 CE) *teuäh-d3wn (Rybatzki 1999, 70). It remains to explain the change of the Chinese final *-n into Turkic *-n. The final *-n has been regularly changed into -n/-m in Chuvash, e.g. Common Turkic *jän "sleeve" vs. Chuvash san(§), šavnS id., or Common Turkic *tän "identical, the same" vs. Chuvash tan id., besides Chuvash som, sum "number" vs. Common Turkic *sán (Räsänen 1969, 197, 478). This means that a language related to Bulghar-Chuvash could have been the mediator bringing the Chinese terms to the Turkic milieu. iron, - D III. Wakhi tiš "iron"? (Morgenstierne 1938, 546) - cf. Burushaski tiš "ploughshare of cast iron, brought from Kashgar" (Lorimer 1938, 354; quoting also Wakhi, he saw a source in Turki). leadj - B I. Young Avestan sru- n. "lead; vessel of lead" [Vd 9.14246; 16.6247] (Bartholomae 1904, 1649: +srva-, i.e. +sruua-). 244 Ii zhü "to cast (metal), casted, casting (metal)" < Late Middle Chinese *t§ya < Early Middle Chinese *teuäh (Pulleyblank 1991, 415; Karlgren, GSR 1090 a'-d) < East Han Chinese *tsoc < Old Chinese [bronze inscriptions of Western Zhou] *toh (Schuessler 2007, 627) ~ *tu-s (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014). 245 ilH töng "copper, brass, bronze" < Middle Chinese *dun < Late Postclassic Chinese *dw5ij < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *döij < Han Chinese *löij < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *L5ij (GSR 1176 d; Pulleyblank 1991, 310: Yuan thurj' < Late Middle Chinese *t/iawn < Early Middle Chinese *dawn "copper" vs. M töng "red" < Yuan thurj' < Late Middle Chinese *t/iawn < Early Middle Chinese *dawrj). 246 gaomaezam pascaeta upatjharazam aiiatjhaenam vä srum vä: yezi srum paiti hincäi graom aiiasöis zara9ustra nauuapixam ädranjaiiöis aom srum pauruua naemät ahe grauuahe "Rindsurin {sollst du} dann in ein {Gefäß} aus Eisen oder Blei gießen; wenn ein Bleijgefäß} zum Begießen {da ist}, sollst du, o Zarathustra, einem Rohrstock mit neun Knoten holen; du sollst das Bleijgefäß} vorn an diesem Stock befestigen." 247 x'araSam frabarät cinam xvara9am frabarät cinam yaom frabarät aiianhaenam vä srum vä nitama xsa9ra vairiia 120 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals Old Persian *qubua-, reconstructed according to Elamite transcription su-ib-mas (Gershevitch apud Hinz 1975, 76, who prefers the reconstruction *cba-); Median *sr[u]/3ia-, reconstructed on the basis of the personal name Srby known from the Aramaic transcription (Hinz 1975, 227; 76: primary Median *srubu-). II. Middle Persian zsl(w)p Isrubl "lead", adj. zsl(w)yn Isrubenl "leaden" (MacKenzie 1971, 77). III. Classical Persian usrub "lead" (Steingass 1892, 57; Vullers 1855,97: "plumbum"), Persian surb "lead", Gabri sump (Horn 1893, 161, #728). Internal loanwords: Persian > Pashto surup = srup/srsp (RAS 651), Parachi surb, Sanglechi S3rb/ssrb/s3rv (Mor-genstierne 1938, 411, 34*), Wakhi (Central, East) sirp, (West) sirb "lead, tin" (VJa 258), South Baluchi s(u)rup "lead" (Gilbertson 1925, 381; Korn 2005, 131, 382). External loanwords: FU: Komi (PyccKO-komh pa3roBopHHK, 18th cent.) tuupoe "lead", perhaps *sir-is, where Per-mic *ves as the second component also appears in Komi ez-is "silver", oz-is "tin", Udmurt az-ves "silver", uz-ves "tin" (KESK 319, 203). Persian > Arabic Pusrub & Pasrub "lead" (Steingass 1988, 41). Etymology: Bailey (1979, 165) reconstructed Iranian *srufia-, adding the IA cognates via metathesis: IA: Vedic subhrd- adj. "bright, beautiful" [RV], "white" [Mn], "silver, crystal, rock salt", subhrd- "crystal, alum" [lex.], Prakrit subbha- "white", n. "a kind of silver" (Turner 1966, #12539). Armenian sowrb "holy, clear" may be either a cognate or a borrowing from an unattested Northwest Iranian source (EWAIII, 647). lead2 - C I. Old Persian *sica- < *sui6ra- "white", reconstructed on the basis of the probable borrowing in Sanskritstsa-n. "lead", adj. "leaden" [Vajasaneyi-Sarhhita], stsaka-m.n. "lead" [Yajnavalkya] (EWAI II, 734; KEWA III, 478), further continuing in Pali sisa-, Prakrit sisa- "lead", Hindi sisa (> Panjabi sisa), Gujarati sisu, Marathi sise, Oriya sisa, sisa, Bengalese sisa, Assamese xih, Nepalese siso, Kumauni siso, West Pahari siso, Sindhi siho etc. (Turner 1966, #13445); Burushaski sisk "lead" was borrowed from a source of the type Sanskrit stsaka- [Yajnavalkya] (Berger 1998,396). III. Kurdish sis "weiss; Bleierz", quoted in EWAI II, 734; KEWA III, 478, but it does not appear in Cabolov 2010. The meaning "white" is attested e.g. by Jaba 1879, 250. Baluchi sis, sihd < Hindi sisa or Sindhi siho "lead", besides Baluchi sikka < Arabic sikkiyy "coined, stamped; dinar" (Gilbertson 1925, 381; Steingass 1988, 501). lead3 / tin - C II. Middle Persian: z,lcyc, u,rzyz larzizl "tin, lead" (MacKenzie 1971, 11; MPP 53); Sogdian (Gharib 1995): u,rcyc larzizl "tin, lead" (#1420) = u,rcyc "lead; tin" (MSB 17). III. Persian arziz "tin", distinguished by the attributes "white" from "black", i.e. "tin" from "lead" respectively (Steingass 1892, 37: only "lead"; Horn 1893, 17, #68). Internal loanwords: Persian > Yidgha arziz "lead" (Morgenstierne 1938, 192). External loanwords: Middle Persian > Armenian arjij "tin" (white), "lead" (black) (Hubschmann 1897, 111, #74). Etymology: "Worin soll er das Essen bringen, worin soll er das Bier bringen? In einem {Gefäß} aus Eisen oder aus Blei, die beiden mindestwertigen Metalle." [Translated by Fritz Wolff 1910] TLB. Iranian names of metals 121 Bailey (1979, 143) explained this metal-name with help of the IAroot *ark- "to shine", attested e.g. in Vedic drcati "shines, is brilliant" [RV], arka- m. "ray, flesh of lightning" [RV], "crystal" [R], "copper" [lex.], arcis- n. "ray of light, flame, light, lustre" [RV], Pali, Prakrit akka- "sun", all from IE m^rk*- "to shine" (Bailey 1979, 8; Turner 1966, ##624, 635; EWAIl, 114-15). Related may be Middle Irish ere "sky", suairc "pleasant; noble" < *su-erkli- (Pokorny 1959, 340). Concerning semantics, Persian saped-roy "tin" (Steingass 1892, 653) = "white copper" implies the primary meaning was probably "tin". Alternatively, Abaev (I, 187) and Rastorgueva & Edel'man (ESIJ 1, 231) speculate about connection with Iranian *arzata- "silver", but without any details. This idea is attractive, e.g. the primary compound *arz(i)-cica- "looking like silver" can be thinkable, where the second component could be perhaps derived from the verb *cai- "to see, observe" (Cheung 2007, 28). Maybe more promising is the substratum solution, seeking a source in New Elamite har-gi "iron", adj. har-ki-ana "of iron" (EW627, 630), implying the metal-name lharkil. In the final *-ic the Middle Iranian diminutive suffix can be identified, cf. Middle Persian zdhlyc, udhryz/dahlizl, Persian dahllz "portico" (Horn 1901,181-82; MacKenzie 1971, 24), and the Sog-dian suffix -ye for feminine nouns, e.g. qwpwtyc Ikupdticl "dove, pigeon" (MS153, §1010; Gharib 1995, #5031). In Old Iranian, m. *-ica- and f. *-ici preceded them, cf. the Median man's name *Zarica (Hinz 1975, 277: Assyrian za-ri-su) andAvestan woman's name ZairicT [Yt 13.139] (Bar-tholomae 1904, 1681; Mayrhofer 1977, 104, ##411-412). It is possible to imagine the following scenario: Elamite lharkil "iron" + Iranian diminutive suff. *-ic° > Middle Iranian *arcic "little iron" = "tin/lead". Thanks to various mediators this Elamite metal-name was probably borrowed into several other languages and language families: Armenian erkaf "iron; any tool or weapon made of iron" (Olsen 1999, 949: word of unknown origin; Tremblay 2004, 245: erkaf < Georgian rkina "iron"; Huld 2012, 314, 334: derived from ere£"dark" < *H reg*-es-); Kartvelian : Georgian rkina "iron" (Klimov & Xalilov 2003, 140); East Caucasian (1) *hilagV: Lezghian *hilak "iron": Rutul hileg /jileg, Tsakhur jtwa, Kryz Hang, Budukh jileg id. | Tsezian *rig]a: Tsezi reka "key", Khvarshi leka id., Inkhokvari lika "curved opener, key", Bezhta jiga "key", Gunzib riga id.; (2) *rienqwi: Lezghian *reg"'"fron": Lezghin raq, Agul, Tabasaran ruq id. | Andian *rikan-kul "key": Akhwakh rikan-XXi, Karata rekun, Andi rekul id. etc. (NCED 490, 943). Probably borrowed in various times and through different intermediate languages. Note 1: Bailey (1979,143) added Ossetic Digor, Iron ceryceu "lead" (cf. Miller III, 127; Herzenberg 2011,214), Iron ceryon "tin", but Abaev (1,177) knew only the form cerycew "nacre, mother-of-pearl". Let us mention that Ossetic ceryceu "lead" is better derivable from Iranian *grau-: Young Avestan gouru-, "yru- "heavy", Khotanese ggarka- "heavy", Vedic gdriyas-: comparative to guru- "heavy", in compounds gru- (Bartholomae 1904, 514; Bailey 1979, 80; EWA11, 490-91; ESIJ 3, 183). Note 2: Sanskrit [lex.] hriku- & hliku- "tin" (EWAIlll, 548; Tremblay 2004a, 238-39) resembles the preceding forms, but more probably its origin should be sought in Southeast Asia, namely in Daic languages: Daic *thriek "tin" > Southwest: Lao hiak, Shan & Lii nek, White Tai he; Central: Lung-chow hikP1; North: Po-ai liik, T'ienchow liek, Dioi thie, Hsi-lin d/a)t"tin" (Li 1977, 121, 124, 281). lead4 - C II. Khotanese daujsd "lead" (metal) (= Buddhist Sanskrit sisa-, Tibetan ra-he) Etymology: Probably *"burnt (metal)" from *davaca-, a virtual derivative of the verb *dauH- "to burn", continuing e.g. in Sogdian prd'w "flame" (Cheung 2007, 67-68), and corresponding to Sanskrit dunoti "burnt", davathu- "burning" (Bailey 1979, 165; cf. Pokorny 1959, 179-81). lead5 - C III. Ossetic Digor, Iron ceryceu "lead" (cf. Miller III, 127; Herzenberg 2011, 214; but Abaev I, 177 knew only the form cerycew "nacre, mother-of-pearl"). 122 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals Etymology: Iranian *grau-/*garu-: Young Avestan gouru-, °yru- "heavy", Khotanese ggarka- "heavy", Vedic gáríyas-: comparative to guru- "heavy", in compounds gru- (Bartholomae 1904, 514; Bailey 1979, 80; EWAI 1, 490-91; ESIJ 3, 183). The initial cluster would develop as in Ossetic ceryom "heaviness, burden" < *gräma-, Khwarezmian yfm "Gewicht", Baluchi gräm "burden", Vedic grama- "village; multitude of men, troop" (Abaev I, 409-10; Benzing 1983, 290; EWAI I, 507-08). lead6 - D III. Persian ärawÄr'Tead; tin" (Steingass 1892, 113) < Arabic ?änuk id. (Steingass 1988, 88) < Syriac Pänkä, Hebrew Pandk "lead, tin" < Akkadian anäku "tin" < Sumerian *anagi, reconstructed according to variants anna/nagga/niggi (Zimmern 1915, 59; HAL 71; Halloran 2006, 20, 186). Loanwords: FU: Ugric: Mansi N änex "lead", LO ánáx-átwás "tin" : ätwäs "lead" (Joki 1973,250) < Persian? Note: Akkadian anäku "tin" > Human anagi > Armenian anag "tin" (Olsen 1999, 949). ?Aramaic > Sanskrit näga- n. "lead, tin" [Bhpr], Kashmiri näg "lead" < *nägga-, Shina naň id. < *ndnga-l (Turner 1966, #7040; EWAI III, 285). lead, - D III. Persian abär "lead" (Herzenberg 2011, 201) < Arabic Pabdr < Aramaic ?ab(b)ärä "lead" < Akkadian abäru(m) "lead" < Sumerian A.GAR5 / A.BÁR (CDA 2). Note: Hebrew i'öperet "lead", Punic íprt (HAL 863) and Armenian kapar "lead" (Olsen 1999, 949 classifies this term as 'word of unknown origin') are probably of the same origin (Zimmern 1915, 59). lead8 - D III. Persian rasas "lead, tin" (Steingass 1892, 578), Kurdish Fusäs, Fisäs "lead" < Arabic rasas, vulg. risds "lead; tin" (Steingass 1988, 416; Cabolov 2, 219). lead9 - D III. Persian qarqasün "lead" (Steingass 1892, 965; Vullers II, 722: "plumbum"), Tat qurqušun "lead", Kurdish qurqusüm id., Zazaki qurqušun, qirqišún, kurgušun "copper" < Azerbaijani qor-gošun or Uzbek dial, qoryašim "lead", besides Kypchak (13th cent.) koryašun, Qumanic (14th cent.) koryasin id., etc. (Rybatzki 1994, 232-37; TMEN III, 452-54, #1466; Clauson 1972, 656-57; Räsänen 1969, 282: Turkic *koryalčyn "lead" < Written Mongol qorgaljin id.). Note: Tremblay (2004a, 238-48) speculated about a Middle Iranian source of this Turkic metal-name, reconstructing the pre-Turkic protoform *x(a)ry-ž(e)rn, where the second component should correspond to Sogdian M,szyra/zz'ra/zernl "gold" (Gharib 1995, #11566;M5'235) < *zarn-ya-, while the first component had to reflect the lost Iranian term for "copper", reconstructed by the author as *garga-, which should be compatible with Slavic *želězo, Lithuanian geležis etc. "iron". The idea is ingenious, but there are no analogical designations of "lead" based on "gold". III. Kurdish gule (RKS 607). Etymology: Probably it is identical with Kurdish gul(l)a "(gun) bullet" < Turkish gulla id. < Persian gulula id. (Cabolov 2001, 401), related to Kurdish gulur "ball", and further to Vedic glau- "bump" < *gleH-u-(EWAIl, 511). leadu - D III. Ossetic Iron zdi (ROS 471), Digor izdi "lead" (Abaev IV, 308). IIB. Iranian names of metals 123 Etymology: Abaev (IV, 308) explained it as a borrowing from a source of the type Written Mongol, Khalkha zed "copper; money distributed among lamas taking active part in a religious ceremony" (Lessing 1960,1042,1047), or Late Common Turkic *jez "copper", with its dental extension attested e.g. in Kirgiz: zez "copper" vs. zezduil "covered by copper, of copper" (KRSl, 243). Abaev (IV, 308) also speculated about Khwarezmian zyd "silver" as a cognate, but it is correctly 'zyd "silver (coin)", and is related to Avestan drdzata- "silver" (Benzing 1983, 136). In the Daghestanian languages, the isolated form in Udi zido(j) "iron" (Klimov & Xalilov 2003, 140) should be taken in account. silvei^ - A I. Young Avestan srszata-24* n. "silver" [Yt 5.129249; 17.14250], compounds, e.g. adj. srszatd. saepa- "wo{rin, -mit} Silber geschweisst wird" [Vd 8.88251], adj. drdzataena- [Y 10.17252; Vd 7.75253] (Bartholomae 1904, 352); Old Persian ardata- "n. "silver" [DSf 37^t7254]; cf. also the anthroponym Ir-da-ad-da [RSata] in Elamite transcription (Hinz 1975, 205). II. Khotanese dljsata- "silver" (= Buddhist Sanskrit rajata-), var. gjsa- id., adj. gjsija, compound dljsd-gune = Buddhist Sanskrit rajata-varna- "silver-coloured". From *ar(d)zata- with the intrusive -d- as in spuljei "spleen" < *spr(d)zyaka- (Bailey 1979, 25, 17; ESIJ 1, 231). Khwarezmian 'zyd"silver (coiny\fy'zy7 dc/*fy,zy,dc/"versi\bert,, (Schwartz 1970, 289; Ben-zing 1983, 136, 280). III. Ossetic cerzcet "ore" (Abaev I, 187-88) < *arza6a- (ESIJ 1, 231); Yezdi all "money" < *ard° with final -I after /a/f "gold" (Benveniste 1930, 60; Kent 1950, 16, 171; originally recorded by Houtum-Schindler 1882, 74: all "Geld", all dddmun "bezahlen"). External loanwords: Alanic/Early Ossetic > Armenian arcaf "silver" (Hubschmann 1897, 424, #56). Abaev (I, 188) also mentioned the North Caucasian parallels, reconstructible as ^erFcwz" "silver"255. 248 Hilmarsson (1986, 172-73) seriously speculated about hypercorrection of the primary spelling +arazata-. 249 ya9a karatam 9ßarstäi zrüne caramä vaenantö bräzanta fräna arazatam zaranim "Bei richtiger Bereitung zur vorschriebenen Zeit strahlen die Felle auf die Beschauer Silber und Gold(glanz) in Fülle..." 250 aesqm arazatam zaranim nibara9i äbarata baraiti aißitaräbiiö haca danhubiiö vasträsca kasä bämaniuuä. "Ihnen schafft Silber {und} Gold der Schaffner in die Kammer und aus fremden Ländern prunkvoll gefertigte Kleider..." 251 yö ätram pisrat haca arazatö.saepät "Wenn einer aus der Schweiße, {worin} Silber geschweißt wird, Feuer {hinbringt}" 252 arazataena haca tasta zaranaenam aoi taxse "Aus der silbernen Schale lasse ich {dich} in die goldene laufen" 253 äatyezi anhat arazataenis "aber wenn sie {die Schale}von Silber ist" [Translated by Fritz Wolff 1910] 254 31käsaka haya kapautaka utä sikab3irus haya idä kqrta hauv hacä Sugudä abamriya "The blue glass (= lapis lazuli) and the carnelian, which has been made here, that was brought from Sogdiana." käsaka haya axsaina hauv hacä Uvärazllmiyä abariya haya idä kqrta "The precious stone turquois, this was brought from Chorasmia, which was wrought here." ardatam utä allsä däruv hacä Mudräyä abariya "The silver and the ebony were brought from Egypt." ärcFjanam tayanä didä pistä ova hacä Yaunl3ä abariya "The decoration with which the fortress has been painted, that was brought from Ionia." pirus haya idä kqrta hacä Küs44ä utä hacä Hidauv utä hacä Harauvaf^iyä abariya "The ivory which was wrought here, was brought from Ethiopia and from Sind and from Arachosia." stünä aOagainiya tayä id^ä kqrtä Abirädus näma ävahanam Üjaiy "hacä avadasa abariya "The stone columns that have been made here were brought from Abirädu, a town in Elam." [Skjasrvo 2002, 107, 189; translation: 104-05; Kent 1950 - ] 255 P-Avar-Andi *?orci > Avar caräc, Chadakolob caras, Andian orsi, Akhvakh arci / aci, Chamalal as, Tindi asi, Karata farse, Botlikh arsi, Bagvalal as / ars (Tlond.), Godoberi carsi | pTsezian *?ds(s) (~ h-)> Khvarshi, Ink-hokvari os | Lak arcu | p-Dargwa > *?arc > Akusha, Chiragh arc, Kubachin äs | p-Lezghian > *?ars(a) > Tabasa-ran, Agul, Archi arsi || p-West Caucasian *rV[s"]Vna > Abkhaz a-rajna, Abaza razna; Adyghe tazana, Kabardian dazan, Ubykh das"ana id. (NCED 514-15). 124 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals IA: Vedic rajatd- "whitish, silver-coloured, silvery" [RV 8.25.22], e.g. in the compound ra-jatdm.hiranyam "whitish gold" = "silver", further corresponding to drjuna- "white, clear" [RV 6.9.1], "made of silver" [AV 4.37.4] andr/ra- "red, reddish, ruddy" (EWAIl, 253-54). Etymology: Derived from IE *H2erg- "to be white" (Wodtko, NIL 317-22; Pokorny 1959, 64-65) with the same suffix as Latin argentum "silver" [Naev.], Faliscan acc.sg.n. arcentlom "small silver coin"; Oscan abl.sg. aragetud, arage[ "money" | Celtiberian arkato-bedom "silver mine", besides woman's name Arkanta; Gaulish place-name Arganto-magus; Old Welsh & Old Breton argant, Welsh arian(t), Breton arc 'hant, Cornish argans; Old Irish argat "silver" | Greek apyupot; "silver" : apyot; "white" | Hittite hargi- n. = KU.BABBAR "silver", Cuneiform Luvian harraia-n. "silver", attested in nom.-acc.pl. (with contraction of -ia-) haranza [KUB XII 1 III 20']; Hieroglyphic Luvian haraia- "silver", attested as nom.-acc.pl. ARGENTUM-za, gen.sg. ARGEN-TUM-sa, abl.sg. ARGENTUM-r/-/, while the primary meaning "white" is probably preserved in the reduplicated name of the mountain Mons Argaeus / Erciyas Dagi, recorded as MONS-//-«a DWS,Mms,Ha+ra/i+ha+ra/i-i-na, i.e. in nom. * ariiatis Harhara(i)is "snow-white mountain", in the Hittite texts known as HUR.SAG har-ga-as [KUB XXIX 1II 25] = HUR.SAG BABBAR [KBo II 7 Rs. 25; 13 Vs. 22, 26], i.e. "White Mountain" (Starke 1990, 424, fn. 1532 & 1533; Hawkins 2000, 484; del Monte & Tischler 1978, 88). silver.,-C/D I. Old Persian sa-i-y-ma-ma Iseymaml [A'l256] (Artaxerxes I Longimanus, 465^125 BCE) II. Middle Persian u,sym laseml "silver", adj. 'symyn lasemenl "of silver" (MPP 57), z,sym laseml "silver", adj. 'symyn lasemenl "of silver" (MacKenzie 1971, 12); Parthian hsym "silver" Ihaseml, adj. hsymyn Ihasemenl (Sundermann 1981, 161; Rybatzki 1994, 207; MPP 186); Bactri-an oiuryyo "made of silver" < *ouio "silver" + suffix -nyyo; adj. ouuvo < *ouio "silver" + suffix *-aina- (Sims-Williams 2007, 264). III. Persian sim "silver", adj. slmin (Steingass 1892, 717; Horn 1893, 169, #764; Noeldeke 1892, 15); Kurdish ziv /ziw, zew "silver" (Cabolov 2, 530). Morgenstierne (1938, 249) explained Kurdish z- through the influence of zar "gold". Internal loanwords: Persian sim > Zazaki sim (Cabolov 2, 530); Eastern Baluchi (Upper Sindh) sem "silver" (£57 X, 436-37; Rybatzki 1994, 207); Parachi sim "silver, wire" (Morgenstierne 1929, 287). External loanwords: Persian > Chaghatai sim "silver", Uzbek sim, New Uyghur (Khotan) sim, Turkish sim, in Os-man also "(silver) coin, money" (Rybatzki 1994, 207). ?FU: Volgaic *sijd"silver": Mordvinian Erzyasija, Mokshasijd"silver" | Mari slid. (Keresz-tes 1986, 141; Bereczki 1992, 93, referring to Serebrennikov as the first author of this explanation). But the initial *5 and missing m do not support this idea. Etymology: The Iranian forms are adapted from Greek aor|uo<; "without mark or token" (cf. Kent 1950, 209; Bailey 1979, 25), used as aor|uo<; xpvvoc, "uncoined gold, bullion, or plate" [Herodotus 9.41]; similarly aor|uo<; xpvviov, or aonuot; dpyupiov [Thucydides 2.13; 6.8]. Similarly Sog-dian n'krfk is caique on dor|uo<; (see below) and Sanskrit rupya- adj. "well-shaped, beautiful; stamped, impressed" [Pan], n. "silver" [Mn], is derived from rupd- "form, shape, figure" [RV], in place of rajata- "silver" (Bailey 1979, 25). 256 haya imam batugara seymam viOiya kqrta "who this silver cup was made in the house" [Skjasrvo 2002, 140; he adds that 'This inscription may be a fake, since Greek aanuoi; does not yet seem to have meant "silver" at this time']. TLB. Iranian names of metals 125 silver, - C II. Sogdian (Gharib 1995) Bn'krfk Ina-krtel "(not coined) silver" (#5756; MSB \2\);B^krtk-(w) Ind-krte, ndk(ar)takul "silver" (#5763), Bn,krt,yn,k / n'krt'yn'y / n'krtyn'k Ind-krtenel "silvern" (#5759), Mn'ktynyy lnd-k(d)tenel "of silver, silvern" (#5773; MS 190, §1273; MSB 121), sn'krtynch/na-krtenc, na-k(sr)tenc/ f. "silvern" (#5765), M«'g/c' /na-k(s)tcd/ f. "silvern" (#5769), Mn'ktync lna-k(9)tencl f. "silvern" (#5772). Etymology: The original protoform was *nd-krtaka- "undone" in the sense "uncoined", a caique on Greek aonuot; "without mark or token" (cf. Kent 1950, 209; Bailey 1979, 25), used as aar\\ioq xpvgoq "uncoined gold, bullion, or plate" [Herodotus 9.41]; similarly aonuot; xpuoiov, or aonuot; dpyupiov [Thucydides 2.13; 6.8]. silver, - C III. Ossetic Digor cevzestce, Iron cevzist "silver" (Abaev I, 212-13). Etymology: 1. Testen (2003, 100-03) proposes pre-Ossetic *a(r)z-vaista- < *arza-vahista- "silver-best" in compound with the same order of components as in the name of a mythical horse, Iron ALfsury, Digor JEfsorq < *afsorya < *asua- "horse" + *ugra- "powerful". The loss of expected *-r- has analogy e.g. in Iron xwyzdcer, Digor xwcezdcer "better", the comparative in *-tara- from Iron xcerz "very", Digor xwcerz (Abaev IV, 184). 2. The Ossetic term resembles Khwarezmian 'zyd "silver (coin)", which is a cognate of Aves-tan drdzata- "silver" (Benzing 1983, 136). In Ossetic the clusters of the type *-rCtC- have been simplified257 (cf. also Testen's example above). With respect to this fact it is possible to derive Common Ossetic *cezvestce from a hypothetical compound *arz-/3aista- "place of silver {deposit}" < *arz-J3astia-25>i, where the second component is really attested in Ossetic as bcestce "place, area, land, world", derivable from *upa-st(H)a- as Sanskrit updstha- m. "part which is under, lap, middle or inner part of anything" [RV] (Abaev I, 254-55; Cheung 2007, 360). 3. Abaev (I, 212-13) connected Common Ossetic *(ce)zvestce "silver" with Slavic *zvezda, Lithuanian zvaigzde "star", with regard to the semantic parallel in Georgian vercxli "silver" vs. varsklavi "star". If the preceding etymology is correct, the Balto-Slavic isogloss represents a Sar-matian borrowing. External loanwords: FU: Probably the Sarmatian predecessor of the Ossetic term was borrowed into Permic as *dz-V3sk3\ Udmurt azves "silver" (remodelled after uzves "tin, lead"), Komi ezi's id. (KESK 331-32; Redei 1986, 38: Permian > Alanic, but authors of this idea are not able to explain the Permian first component *dz-), while Hungarian eziist "silver" was probably borrowed from a source chronologically closer to Ossetic, regarding common -t(-). In EWU 346 the chain of borrowing Hungarian < Permian < Iranian is proposed. silver5- C III. Persian zari saped "silver", lit. "white gold" (Steingass 1892, 613). silver6- C III. Pashto spinzdr = spin + (srs)zdr "white gold" (RAS 658; 38, 228), Ormuri spm-zdr id. (Morgenstierne 1938, 51*), besides Pashto spina "silver coin" (NEVP 75). 257 E.g. Georgian marcqu- "forest strawberry" was adopted in Ossetic Iron mceckwi, Digor mcecku "cowberry" (Abaev II, 79), or Iron xcezgul, Digor xcezgol "lover" < *xosrz-gul, where the first component is xcerz-Zxwcerz- "good-" (Abaev IV, 194), or Digor cetdor "quartz, flint" < *osrt-dor, lit. "fire-stone" (Abaev I, 191). 258 Iron / ~ Digor e imply Iranian *ai, cf. Iron triiy, Digormeyce "cloud" < Iranian *maiga-. The same reflex originates thanks to epenthesis, e.g. Iron midceg, Digor medcegfce) "in, inside; internal" < *medcegcB < *maidaka- < *madia-ka- (Abaev II, 117; 115). 126 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals silver,-D II. Khwarezmian nqryk, nkrk- "silver" (Benzing 1983, 475). III. Classical Persian nuqra "melted gold or silver; an ingot; gold or silver coin, money" (Ste-ingass 1892, 1419; Vullers 1864, 1336: "argentum"), Modern Persian noyre "silver" (PDW810). Internal loanwords: Persian > Mazanderani nukre, Gabri nuqrya, Ghilaki nukure, Baluchi nuyra/nugra/nuxra "silver" (Geiger 1892, 456, #191; Gilbertson 1925, 606); Yaghnobi nuqra (Novak 2010, 118); Pashto ndqrd (RAS 658), Ormuri npkra, Parachi nuqra, Yidgha nukrd, Sanglechi noksre (Mor-genstierne 1938, 404; 51*), Shughni nuqra (RSS 215), Wakhi (Central, East) riiqra, (West) nsqra (VJa 228). Borrowed from Arabic nuqrat, pi. niqdr "molten gold or silver, molten ore, gold or silver coin", derived from the verb naqara "to pierce through, excavate; carve in stone; whet the millstones" (Steingass 1988, 1141). The Arabic or Persian forms are also sources of borrowing of Turkish nukra "lump of smelted gold or silver", New Uyghur (Turki) noqrd "silver or gold ingot or bar", while Uzbek nuqra & noqra "silver" and Moghol nukhra / nukra / noqra id. are more probably borrowed from Dari noqra id. (Rybatzki 1994, 208). Rybatzki (1994, 207-08) proposes relationship of Khwarezmian nqryk, nkrk- "silver", Persian nuqra "melted gold or silver" with Sogdian Bn'krfk Ind-krtel "(not coined) silver", but it is derivable from *nd-krtaka- "undone" in the sense "uncoined", a caique on Greek aonuot; "without mark or token" (see abova). silver8 - D II. Middle Persian Mdrhm Idrahml "a silver coin; a drachm" < Greek Spaxur) "silver coin" [Herodotus 7.144], besides "weight" [Theophrastus, Od. 17] (MacKenzie 1971,27; Nyberg 1974, 65; Frisk I, 415-16). III. Modern Persian dir(h)am "silver coin; weight (drachma)" (Steingass 1892, 514). Internal loanwords: Yidgha, Munji droxum "silver" < Khowar droxum id. (Morgenstierne 1938, 207; Fussman 1972, 71-73) < Nisa Documents drakhma & trakhma < Middle Persian Mdrhm Idrahml < Greek Spaxuf) "silver coin". External loanwords: Middle Persian > Sanskrit [Pancatantra] dramma- "a coin", Prakrit damma- id., Hindi dam "copper coin, money, price", damrd "gold, silver, riches" etc. (Turner 1966, #6622). Middle Persian > Armenian dram; Modern Persian > Arabic dirham > Turkish dirhem etc. (Frisk I, 415-16). silver9 - D III. Persian munkdn "silver" (Steingass 1892, 1349) < West Middle Mongol mongun "silver": munggu(n) (13th cent; 'Secret History of Mongols' by Haenisch), mungun (1381), Kalmyk mongn, Khalkha mdngd(n) id. etc. (TMEN I, 510-11, §377; Rybatzki 1994, 213-16). This Mon-golic metal-term was also borrowed in Tungusic and some Siberian Turkic languages too (ibid.). Etymology: Mongolic < Chinese ffliS men259 ytn260 "proved silver" < Late Middle Chinese *mun-rjin < Early Middle Chinese *mdn-nin (cf. TMEN I, 510-11, §377). silver10 - D III. Baluchi chand! (Collett 1983, 158) < Kashmiri candi, Hindi cadi "silver" < Sanskrit can-drikd- f. "moonlight", adj. "splendour" [Kalid.], cf. candrln- "golden" [VS], all from Vedic can- 259 Chinese ffl men "to lay hands on, hold, stroke, touch; seek, test, examine" < Late Middle Chinese *mun < Early Middle Chinese *man (Pulleyblank 1991, 211; Karlgren, GSR 0441 e). 260 Chinese SS yin "silver" < Late & Early Middle Chinese *ijin (Pulleyblank 1991, 373) ~ Middle Chinese *rjin < Postclassic Chinese *nin < Han Chinese *nran < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *nran (Starostin, ChEDb; Karlgren, GSR 0416 k). IIB. Iranian names of metals 127 drd- "shining" [RV], "moon" [VS] (Turner 1966, ##4669, 4661); cf. also Khotanese cadana-"shining" (Bailey 1979, 98). silveru-D III. Parachi chatai "silver, rupie" is derived from chatö "white" < Kashmiri chot", obi. chitte, Lahnda, Panjabi cittd "white", Sindhi cito "clear"; cf. also Nuristani: Waigali citta "silver" - all from Vedic svitrd- "white, whitish" [AV, TS] (Morgenstierne 1929, 245; Turner 1966, #12772; Fussman 1972, 73). steelj II. Middle Persian zpwTpt Ipöläwadl "steel", adj. pwFptyn Ipöläwatenl "{made} of steel, steely" (Henning 1947, 45; MacKenzie 1971, 69; Nyberg 1974, 162), MpwVwd Ipöläwadl "steel" (MPP 286) III. Persian puläd "steel", püläd "the finest Damascus steel, which, with that of Qüm, is esteemed the best in the East, a sword; steel generally" (Steingass 1892, 254, 260; Vullers I, 384: "chalybs; gladius; clava" = "steel; sword; cudgel"). Internal loanwords: Persian > Baluchi puläd, pülät (Horn 1893, 75, #340); Kurdish pülä, pilä (RKS 655: pola), Pashtopöläd = fulad (RAS 697), Ossetic bulaf, bolaf (ROS 504: bolaf), Shughnipülod id. (RSS 221). External loanwords: Middle Persian > Armenianpolopat, polovat, Modern Armenianpolpat "steel" (Hübschmann 1897, 231-32, #547). Persian > Arabic fiiläd & fiilät "best steel" (Steingass 1988, 809); Turkic: Turkmen pulat, Taranchin, Azerbaijanipolat, Kazakh bolat, Kumyk bulat "steel"; Kypchak > Russian, Ukrainian buldt (first the adj. buldtnyj in Zadonscina from the end of the 14th cent.). See Räsänen 1969,387; Vasmer I, 238; Rybatzki 1999, 61. Etymology: Borrowed from a source of the type Vedic pdviravat- [RV, VS] or pavirdvat- [AV] "armed with lance or a goad", the adj. formed from the noun pavira [Nir] "a weapon with a metallic point; lance, spear" (Kors261 1912 apud Reichelt 1913[1914], 74; Schräder & Nehring II, 444), which itself is a derivative of pavi- m. "metallic point of a spear or arrow; tire of a wheel, esp. a golden tire on the chariot of the Asvins and Maruts" [RV, AitÄr] (MW 611; EWAIII, 107). Note: Witczak (2009, 298) speculates about the possibility of projecting Middle Persian pwVwd /pöläwad/ "steel" (MPP 286), continuing in Classical Persin puläd "steel" (Steingass 1892, 254), into virtual Old Persian +para0u-uat-. He seeks support in the following regular chain of changes: Old Persian -rO- > Middle Persinan -hi- > Modern Persian -/-, as in Persian pul "bridge", Middle Persian zpwhl Ipuhll (MacKenzie 1971, 69; Nyberg 1974, 162), Old Persian *pr0u-262, but in Middle Persian pwVwd /pöläwad/ there appears no -hi- and in Witczak's reconstruction of Old Persian +pära6u-uat- there is no cluster -r6-. The expected cluster -rs- is also missing in Sanskrit pärasava- m./n. "iron" [lex.], adj. "made of iron" [MBh], which is explainable as the vrcW/zz-formation from par am- "hatchet, axe" [RV] (EWAI III, 315; II, 87; Turner 1966, #7799h). The cluster -rs- appears only in the shortened epic form parsu- m. "axe" [R], continuing e.g. in Prakritpamsu- "axe", Oriyapäüsi "vegetable chopper", Sinhalesepihiya,piha-ya "knife, chopper", Nuristani: Ashkun pös, Kati pec "large axe", and borrowed in Parachi päsö (Turner 1966, #7947). The corresponding Iranian axe-names confirm the Indo-Iranian protoform 261 Kors, TheodorE. 1912. Nekotoryjapersidskija etimologii. Moskva: Ottiski iz-b 'Drevnostej vostocnyx-b', Tom 4. 262 The word is missing in the Old Persian lexical corpus. Maybe it is possible to find its reflex in the man's name written in New Elamite cuneiform from Persepolis aspir-du-qa-na which is interpreted as *prtu-kana- "tunnel-digger" by Gershevitch (1969, 220). Other interpretations - see Hinz 1975, 194. 128 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals *paraču- > Iranian *parasu- > Yazghulami parus "axe" (Morgenstierne 1974, 59); Southwest Iranian or Scythian *paraOu- borrowed in Khotanese acc. padu "axe" (Bailey 1979, 203), Ossetic fcercet "axe" (Abaev I, 451), and further in non-Iranian languages: Common Tocharian *paraťä > Aporat, B peret "axe" (Adams 2013, 425); pre-Permic *part3 > Udmurt & Komipurt "knife" (KESK233); Old Bulghar *parata- > Chuvashpurdd "axe" (Joki 1973, 305). steel2 Ossetic cendon (Abaev I, 156-57). External loanwords: FU: Permic *andan > Udmurt andan, Komi jendon, jemdon263 "steel" (KESK 99) > Mansi N jěmtán, all of late Sarmatian or Alanic origin, because the change *-nT- > -d-, regular in Permic, was not yet realized (Joki 1973, 249-50; Blažek 2005c, 178). North Caucasian: Ingush ondd "steel", Chechen ondun "hard, firm" | Dargin šandan "steel" | Ubykh "nddn "chisel; sharp" (Abaev I, 156-57). Etymology: Abaev (A I, 156-57) connected cendon with two Sarmatian personal names from the 3rd cent. CE, AvôávaKot; (= "of steel"), Ao7távôavo<; (= "{having} horses of steel"), etc. (Zgusta 1955, 66, 327-28). Abaev also mentioned the term andanikiox "steel", used in various places of Persia according to the witness of Marco Polo (chapters 39 and 19). Abaev proposed the Iranian starting-point *ham-ddna-, corresponding to Sanskrit samdhdna- "a foundery or place where metals are wrought or stored" [lex.], as Russian uklad^steď' : klásť "to put", or Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian nado "steel" vs. nadití "to cover by steel", derived from the same verbal root *ďeH- "to put" as samdhdna- with its hypothetical Iranian counterpart, only with another prefix. Alternatively, Bailey (1979, 32) compared Ossetic cendon with Tocharian B eňcuwo, adj. eňcuwaňňe, A adj. ancwdsi, and Sogdian 'ynkwynč "of steel" (this form is missing in Sogdian Dictionary of Gharib 1995), but the prehistory of the Tocharian forms probably does not allow us to connect them with Ossetic cendon. tin1 - B/D II. Khotanese tralo, ttralau "tin" (= Buddhist Sanskrit trapus-, Tibetan čhon-mo-ste), adj. ttralinaa- (Bailey 1979, 143). Etymology: Bailey (1979, 143) derived it from *traldva- < *trava-la-, where the stem *trava- had to be compatible with Vedie trapu- [AV], trápus- [TS] "tin", Pali tipu- id. < *trpu-, Prakrit tau(a)-"lead", Paňjabi tu "tin", Oriya tail "zinc, pewter" (Turner 1966, #5992), and further from the hypothetical root *(s)tar- "to shine". Mayrhofer (EWAI I, 675) reconstructed the Indo-Iranian starting-point *trap-u- "light (in weight)", where the primary meaning "light (metal)" was reconstructed according to Southwest Iranian *capu-ka- > Middle Persian zspwk [sabuk], Persian sabuk "light, easy" (MacKenzie 1971, 73; Nyberg 1974, 173; but Bailey, I.e., did not agree). This solution is applicable to Khotanese tralo, ttralau "tin" too. Let us also mention Sanskrit trapula-"tin" [lex.], which could be directly a source of Khotanese tralo, ttralau "tin". tin2 - C III. Persian saped-roy "tin" (Steingass 1892, 653) = "white copper". tin3-D III. Persian tutiya "tin" < Sanskrit tuttha- "blauer Vitriol, Kupfervitriol" [Kaut, Susr], Nepali tutho "blue vitriol or sulphate of copper" (EWAI III, 249; Turner 1966, #5855). Internal loanwords: Kurdish tutya "tin". 263 With -m- after jem "needle" (Joki 1973, 249). IIB. Iranian names of metals 129 External loanwords: Turkish tutya, Arabic tutiya "tin" (Cabolov 2, 358). The borrowings into the European languages are collected by Lokotsch (1927, 165-66, #2120). tin4 III. Persian qal'i "tm" (Steingass 1892, 985); Modern Persian yal' "tin" (PDW578), Pashto qala 7 (RAS 435), Ossetic qala "tin" (ROS 313), Baluchi kalai (Geiger 1892, 452, #124), Kurdish qela "tin, brass" (RKS 412, 294), Wakhi kalai id. (Shaw) etc., all < Arabic qalai'iyy "Indian tin (from the mine qaK, where it is found)" (Steingass 1988. 853), originally perhaps according to the name Qualah of the rich deposit of "tin" on the Malaccan Peninsula (Lokotsch 1927, 82, #1021; Rybatzki 1994, 231 has collected numerous parallels in Turkic, Mongolic, Kartvelian,). III. Persian qazdir "tin" < Arabic qazdir "tin, pewter" (Steingass 1892, 968; Id. 1988, 834) < Greek Kaooixepot; [Iliad], Attic Kaxxixepot;, "tin", likewise Sanskrit kastira- "tin" [lex.] (EWAI III, 79; Turner 1966, #2984), and Church Slavonic kasiterh & kositerh "stannum" [Leontius: Vita S. Gregorii Agrigentium et Ioannis Eleemosynarii] (Miklosich 1862-65, 284, 304), adopted in Bulgarian kositro, Serbo-Croatian kdsiter, kositar, Slovenian kositer; Romanian kositor (Toporov 1980, 264). The question of etymology of the Greek root proper Kaooi-/Kaxxi- remains open. The traditional comparison to Vedic kamsd- "vessel made of metal, cup" [AV], kdmsya- "of brass" [SrSü], kamsa-kdra- "worker in white copper or brass" [BrahmaP], Pali kamsa- "bronze (dish)" (EWAI I, 285-86; Turner 1966, ##2576, 2987, 2989) and Prussian kassoye "brass" [Elbing Vocabulary: 'Messing'] (Toporov 1980, 261-65) leads to ad hoc conclusions without any respect to historical and geographical connections. Maybe the reflection of Huld (2012, 330), who mentions the Greek suffix -xepot; expressing the binary opposition, in Kaooixepot; perhaps to xoXköc, "copper" or to uöA,rjß5o<; "lead", in combination with the idea of Tremblay (2004,244), who deduced the meaning "copper" of the Elamite root *kasi- on the basis of the following forms: Middle Elamite qa-as-si-it-ri "du als Schmiedender", qa-az-za-h-pi "ich schmiedete für sie" (pl.), qa-si-te "metalworker", New Elamite qa-iz-za-qa "es ist geschmidet worden", käs-za-qa "es ist geschmiedet worden", käs-zi-ra "smith", käs-zi-panxA. "smiths" (EW409, 411,419,447,449, 450). It could be connected with the tradition of Elamite bronze artifacts, preceding the so-called Luristani bronzes (1000-650 BCE). Conclusion In the Iranian 'metallic' list, above, which is organized in alphabetical order, designations of 9 metals, or their alloys or modifications, have been analyzed: "brass" [2], "bronze" [4], "copper" [12], "gold" [4], "iron" [3], "lead" [11], "silver" [11], "steel" [2], "tin" [5], altogether 54 'metallic' terms. In the case of inherited words, their cognates and etymologies are proposed. In the case of loanwords, their sources are sought, including intermediary forms to map the trajectories of borrowing. The most archaic is probably *aiah-, Indo-Iranian *aias-, designating originally "copper" or "copper ore", later "metal" in general or "iron" in later Vedic texts. The Latin and Germanic cognates confirm the primary meaning "copper (ore)". Traces of this term in the Old Anatolian designation of "(meteoritic?) iron" mediated by Old Assyrian merchants allow us to think about a proto-language age of this term. It is only in the case of "copper" that this conclusion is in agreement with archaeological facts. The most probable etymology of the s-stem *H2ei-es-, based on the Hittite participle d-nt- "warm, hot" vs. e-nu-, i-nu- "to make hot", ay-is(s)- "to become hot", and Greek iaivco "I (make) warm; delight; heal" (Puhvel 1-2, 10-12), indicates melting in the process of metallurgy. Similarly, Iranian *bring(i)a- / *brng(i)a- "bronze", together with Tocharian B pilke "copper" and Germanic *blik(k)a- "(Gold)blech", are etymologizable as "burnt" (or "shining"?) on the basis of the verbal roots *bhleig- or *bhleg-. The Iranian metal names *zarania-, *arzata-, and *rauda-, designating "gold", "silver" and "copper" respectively, 130 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals originally expressed the colours *ghlH3nio- "yellowish", *H2ergnto- "whitish" and *H1roudho-"reddish" respectively, all neuters in congruence with the neuter of the s-stem *H2ei-os / *Hpies0. The Iranian form *(-)suan(i)a- could also have been a colour-attribute, namely "dark-blue", applicable to both copper-compounds and iron too. The alternative semantic interpretation based on "holy" seems less probable, since it is not applicable to "copper", the meaning of the Hittite cognate kuwanna-. Remarkable are the adaptations of the Iranian metal-terms in various Fenno-Ugric languages. These borrowings are limited only to some branches and in various quantities: Mordvinian: "goldj" - SI; Mari: "goldj", "copper5" -1 2; Permic: "goldj", "copper/', ?"leadj", "silver/', "steel2" -1 4 or 5; Ugric including Hungarian: "goldj" - SI; only Hungarian: "copper/', "silver/' -1 2. The most wide-spread borrowing is apparently "gold", attested in all these branches. But the partial protoforms cannot be projected into a single common protoform. In reality, they represent at least two distinct protoforms: a) Volgaic (Mordvinian-Mari) *serhd & Permic *zarhi- < *serm-/ *sarn3; c) Ugric *6araha-. The Volgaic & Permic protoforms are younger, because the second vowel is syncopated and the first vowel is umlauted, likewise in Middle Iranian languages. On the other hand, the Ugric protoform reflects the Old Iranian stage close to Avestan zarahiia-. Let us mention that Volgaic *s-264 and Ugric *6>-265 are regular continuants of older (Fenno-Ugric) *s-, which itself is a regular substituent of Old Iranian z- (but not of proto-Iranian *z- or Indo-Iranian *j-). Volgaic-Permic "goldj", Mari-Permic "copper/', plus Permic "silver/' and "steel/', probably represent the Sarmatian loanwords. The Hungarian terms "silver/' and "copper/' (?) were borrowed later from Alans. Uncertain remains the donor-languages of "leadj" in Komi. It was probably a Wanderwort of Persian origin, likewise "lead/' in Mansi. It is interesting that these metal-names do not appear in the Balto-Fennic and Saamic branches. But there is one metal-term common to all Fenno-Ugric branches: *waska / wdskd266 "copper, ore", with a semantic shift to "metal" or "iron" in some branches. The difficulties in projecting the Fenno-Ugric forms into one common protoform may be caused by the fact that they seem to represent a confusion of two originally different sources, pre-Tocharian *uesd responsible for the front root vocalism and a hypothetical Indo-Iranian term *uaska- "bronze axe"267, responsible for the back vocalism. The situation of the Permic branch with 4-5 metal-terms of Iranian origin is comparable with Arme- 264 Cf. Mordvinian Erzya siře, Moksha siře "old" < *sera < Iranian: Ossetic zcer/zcer(w)ce "old age", zcerond "old", Pashto zor, f. zara "old", Avestanzardta- id. (Joki 1973, 314, #141; NEVP 103; Abaev IV, 299, 304-05). 265 Cf. Hungarian hét, het- "7" with secondary h- after hat "6"; Khanty Trj. \dpst, Vj.jdwat id. < Ugric *0dptd < Indo-Iranian or Indo-Aryan *sapta "7" (Joki 1973, 313, #138). 266 Balto-Fennic *waški > Finnish vaski, gen. vasken "ore; copper, bronze", Estonian vask, gen. vaske "copper, brass" pSaami *věškě > Saami vcei 'ke -ik- (N) "copper', vei 'hkě (L) "brass", vieške (T), viesk (Kid.), via.sk (Not.) "copper" I pMordva *voškd /*vaškd > Mordva Erzya uške, viska, Moksha uskd "wire, chain" | Mari ksrtňi-waž "iron ore", ši-waž "silver ore" (KB), ši-wož (CK UJ) id. | Permic *ves > Udmurt az-veš (S K G) "silver"; Komi ez-iš (S P) "silver" I Ugric *waska> Hungarian vas "iron"; the metathetical variant *waksa is probably a source of Khanty way (V), wax (DN), ox (O) "iron, metal; money" ( > Mansi N vox, So. folkl. wox "copper, iron"), while Mansi at-kuš (TJ), ot-was (KO), at-waš (P), at-was (So.), oat-khwěs (K) "lead" stands close to the Permic forms (Napol'skix 1997, 154-55 & 2001, 374; Collinder 1960, 97-98, 152, 409; Sammallahti 1988, 541; UEW 560, including the abbreviations of dialects). 267 Reconstructed on the basis of Vedic vaši- f. "axe, adze, sharp knife or chisel as the weapons especially of Agni or Maruts and the instrument of Rbhus", and Young Avestan vásJ- "Spitzmesser" (EWAIII, 548), which should represent the vraW/z/-formation from an unattested form *vača- (Carpelan & Parpola 2001, 127), corresponding to Osetic wees "axe" (Abaev IV, 58 added assumed later loanwords in Finno-Ugric: Hungarian vésó "chisel", and Finnish veitsi "knife"; but they are derivable from *weijči, cf. Kallio 2006,7). The velar extension appears inKho-tanese vaski "a tool made of stone", perhaps "stone knife" (Bailey 1979, 379). Let us mention that Lubotsky (2001, 312-13) includes *uáč7- in the substratal lexicon adopted maybe from creators of the Bactria-Margiana Cultural TLB. Iranian names of metals 131 nian, where there are also 5 metal names of Iranian origin, probably adapted from three distinct donor-languages: (la) Middle Persian zpwFpt Ipoldwadl "steel" > Armenianpolopat, polovat "steel"; (lb) Middle Persian z'lcyc, u,rzyz larzizl "tin, lead" > Armenian arjij "tin" (white), "lead" (black); (2a) Parthian Mplync Iplinjl "bronze" > Armenian plinj, gen. plnjoy "copper (money), coin, ore, brass"; (2b) Parthian Mrwd /rod/ "copper" > Armenian aroyr, gen. arowr "brass" > Georgian rvali "copper, brass"; (3) Alanic/Early Ossetic *arza6° (attested as Ossetic cerzcet "ore") > Armenian arcaf "silver". Remarkable is the parallel double borrowing of the same metal-term into Kartvelian from two different Middle Iranian sources: Georgian spilenji "copper" (> Swan spilenj id.), Mingrelian linji < {Armenian plinj "copper, brass, ore"? <} Parthian Mplync Iplinjl "bronze", and Georgian brinjao "bronze" < Middle Persian ubryng, zblnc Ibrinjl "bronze". Alanic *(h)anddna- "steel2" is a source of several North Caucasian designations of "steel" or tools from steel, and *raudia- "copper" was probably borrowed into Avar (Daghestan) rez id., perhaps also under the influence of the Alanic predecessor of Ossetic cerzcet "ore". Probably still during the Achaemenid Empire the hypothetical Old Persian designation of "lead2", *siqa- (< *sui6ra- "white"), whose real existence should be confirmed by Kurdish sis "lead ore", penetrated into Old Indie stsa- n., stsaka- m.n. "lead" and continuants in modern In-do-Aryan languages, plus Burushaski. In the opposite direction, Old Indie pdviravat- [RV, VS] or pavirdvat- [AV] "armed with lance or a goad", was adopted in Middle Persian as zpwFpt, MpwVwd [poldwad] "steely > Persianpulad and further in many languages of the Near East, Caucasus and Central Asia. Later and more numerous are metal-names borrowed into various modern Iranian languages from modern Indo-Aryan or Dardic languages: "brass2", "copper,", "copper10", "copperu", "copper,;', "gold/', "iron/', "silver,/', "silver,/', ?"tin/', "tin/'. Relatively old are also two designations of "silver" of Greek origin ("silver/' & "silverg {coin}") and the Sogdian caique "silver/' on "silver/', probably penetrating even into Tocharian. The adoption of Sogdian Chspyn Ispsnl < *aspania- "iron, chain, iron fetter" into Middle Chinese *pjin > Chinese fHHe bin tie "wrought iron" (IK tie means "iron") was realized in the 6th-7th cent. CE. In the opposite direction, the Chinese metal-terms penetrated into Iranian (Persian) with Turkic mediation: "bronze/', "gold/', "iron/'. The most recent layers of loanwords in the Iranian metal terminology are metal designations borrowed from Arabic: "copper/', "gold/', "lead/', "lead/', "lead/', "silver/', "tin/', "tin/', usually adopted from older Near Eastern languages or Greek; Turkic: "bronze/' < Chinese, "copper/' < Tocharian?, "copper/', "gold/' < {partially} Chinese, "iron/', "lead/' (< Mongolic?); exceptionally also from Mongolic: ?"leadu", "silver/' < Chinese. The opposite direction of borrowing from Persian is represented e.g. by "lead/', "silver/', "tin/' into Arabic, and by "bronze/' into Turkic. There are still several unique cases: Ossetic "bronze/' < Russian; Wakhi "iron/' < Burushaski; Middle Persian & (or >) Sogdian "lead/' / "tin" < Elamite?; Parthian "bronze/' > Syriac. Summing up: in the Iranian metal terminology the role of the Iranian civilization as a major cultural crossroad is reflected. This terminology has integrated archaic forms inherited from the Indo-European protolanguage with those borrowed from old cultural centres in the Near East and Mediterraneum, India and China. And these forms are further redistributed in languages of Complex. Referring to the only source of the Ossetic word, viz. Miller 1903, 10, he corrects the actually recorded form to was < *uac°. 132 II. Tocharian and Iranian designations of metals the Caucasus, plus Armenian, Fenno-Ugric, Turkic, Tocharian, Chinese, Indo-Aryan, Syriac and Arabic languages. Table 2: Metal-terms inherited from Indo-European metal Iranian IA IE cognates IE semantics FU parallels bronze. *bring(i)a-/ *brng(i)a- Toch. B pilke copper Gmc. *blik(k)a-(Gold)blech *bhleig- or *bhleg- burnt or shining copper. *aiah- dyas- Lat. aes; Gmc. *H2ei-es- melting (ore) *aiza- {metallurgy} copper2 *rauda- lohd- ON. raudi; SI. *ruda red {ore} ?Hu. rez copper gold, *zarania- hiranya- Gr. ylovvoq *ghlH-n/ť yellowish Vo. *serhd Pe. *zarhi-Ug. *0araha- iron. *(-)suan(i)a- Hit. kuwanna-copper Gr. Kuavot; enamel *kunHo- dark-blue or holy? silver, *arzata- rajatá- Lat. Argentum *H7ergnto- whitish Table 3: Metal-terms formed only in (Indo-)Iranian metal Iranian parallels or protoforms semantics note brass. Os. biir/bor yellow Ir. *baura- brown bronze3 Psh. zar, zer < *zarita- Av. zairita- yellow yellow copper^ Kh. sd(va)- < *sidua- Av. siiduua- black, dark dark copper4 Sang. zd < *zaia-l Av. zaiia- weapon weapon copper5 Os. cerx"i/cerxi < *xruina-l Av. xruniia- Bluttat bloody pMa. *würyem Pe. *urgen lead. *sru[baj- Skt. subhrd- bright, white; bright, Ko. uiupoe = silver clear *sir-isl Arm. sowrb clear, holy lead2 OP. *sica- < *suiOra- Skt. stsa- lead < OP. whitish Ku. sis lead ore lead3/ *arcic° El. harki iron + Ir. dim. little iron? tine *-ica-orlr. *arz[ata-J silver? or Skt. arc- to shine? silverlike? shining? lead4 Kh. daujsd < *ddvacd-l Ir. *dauH- to burn burnt lead5 Os. eeryceu < *grau-Iron ceryon tin Av. °yru- heavy heavy silver3 Sgd. V krfk[nd-krte] pSgd. *nd-krtaka- undone uncoined silver4 Os. cevzist/cevzestce Ir. *arz-upast(H)ia- silver- deposit of Pe. *äzv3Šk3 place silver Hu. ezüst silver,. Psh. spinzdr, Orm. spiu-zdr Ir. *suiOna-zarna- white gold TLB. Iranian names of metals 133 metal Iranian parallels or protoforms semantics note steel2 *ham-ddna- Skt. samcfana- place where metals are wrought done together Pe. *andan steel tin2 Kh. ttralau- < *trap[u]l° Skt. trapu(s)- & trapula- light? = unheavy Abbreviations: Arm. Armenian, Av. Avestan,B Buddhist, ChChristian, El. Elamite, FU Fenno-Ug-ric, Gmc. Germanic, Gr. Greek, Hit. Hittite, Hu. Hungarian, IA Indo-Aryan, IE Indo-European, Ir. Iranian, Kh. Khotanese, Ko. Komi, Ku. Kurdish, Lat. Latin, M Manichean, Ma. Mari, ON. Old Norse, OP. Old Persian, Orm. Ormuri, Os. Ossetic, p proto-, Pe. Permic, Psh. Pashto, s Sogdian script, Sang. Sangisari, Sgd. Sogdian, Skt. Sanskrit, SI. Slavic, Toch. Tocharian, Ug. Ugric, Vo. Volgaic,z Zoroastrian. 134 III. Traces of Indo-European place-names in the toponymy of Central Asia In the tradition of Indo-European studies onomastics represents a highly valued discipline. Etymological analyses of proper names in languages which are insufficiently documented frequently offer substantial information about these languages. The most ambitious expectations have been connected with the etymological study of hydronyms, since river-names have been shown to be the most resistant to language replacements in a given territory. Already from the Palaeolithic, human migrations led their routes along rivers and in river valleys people found places to live. With the introduction of agriculture in the Neolithic the role of rivers was strengthened further. It is no surprise that some rivers were deified. From the point of view of its historical toponymy, especially hydronymy, Europe has been mapped better than any other continent. Thanks to rich ancient, Byzantine and medieval sources, it is usually possible to follow the development of individual toponyms during the last one or two millennia, exceptionally for longer periods, namely around the Mediterranean Sea, in the Near East, including Egypt (with oldest place-names of all, recorded already around the end of the 4th mill. BCE), Asia Minor and Elam/Persia/Iran, further the Indian subcontinent and China. Very well defined is the territory of Central Asia, where meet the limits of the geographical information of the ancient Mediterranean civilization, from west to east, and of the Chinese civilization, from east to west; both are dated to the 2nd cent. BCE. The most archaic source of our geographical knowledge of Central Asia is the Younger Avesta, although the identification of concrete toponyms frequently remains doubtful. In the present part we concentrate on geographical, historical and etymological analysis of toponyms, especially hydronyms, recorded in Greek, Latin and Chinese sources. If possible, these are supplemented by analysis of their chronologically oldest counterparts from the Younger Avesta and from their most recent successors of Turkic and Mongolic origin, which have usually been preserved till the present time. A. Central Asiatic Hydronyms: Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash The first section of the toponymical Chapter focuses on the two biggest lakes of Central Asia, the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash, and their biggest tributaries, the Amu Darya, Syr Darya, and Hi River. Aral Sea Surface area: 1960 - 68 000 km2 (one lake), 1998 - 28 687 km2 (two lakes), 2004 - 17 160 km2 (four lakes), 2009 - 6 800 km2 (three lakes; southeast part completely dried up and now is called Aralkum). Turkic & Mongolic origin Chaghatai Aral ddtjizi, Kazakh Aral tetjizi, Uzbek Owl dengizi, etc. Etymology: The second component designates "sea" in Turkic languages (< proto-Turkic *tdngif "sea" - see discussion about Deyi, one of the Chinese names of the Balkhash lake, below). On the other hand, in the westernmost Mongolic language, Kalmyk, the lake is called Arlnur, i.e. "A. lake", cf. Common Mongolic *nayur > Written Mongol nayur, Middle Mongol na'ur, ndwur "lake", ndwor "sea", Khalkha nur, Buriat nur, Kalmyk nur, Ordos nur, Dagur naur, name, Monguor nur, nor "lake", III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 135 Oirat nur "lake, pond" (Poppe 1955a, 163; Ramstedt 1935, 258; Indjieva 2009, 160). The word aral usually means "island" in Turkic languages: Old Uyghur aral "island, thicket", Chaghatai aral "island", Kazakh aral "river island covered by bush", Kirgiz, Nogai, Bashkir aral "island", Uzbek äräl id., Sary-Uyghur ayal id., Shor aril id. (DTS 50; Räsänen 1969,23; ESTJ1, 167). Turkic *aral has been explained as a loanword from Mongolic (so e.g. Räsänen, I.e.): Written Mongol aral "island", Middle Mongol aral id. (Secret History of Mongols; Muqqadimat al-Adab), Khalkha, Ordos, Shary-Yughur aral, Buryat alar (> Yakut alar), Kalmyk arl, Dongxian aran, Baoan abr, ardn, Dagur alia, aral, Monguor räl, ral, arä(r) (Lessing 1960, 48; Ramstedt 1935, 14, 15; TMEN1, 119-20). But for the Turkic word there is a convincing internal Turkic etymology: Karakhanid (11th cent.) ikki kigi oträ arälädi^he made peace between the two people"; also "he passed between them, or two things"; Chaghatai (15th cent.) arala- "to pass between two things; to act as mediator", Osman Turkish (15th cent.) arala- "to separate (two people); to appear between (two things)", formed from *ära > Türkü (Orkhon, 8th cent.) ekln arä "between the two" (Clauson 1972,231; 196), Old Uyghur ara, Karakhanid ara (Mahmud of Kashgar) "space between", Turkmen ära etc. (Räsänen 1969, 22; TMEN 2, 24; ESTJ 1, 162-64). The semantic motivation in designation of "island" resembles Indo-Iranian: Vedic dvipd- "(river) island" [RV 1.169.3; 8.20.4], Young Avestan duuaepa- "island" [Yt 5.81], originally *dui-H2po- "two-watered", i.e. "with water on both sides" (EWAIl, 769). If the Turkic word *aral has a convincing internal etymology, its Mongolic counterpart without internal etymology should have been borrowed from Turkic (cf. Poppe 1955, 38). Chinese sources Leizhu The hydronym was identified in fflit lei 268 zhii 269 in the Chinese anonymous text |3M H ^ Xi-he jiu-shi (Wade-Giles: Hsi-ho chiu-shih) "Notes on Xi-he", written before 500 CE (Pulleyblank 1962-63, 94; onXi-he jiu-shi cf. Dubs 2010, 98, §104). Etymology: Projecting the limnonym into the earlier stages of the history of Chinese, the following two forms probably represent a maximum in age with respect to the time of recording: (i) Eastern Han Chinese *rhw§jcah (c. 200-0 CE) or (ii) Western Han Chinese *rhw§jtah (c. 0-200 BCE), both reconstructed by Starostin (ChEDb). It is tempting to see here a transcription of Iranian *hrautah- ntr. "river, stream, canal": (a) Young Avestan Oraotö.stät- "in Flüssläufen befindlich" [Y 71.9; 68.6], Oraotö.stac- "in Flüssen laufend, fliessend" [Yt 13.10] (Bartholomae 1904, 800) < Indo-Iranian *srautas-täc-(Hoifmann & Forssman 1996, 108); Old Persian rautah- "river", Parthian rwd "river, canal", Middle Persian Manichaean rwd "river, canal" (MPP 299), Zoroastrian Pahlavi Iwt/röd/ (MacK-enzie 1971, 72; Nyberg 1974, 171: Irötf), Persian roc? "river"; Sogdian (Manichaean, Christian) rw(w)t "river" (Gharib 1995, #8600); Khotanese rauvd "stream" (Bailey 1979, 369-70). Concerning the concrete grammatical form, it is promising to think about the nom.-acc.pl. ntr. in *-äh, giving Avestan -a, e.g. raocd (Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 155, §109). It would imply the meaning "streams, canals", understandable in the case of the delta of the Amu Darya, consisting of numerous streams and canals at the time of the full extent of the Aral Sea. Alternatively, it is possible to think about the feminine *hrautiä, corresponding to Sanskrit srotya- f. "flowing water, a wave, surge, stream, river", maybe in the loc.pl. in *-ahu, as in Avestan qzahu or usahuua (latter one with postposition *-ä, see Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 156, §109). In this case the delta would be described as "at the place of canals" vel sim. 268 Chinese II lei "thunder" < Late Middle Chinese *luaj < Early Middle Chinese *lwaj (Pulleyblank 1991, 185) ~ Middle Chinese *loj < Postclassic Chinese *lhwSj < Han Chinese *rhwSj < Classic Old Chinese *rhwSj < Pre-classic Old Chinese *rhüj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0577 n-o). Comments: For *rh- cf. Jianou so2, Jianyang sui2. 269 Chinese IS zhii "fly upwards, soar" [Late Zhou] < Late Middle Chinese *tgiä'/ *t§yä < Early Middle Chinese *teiäh (Pulleyblank 1991, 415) - Middle Chinese *cö < Postclassic Chinese *co < Eastern Han Chinese *cah < Western Han Chinese *tah < Classic Old Chinese *tah < Preclassic Old Chinese *tas (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0045 o). 136 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia (b) Another possibility is represented by Avestan "ruOßaf "belly, entrails", loc.pl. "ruOßö.huua (Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 153), with cognates in Sogdian (Buddhist, Manichaean) rwß / ruß/ (Gharib 1996, #8553), Parthian rwmb /rumb/ "mouth" (MPP 299), Munji y'irv, ysrv, yurv "mouth". It seems again, the loc.pl. reconstructible as *ru6uahu "in the entrails" or "in the {river} mouths" could describe the delta, here concretely of the Amu Darya. Dazewuya In "Book of Han" ("/Hilf Hänshü) descripting the events of the Former (or Western) Han dynasty from 206 BCE to 23 CE, which was finished by Ban Gu (Iff 13) in 111 CE, the geographical term ^äjl^JI da ze wuyd "the great marsh without a (further) shore" probably belonged to the Aral Sea (Hulsewe 1979, 130, fn. 318). Greek and Roman sources Oxia Palus The first ancient author mentioning the existence of the Aral Sea was probably Polybius (c. 200-118 BCE) in his "Histories". If he localized Apasicae between the rivers Oxus and Tanais, he apparently thought of the Oxus with its mouth into the Hyrcanian (= Caspian) Sea and Iaxartes. The mistaken identification of the Tanais instead of Iaxartes also implied the mistaken identification of its mouth into the Maiotis (Sea of Azov), but Polybius already knew about bodies of water other than the Hyrcanian (= Caspian) Sea: 10.48. oi 5' A7taoidKm Kaxoucofjoi uev dvd usoov "O^ou Kai TavdiSot;, cbv 6 usv ev; xf|v 'YpKotviav eußdMxi OdXaxxav, 6 5e Tdvaii; e^inorv ev; xnv Mauoxtv Xiuvnv: eioi 5' eicdxepoi Kaxd xo LieyeOot; 7iXcüxoI Polybius: Historiae, ed. Theodoras Büttner-Wobst after Ludovic Dindorf. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893-, 10.48. "The Apasiacae live between the rivers Oxus and Tanais, the former of which falls into the Hyrcanian Sea, the latter into the Palus Maeotis. Both are large enough to be navigable." Polybius: Histories, translated by Evelyn S. Shuckburgh. London - New York: Macmillan 1889. Arrian (92-175 CE) in his Anabasis [3.29.2-3.] knew that the Oxus emptied into some big sea near Hyrcania. It is impossible to decide whether he thought this was the Caspian or Aral Sea: e^inoi 5e 6 "0^o<; e<; xnv usydlnv Od^aoootv xnv Kaxd 'YpKaviav. "The Oxus discharges its water into the great sea which is near Hyrcania." Ptolemy [6.12.3] in the mid-2nd cent. CE already used the designation Xl^eiavf) Muvn. But he mistakenly proposed that one of {Sogdian} rivers flowed from {instead of into} this lake. dcp' cbv 7toxauoi Siappeouoi ouußdMxrvxet; eKeivou; 7rleiorj<; ävravrjuoi, cbv ek, 7ioi£i xnv 'Q^eiavnv M,uvnv, f|<; xo u£oov e7iexei uoipat; _. pia ue- "From these mountains, several nameless rivers flow through {the country}, then uniting with those {Oxus & Iaxartes}. one of these {nameless} rivers flows from the Oxia lake, the middle of which is located in 1110 45°." Edition by C.F.A. Nobbe (1966) and Humbach & Ziegler (1998). Translated by Humbach & Ziegler (1998). III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 137 Using the Latin name Oxiapalus, Ammianus Marcellinus (330-395/400 CE) was the first to correctly determine that the mouth of the Iaxartes, i.e. his corrupted Araxates, was just in this lake and not in the Caspian Sea [23.6.59]: Hinc Sogdiani agunt sub imis montium pedibus, quos appellant Sogdios, inter quos amnes duo fluunt navium capacissimi, Araxates et Dymas, qui per iuga vallesque praecipites, in campestrem planitiem fluvii decurrentes, Oxiam nomine paludem ejficiunt, late longeque diffusam. "Next the Sogdiani dwell at the foot of the mountains which they call the Sogdii, through whose territories two rivers flow which are navigable by ships, the Araxates and the Dymas. These streams rush headlong over mountains and valleys into a level plain and form a lake, Oxia by name, which is both long and broad." Ammianus Marcellinus: Rerum Gestarum. With An English Translation. John C. Rolfe, Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press - London: Heinemann 1935-1940. Etymology: See the section Oxus. Iranian sources Caecasta- Probably the oldest witness about the Aral Sea appears in the Young Avesta, perhaps originating in the period 900-700 BCE: Yast 5.49 (cf. Yast 9.21) tarn yazata larsa airiianqm daxiiunqm / "Ihr opferte der Held der arischen Länder, xsaSrdi hankdrdmö haosrauua /pasne varöis caecastahe / der Befestiger des Reiches, Haosravah, angesichts des Sees Caecasta, jafrahe uruudpahe / satsm aspanqm arsnqm / des tiefen mit der weiten Wasserfläche, hundert männliche Pferde, hazarjrdm gauuqm / baeuuars anumaiianqm / tausend Rinder, zehntausend Schafe." Yast 5.50 äat him jaiSiiat: / auuat äiiaptsm dazdi me / vatjuhi ssuuiste arsduuisüre andhite "Und er bat sie: 'Diesen Erfolg schenke mir, o gute gewaltigste, o gewaltige makellose Aradvi'" Yast 9.22 (cf.Yast 9.18) dazdi me vatjuhi ssuuiste / druuäspe tat äiiaptsm / "Schenke mir, o gute gewaltigste Drväspä, diesen Erfolg ya9a azdm nijanäni / mairim tüirim franrasiiänsm / dass ich den türischen Schurken Frarjrasyan niederschlage, pasne varöis caecastahe/jafrahe uruuiidpahe / angesichts des Sees Caecasta, des tiefen mit der weiten Wasserfläche." Nyäyisn 5.5 (cf. Sih röcak 2.9) d9rö ahurahe mazddpuSra / kauuöis haosrauuatjhahe / "den Ätar, den Sohn des Ahura Mazdäh, den Kavi Haosravah, varöis haosrauuatjhahe / asnuuantahe garöis mazdaSdtahe / den See Haosravah, den mazdähgeschaffenen Berg Asnvant, caecastahe varöis mazdaSdtahe / kduuaiieheca xvarsnanhö mazdaSdtahe / 138 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia den mazdahgeschaffenen See Caecasta und die mazdahgeschaffene kavische Herrlichkeit" Translated by Fritz Wolff 1910. The traditional identification of the lake Caecasta- with the Lake Urmia (surface area 6100 km2 in 1995, but 2 366 km2 in 2011; 1 278 and 1271m above sea level respectively) in the provinces East & West Azerbaijan in northwest Iran (e.g. Justi 1864, 107; Id. 1868, 31, 120; Geiger 1882, 129; Bartholomae 1904, 572; Wolff 1910, 447; Reichelt 1911, 104, 286) is based on a more than problematic270 localization in Bundahisn: war I cecast andar äd\urbädagän211, garm-dbjud-bes kü tis-iz gydnwar andar ne bowed, u-s bun ö zreh fräxwkard paywast es ted. ['Indian Bundahisn' 19, sent. 1]. "Der See Caecasta in Atunpatakan (hat) warmes Wasser, ist ohne Leben, in ihm ist kein lebendes Wesen; seine Wurzel ist mit dem Meere Vourukasa verknüpft." ['Bundehesh', XXII/LV.ll]. "Lake Chechast in Atarpatakan is of warm water, opposed to life, that is, there is nothing animate within it. Its source is connected with the Ocean Frakhvkart." ['Greater Bundahisn', XII.3]. war Thusrawpadpanjäh fras\ang war Icecast ['Indian Bundahisn' 19, sent. 10]. "Der See Haosravangha (liegt) 50 Parasangen vom See Caecasta." ['Bundehesh', XXII/LVI.7]. "Lake Husrub is at a distance of four frasangs from Lake Chechast." ['Greater Bundahisn', XII. 13]. http://titas.fkidgl.uni-frankfurt.de/texte/etcs/iran/miran/mpers/bundahis/bunda.htm7bunda019. htm German translation by Ferdinand Justi 1868. English translation by Behramgore Tehmuras Anklesaria. Atarpatakan or Atanpatakan, Greek ATpo7taTnvf|, also known as Media Atropatene, was the territory in present Iranian Azerbaijan, where Atropates, the former Achaemenid governor of all Media, founded an independent kingdom after the death of Alexander of Macedonia in 323 BCE. The only lake in this area is Lake Urmia. But the Avestan geography was concentrated on the eastern side of the Iranian world. The eastern shores of the Caspian Sea, perhaps Vouru.kasa in Avesta (cf. Geiger 1882, 50), could have represented the easternmost borderline. The inlet of the Vouru.kasa111 sea called Haosrauuah113 had to have been 50 parasangs distant from the lake Caecasta according to Bundahisn (cf. above). The length measure parasang274 was used for various distances ranging from 2,4 km to 10 km. This means that this distance is also applicable to the Caspian Sea and Aral Sea. The northeastern Blue Bay (or Carevic Bay; today Mertvyj {'Dead'} Kultuk) of the Caspian Sea and the place called Kutan bulak on the western shore of the Aral sea, both on the 45th latitude, are only c. 270 km distant. This really means c. 50 parasangs, if the most frequent values 5,3 km ('Attic measure') or 5,7km ('Olympic measure') are taken in account. The description of capture of the Turanian villain Franrasyan (see Yast 9.18-22) is apparently situated 270 Nyberg (1974, 54, 186) comments this identification: 'No doubt a lake in Eastern Iran, but identified by the Western Zoroastrians with Lake Urmia.' 271 This form developed into the modern geographical term Azerbaijan (cf. Najari & Mahjoub 2015, 176). 272 Characterized by its "wide inlets" (Bartholomae 1904, 1429). 273 Yast 19.56: tatxvaranö apatacat/tat. xvaranö. apa.hiSat: /aSa hau apayzärö buuat/zraiianho vouru.kasahe / vairisyö haosrauua nqma "Er machte sich schwimmend an diese Herrlichkeit heran, diese Herrlichkeit lief fort, diese Herrlichkeit wich aus, und es entstand jener Abfluß des See Vouru.kasa, die Bucht, die Haosravah heißt." Translated by Fritz Wolff. 274 E.g. Strabo [11.11.5] recorded that according to some authors 1 parasang was 30 stadia, for others it was 40 or even 60 stadia. The most frequent variant was 30 stadia, corresponding to 5,3 or 5,7km and called Attic or Olympic respectively (see below). III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 139 in his territory, i.e. the area of the Turanian tribes, localized by Geiger (1882, 194) from the eastern shores of the Caspian Sea to the Syr Darya. In Middle Iranian traditions the toponym Caěčasta was probably shifted to the Taškent oasis (Livshits 2007, 179), known in Parthian as š šsftn?] ICáčestánl, with the parallel Greek transcription Toaxor|vfj<;, both attested in the inscription on the Kacba-ye Zardošt in Naqš-e Rostam of the Sassanian king Šahpuhr I, ruling in the period 240/42 - 270/72 CE (Tremblay 2004, 127). Cf. also Sogdian c'c /Cáč/, c'c(y)ny/čač(ě)ně/'from Cac, i.e. Taškent' etc. (Gharib 1995, ##3117, 3118, 3119, 3120; Livshits 2007, 179). Etymology: The following etymological solutions have been proposed till the present time: (a) Bartholomae (1904, 575) tried to explain the lake-name as "weiBschimmernd", proposing here an intensive reduplication from the root *cand-, known from Khotanese cadana- "shining" (Bailey 1979, 98), and further Vedic cániscadat "schimmernd" [RV 5.43.4], Sanskrit cand- "to shine, be bright" [Dhátupátha 3.31], canard- "glittering, shining, having the brilliancy (said of gods, of water)" [RV 10.121.9] (EWAI I, 528-29). (b) Rejecting Bartholomae's solution as ad hoc, Gershevits (1974, 72) derives Caěčasta- from *šaěčasta- via regressive assimilation275, which should be a to-abstract from the present participle *šaičant-, all from the Iranian root *haič- > Avestan haěc- "to pour (out); irrigate", frašicinti 3 pi. "to sprinkle, pour out", Manichaean Middle Persianprsynz- "to flow through", Parthian \syxt "to pour, flow, overflow; sprinkle", Khotanese has- "to wet, besprinkle", dssimgyd- "pool", Sogdian "sync "to pour", Khwarezmian bync- "to pour out, scoop (water)", Persian xěsándan "to soak, moisten" etc. (Cheung 2007, 127), further Vedic sec- "to pour (out) < IE *seik>- "to pour" (Pokorný 1959, 128). In agreement with the RUKI-law the change *h- > *š- after prefixes terminating in *-/' or *-u is regular. In Iranian, this rule was generalized to all prefixes, but it is difficult to explain it in the noun, where are no traces of any prefix. (c) Najari & Mahjoub (2015, 176, §3.3) think about a compound consisting of the poorly attested verbal root *kai-/*čai- (Awromani kldstdy/kian-, Kohrudi klndda/kln- "to send", Abyaneh ájayá/ájey "to approach" - see Cheung 2007, 229) and *kas- "to look, appear" (Cheung 2007, 245). The primary meaning should be "showy flow". There is no palatalized variant of the root *kas- (with exception of secondary palatalized forms in some Pamir languages) and the semantic motivation of the hypothetical compound remains unintelligible. But the idea of a derivative from the verb *kas- "to look" could be fruitful, e.g. it is applicable to a lake with see-through water or a lake with invisible shores (cf. the Chinese name Dazewuya discussed above). Naturally, it would remain to explain the first component. (d) The following solution also assumes an old compound, maybe adopted into Avestan from another early Iranian dialect. It should consist of these components: (i) *čai-\ Khwarezmian cy- "to freeze", Sangisari čey- id., Persian čá(h)Idan/čay-, Zazaki ČI-"to become cold", Mazanderani čá- "cold", Abyaneh čoyemun "a cold", Yaghnobi ši-, Yidgha čiy-/čúy- "to freeze", Ormuri c<5/ir"cold" (Cheung 2007, 39: *čiaH-/*čiH- "to freeze"); (ii) *časta-: Khotanese tcesta- "heaped up, accumulated", var. tcista- "heaped, gathered" (Bailey 1979, 142; he compares it with Ossetic Digor ccendce, Iron ccend^heap of stones", ccendamad "bank of a river", where amad means "built, formed" - see Abaev I, 300, 49). The compound should designate a lake which was "accumulated thanks to frost", i.e. from frozen rivers, when they melted. It corresponds with the mythical time described in Viděvdát 2 (cf. also Geiger 1882, 46, who identified in Ardduui the Oxus River): 275 In contrary, Nyberg (1974, 186) assumed a dissimilative change *c... c > s... c in Pahlavi sycyk'n /SecTkdn/ "belonging to *Sec, i.e. Lake Urmia, really written Siz < *Cec, abbreviated from Cecist. 140 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia §22. äat aoxta ahurö mazdäyimäi: /yima srira viuuatjhana / auui ahüm astuuantsm aysm zimö janhdntu /yahmat haca staxrö mrürö ziiä: / auui ahüm astuuantsm aysm zimö janhdntu /yahmat haca pauruuö snaoöö vafra / snaezät / barszistaeibiiö gairibiiö / bqsnubiiö arsduiiä / §22. "Und es sprach Ahura Mazda zu Yima: 'O schöner Yima, Vivahvantsproß! Über die böse stoffliche Menschheit sollen die Winter kommen, (und) infolgedessen der strenge verderbliche Winter(frost); über die böse stoffliche Menschheit sollen die Winter kommen, infolgedessen zunächst das Gewölk Schneemassen herschneien wird von den höchsten Bergen her bis zu Tiefen, (wie sie) die Aradvi (hat)." § 24. parö zimö aetatjhä darjhus anhat bsrstö västrsm / tsm äß pauruua vazaiöiiäi / pasca vitaxti vafrahe / abdaca iöayima atjuhe astuuaite sadaiiät/ yat iöa pasSus anumaiiehe paösm vaenäite §24. "Vor dem Winter pflegte dieses Land Grasweide zu tragen; darauf soll dann bei der Schneeschmelze Wasser in Massen fließen, und unbetretbar für die stoffliche Welt wird es hier erscheinen, o Yima, wo jetz der Tritt des Schafviehs zu sehen ist.'" http://titus.urü-frarMurt.de/texte/etcs/irar^airari/avesta/avest.htm Translated by Fritz Wolff 1910 Let us mention that according to Anabasis [3.28.9.] of Arrian (92-175 CE), Alexander of Macedonia had experience with the deep snow around the Oxus River: äXlä A^e^avSpot; f^auvev orjSev uslov, xaken&q uev 5id xe %\6voc, 7toAlfj<; Kai evSeia xcov ävayKaicov, f\ei 5e öliox;. Bfjooot; 5e, emi e^nyye^exo arjxra or) 7ioppco f\5r\ wv A^e^avSpot;, Siaßag xöv "O^ov 7ioxauov xä usv 7iXola ecp' cbv Svsßn KaxeKorooev, arjxot; 5e e<; Nauxaica xfj<; LoySiavfjt; % "But none the less did Alexander keep up the march, though with difficulty, both on account of the deep snow and from the want of necessaries; but yet he persevered in his journey. When Bessus was informed that Alexander was now not far off, he crossed the river Oxus, and having burnt the boats upon which he had crossed, he withdrew to Nautaca in the land of Sogdiana. " https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The Anabasis of Alexander/Book Ill/Chapter XXVIII The Anabasis of Alexander, or, The history of the wars and conquests of Alexander the Great, by Arrian, translated by E. J. Chinnock. London: Hodder& Stoughton 1884. Lake Balkhash Surface 16 400 km2 in 2000, but 17 400 km2 in 1950; maximum depth 26m. Balkhash The lake-name represents Kazakh balqas "marshy area covered by humps"; further cf. Altai, Shor palyas, Sagaipalyas "clay" (Vasmer I, 116; Räsänen 1969, 60). Chinese sources Yibo In the "New Book of Tang" (WiM * Xin Tdngshu), completed by Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi and their collaborators in 1060, the lake was called M.MyP16 bö211 < Middle Chinese *ji pwdt < 276 Chinese M yi "to be level" < Middle Chinese *ji < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese < Early Postclassic Chinese *zij < Eastern Han Chinese < Western Han Chinese < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *fey (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0551 a-c). Comments: Used also for homonymous *hj 'name of non-Chinese tribes; III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 141 Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese pat < Early Postclassic Chinese *zij pat < Eastern Han Chinese *zdj pat < Western Han Chinese *bj pat.277 Etymology: The limnonym is apparently a compound. It seems that the second component, in the pre-Tang Chinese reconstruction *pdt, may be identified with South Yeniseian *pat "knee": Arin karam-pat "elbow", patas "knee", Kottishpul-patap "metatarsus" (pul "foot, leg"), further related to Ket ba?t "joint, knee", bdtirj pi. "joints of reindeer", batpul5 (Imbatsk), pi. batpuhtj56 "knee", Yug ba?t "joint, knee", batpil5, pi. batpilitj6 "knee" (a compound with *bul "foot, leg"); cf. also Ket bat-kup1 "bend (of a river)" (Starostin 1995, 206: *ba?t- "knee"; Werner 1, 108). Geographical names inspired by "knee" are not rare, e.g. the ancient city of Genua (of Ligurian origin?), today Genova, was probably named after the coastline of the Golfo di Genova, which actually resembles a knee; cf. Latin genu < *genu- (Pokorny 1959, 380-81). If this is the case, it remains to determine the function of the first component. The lake resembles a leg with a bent knee, i.e. the walking leg. Such an interpretation allows us to explain the first component with help of Kottish ijarj "fortgehen / to go away; continue", pret. uijan (Castren 1858, 200), perhaps related with he-jarj "to go"; further Assan ujdha "to ride on horse", puldn-ujdha /pulan-ajdha "to walk" : puldtj "feet"; Ket ejerj1 /ejen5, Yug ejirj1 (Starostin 1995, 231: *hejVn "to go"; Werner 1, 265-266). Less probable is identification of the first component with Ket lojerj "neigen, beugen, biegen" (Werner 2, 11), based on the Western Han Chinese reconstruction *hj pat, shifting chronology to the lst-2nd cent. BCE. Devi r 278 279 The lake was designated #J§i de yi in the text ftVcJ ®!I Zizhi tongjian "Comprehensive mirror to aid in government", completed by Sima Guang (WJi§7fc) and his team in 1084 CE, when the events from the 7th cent, were described. The lake-name may be projected into Middle Chinese *tskni/i (Pulleyblank) or *tsknji (Schuessler). Etymology: There are several possible solutions, Iranian, Turkic, and Yeniseian: (a) The first syllable could be compatible with the Iranian verb *tak-/*tac- "to flow, run", cf. such nominal derivatives as Khotanese ttdka "pool" < *tdka-ka- vs. ttdja "river" < *tdci-, Sogdian ty- "stream", Bactrian xayo "river-valley", Pashto toe "stream" < *tdka-, Ossetic tax id. (Cheung 2007, 372-74; Bailey 1979, 125, 121; Gharib 1995, #9566). But the primary meaning was apparently "stream" and the final part of the Middle Chinese reconstruction is difficult to explain from Iranian. barbarian' and *hj "be at rest, at ease, peaceful'; somewhat later also for *hj "rule, custom". Vietnamese //' "level; motionless" is an archaic loan; regular Sino-Viet. is di. Another old loan from the same source may be Viet, lo'/ "to loosen, slacken, ease". Vietnamese reading: //'. Shijing occurrences: 14.3. Sino-Tibetan *jSl "straight, level, even" > Old Chinese M "level, even; equal"; Kachin gajan' "straight, not bent or crooked"; Lushai zal "to be level, even or smooth (as road)" (CVSTIN, 82). 277 Chinese S bö "to dispose of, arrange, establish order" < Middle Chinese *pwät < Postclassic Chinese *pät < Han Chinese *pät < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *pät (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0275 d). 278 Chinese f# de dei däi de "to find, get, obtain; booty, bounty" < Late Middle Chinese *taSk, Early Middle Chinese *tak (Pulleyblank 1991, 74) ~ Middle Chinese *tAk < Postclassic Chinese *tsk < Han Chinese *tsk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *tsk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0905 d). Comments: Another loan from the same source is Vietnamese du 'o 'c "to obtain, get". Vietnamese reading: due. Schuessler (2007, 208): Middle & Eastern Han Chinese *tak < Old Chinese *tSk. Sino-Tibetan *fö£"to obtain, get, gather" > Old Chinese f# *tsk"to obtain, get" / Tibetan gtog (pi. btog) "to pluck off, gather, tear out", äthogs (p., i. äthogs) "to take, seize, take up"; Burmese nauij-thak"to seize (by force)"; Kiranti *[tpk(CVSTU, 139). 279 Chinese IS yi (used in a name of the mountain AU Jiüyi) < Late Middle Chinese *tji < Early Middle Chinese *tji/*tji (Pulleyblank 1991, 366; GSR 0956 c) & ni "to stand firmly" < Late Middle Chinese *i)i§k < Early Middle Chinese *rjik (Pulleyblank 1991,224). Schuessler (2009, 97, §4-23) reads the character SI as yi 'a mountain name' and>7 "firmly" and derived them as follows: yi < Middle Chinese < Eastern Han Chinese < Old Chinese *rja;yi < Middle Chinese *njak < Eastern Han Chinese *rjik < Old Chinese *rjdk. 142 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia (b) Another candidate could be Turkic *tdtjgif "sea" > Old Bulgharian *tdtjgir, reconstructed on the basis of the loan in Hungarian tenger "sea", place name Tengurdi (AD 1152); Xakani by al-Kashgari (11th cent.), Old Uyghur (Qutadyu bilig from the 11th cent, in the Cairo ms. from the 14th cent.) terjiz "sea", Kypchak (13th cent.), Old Oghuz, Qumanic (14th cent.), Chaghatai (15th cent.) ter/iz, Old Osman (14th cent.) detjiz, Turkish deniz, dial, also detjiz, deniz, deyiz, deyiz, Gagauz deniz, Azerbaijani daniz, Karaim of Crimea, Tatar of Crimea, Kirgiz, Turkmenian, Uzbek, New Uyghur detjiz, Bashkir ditjgiz, Kazan Tatar dingsz > Chuvash tinss, Karaim of Galicia & Trakai tengiz, Kazakh, Karakalpak, Nogai terjiz, Balkar tengiz, Oirot tar/is, Altai, Teleut, Kumandin terjis, Khakas tirjis "sea"; a little different semantics appears in New Uyghur dial. [Jarring] tengiz "lake", East Turkestani [Zenker] tengiz "river", Kazakh (= Kirgiz by Radloff) terjiz "Lake Balkhash" (Rasanen 1969,474; DTS552; Clauson 1972, 572; Sevortjan 1980,194-95; EWUll, 1502). Doerfer (TMEN II, 207, § 1192), reconstructing the protoform *tdnyer, thought that the final *-f was originally the plural suffix. The forms without this final suffix were probably preserved in East Turkestani tengi, documented by Budagov and Zenker, and by al-Kashgari teng, i.e. tan, glossed by Arabic gudur "pool, brooks, rivers". The suffixed form would designate "place of {many} waters". The suffix-less form *tdngi could be just the lake-name, which was transcribed in Middle Chinese of the 7th cent, as *tskni/i or *tdktjji. Let us mention that in Kazakh Lake Balkhash is simply called Terjiz. (c) A source of Middle Chinese designation *tdkrji/i or *tdkrjji for Lake Balkhash could also be of Yeniseian origin, more exactly from a language preceding Kottish and Assan, languages extinct already in the 19th and 18th centuries respectively, when the following forms were recorded: Kottish ur-teg, ur-tex, pi. ur-taktj "lake" (Castren 1858, 203), Assan (Miller) ur-teg, Arin (Miller) kur-tu, (Loskutov) kur-tuk id. (Dul'zon 1961, 175; Toporov 1968, 297; Xelimskij 1986, 196). The first component corresponds to Kottish (Castren) ur & ur "rain", Assan ur (Miller) "rain", Arin (Miller) kur "rain, humidity" (Dul'zon 1961, 165; Toporov 1968, 289; Xelimskij 1986, 189; Starostin 1995, 297). The same second component also appears in the Kott compound expressing "swamp": ol-teg, ol-tex, ol-tex, pi. ol-taktj. The first component ol- is more probably compatible with Ket & Yug u?l "swamp, bog, mud" (Starostin 1995, 199) than with Yeniseian *?ol "grave, *hole", as Starostin had it in his Yeniseian database. Assan (Klaproth) ol-tegan probably represents the same compound in plural, although Klaproth translated the word as "lake". The Middle Chinese reconstruction *tskni/i or *tdktjji could reflect the proto-Kottish gen.pl. *tekrji, with the genitive ending in -/', serving also as a base for some other cases, namely dative, locative, ablative, cf. the declension of the words tagai "head" and Ms "tent" (see Castren 1858, 33-37): Table 4: Kottish nominal declension sg- pi. sg- pi. nom. tagai tagaj-an Ms hu-n gen. tagai tagaj-atj-i huc-i hu-tj-i dat. tagai-ga tagaj-atj-i-ga huc-i-ga M-rj-i-ga loc. tagai-hdt tagaj-arj-i-hdt huc-i-hdt M-rj-i-hdt abl. tagai-can tagaj-an-i-can huc-i-can hu-n-i-can instr. tagaj-d tagaj-an-d hüc-ö M-n-6 com. tagaj-os tagaj-an-os hüc-os hu-n-os The proto-Kottish form *tektji "of lakes" could also be a source of the Turkic word *tdtji discussed above. A deeper age of the Yeniseian forms is indicated by the cognates in the Ket branch: Ket de?, pi. den, Yug de?, pi. den, Pumpokol pi. ddnnitj < Yeniseian *de?G "lake" (Starostin 1995, 219). The devoicing *d > t is a regular change in the Kott branch, confirming the common heritage. The disintegration of the Yeniseian language family, estimated to c. 9th cent. BCE (G. Starostin - see the diagram), preceded the disintegration of the Turkic languages, dated to c. 100 BCE (A. Dybo and O. Mudrak). III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 143 Tree-diagram of classification of the Yeniseian languages in chronological perspective by Staros-tin 2014 (p.c.) Tree-diagram 1: Yeniseian languages -1000 +1000 +2000 1300 -500 Yeniseian -830 -200 Ket Yugh [r 1990] Pumpokol [r 1750] Arin r1 1800] Kottish [f 1850] & Assan [f 1800] Amu Darya / Oxus Length 1415 from the confluence of the Wakhab/P(y)anj (1125 km) and Wakhsh/Surkhob (524/786 km), 2 539 km together with the Panj, 2743 km together with Wakhan Darya (220 km), the longest tributary of the Panj river; basin 534 739 km2. Mouth: (originally) South Aral Sea; source: Pamir. The present name of the river, Amu Darya, has been explained from the name of the medieval city Amul, located where the old trade road from Khorasan to Transoxiana crossed the river. Later the city was also called CaharJoy / Cardzou, today Tiirkmenabat280 (see Spuler 1989, 996). The second component, darya, is the Persian word for "big river; sea". It is a continuant of Middle Persian: Zoroastrian dlyd(p), Manichaean dry'b /drayd(b)/ "sea" < Old Persian drayah- "sea" & dp- "water". Related are Avestan zraiiah- id., Parthian zryh, zryy "sea" (> Middle Persian: Zoroastrian zl'h, zl'y, Manichaean zryh Izrehl > Persian zarah, zirih), Baluchi zird "sea", zirih "source, spring" (Horn 1893, 125, #561; MacKenzie 1971, 27, 99; Nyberg 1974, 232); Vedic jrdyas- "expanse, space, flat surface" [RV] (EWAI I, 606-07). The Persian form darya was borrowed into some Iranian languages, where one would expect initial z-, e.g. Kurdish derya, Baluchi darya; Pashto daryab, Yidgha ddriyow "river" indicate still a Middle Persian source (Horn, I.e.). The Persian form was also adopted into many Turkic languages: Chaghatai darja "sea", Karaim, Crimea-Tatar darja "stream, river", Kazakh darja, dajra "a big river" etc. (Rasanen 1969, 133). The name Gaihun used by al-BIrtini in the 11th cent, and by his followers writing in Arabic (Markwart 1938, 32) was inspired by the Biblical hydronym Gihon, designating one of four rivers of the Garden of Eden [Gn 2.13]. Greek and Latin sources Polybius (c. 200-118 BCE) 10.48. oi 5' A7taoidKm Kaxoucoiioi usv dvd usoov "Oipx> Kod TavdiSot;, cbv 6 usv ev; xf)v 'YpKaviav eupdAlei Odlaxxav, 6 5e Tdvaii; e^vnotv ei<; xf)v Moacoxrv Muvnv: eioi 5' eicdxepoi 280 . 144 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Kaxdto ueyeOot; xlmoi. KaiSokei Oarjuaoxöv eivaijccoc; oiNoudSet; 7tepaiorJuevoixöv "O^ov ei<; xnv 'YpKaviav epxovxai 7te£fj uexd xcov uratcov. eioi 5e 5rjo loyoi rcepi xorjxorj xofj 7tpdyuaxo<;, 6 uev enieiKr]q, ö 5' exepot; 7tapd5o§)<;, orj utjv dSrjvaxot;. 6 yap "OEpq exei uev ek xofj KarjKdoorj xdg 7rr|yd<;, sni noli) 5' arj£r|0ei<; ev xfj BaKxpiavfj, ouppeövxcov sie, arjxöv rjSdxcov, cpepexai 5id mdiaLoq %7tepKeiuevcov XÖ7CC0V 87ii xooofjxov cboxe xfj<; 7texpa<; ev xoü; Kdxco uepeoi nkevov f| oxdSiov dcpdl^eoOai xnv Kaxacpopdv arjxofj. Polybius: Historiae, ed. Theodoras Büttner-Wobst after Ludovic Dindorf. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893-, 10.48. "The Apasiacae live between the rivers Oxus and Tanais, the former of which falls into the Hyrcanian Sea, the latter into the Palus Maeotis. Both are large enough to be navigable; and it seems surprising how the Nomads managed to come by land into Hyrcania along with their horses. Two accounts are given of this affair, one of them probable, the other very surprising yet not impossible. The Oxus rises in the Caucasus, and being much augmented by tributaries in Bactria, it rushes through the level plain with a violent and turbid stream. When it reaches the desert it dashes its stream against some precipitous rocks with a force raised to such tremendous proportions by the mass of its waters, and the declivity down which it has descended, that it leaps from the rocks to the plain below leaving an interval of more than a stade between the rock and its falls." Polybius: Histories, translated by Evelyn S. Shuckburgh. London - New York: Macmillan 1889. "ilqoq & TBjpS Strabo (64 BCE - 19/24 CE), Geographica 11.11.5: xofj 5e 1Qxorj Ttoxauofj 7iXnoiov öprjxxovxat; eripeiv e>.aiorj jrnyfrv >.eyorjorv: ziKÖq 5e, cborcep vixpraSn xrvd Kai oxrjcpovxa rjypd Kai docpa^xraSn Kai OeiraSn Siappel xnv yfjv, ouxco Kai Xutapa erjpioKeoOai, xö 5e cmdviov jtoieiT/frv 7iapa5o^iav. pefv 5e xöv 'Q%ov oi Sidxfjt; BaKxpiavfjt; cpaorv oi 5e 7iap' arjxfiv, Kai oi uev exepov xofj "Q^orj uexpixcov eKßo>.cov voxiraxepov eKeivorj, ducpoxepcov 5' ev xfj 'YpKavia xäq e\c, xf|v Odlaxxav rjjcdp%eiv eKprjoeu;, oi 5e Kax' dpxdt; uev exepov ouußdAlerv 5' e\c, ev xö xofj "Q^orj petOpov, noXka/pv) Kai e^ Kai erad oxaSicov exovxa xö 7iXdxo<;. ö uevxoi 'Ia^dpxnt; cat' dpxfjt; uexpi xe^orx; exepot; eoxi xofj "Q^otj, Kai ev; uev xf|v arjxf|v xe^euxcov Od>.axxav, ai 5' eußo^ai Siexorjorv dAlf^cov, (be, cpnoi IlaxpoK^fjt;, 7tapaodyya<; (he, öySonKovxa: xöv 5e 7iapaodyyr|v xöv 7iepoiKÖv oi uev e^nKovxa oxaSicov cpaoiv, oi 5e xpidKovxa f| xexxapdravxa. Strabo: Geographica, ed. A. Meineke. Leipzig: Teubner 1877. "It is said that on digging near the river Ochus a spring of oil was discovered. It is probable, that as certain nitrous, astringent, bituminous, and sulphurous fluids permeate the earth, greasy fluids may be found, but the rarity of their occurrence makes their existence almost doubtful. The course of the Ochus, according to some writers, is through Bactriana, according to others parallel to it. Some allege that, taking a more southerly direction, it is distinct from the Oxus to its mouths, but that they both discharge themselves (separately) into the Caspian in Hyrcania. Others again say that it is distinct, at its commencement, from the Oxus, but that it (afterwards) unites with the latter river, having in many places a breadth of six or seven stadia. The Iaxartes is distinct from the Oxus from its commencement to its termination, and empties itself into the same sea. Their mouths, according to Patrocles, are about 80 parasangs distant from each other. The Persian parasang some say contains 60, others 30 or 40, stadia." The Geography of Strabo, literally translated by H.C. Hamilton & W. Falconer. London: Bell & Sons, 1903. III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 145 Wqoq Arrian (92-175 CE), Anabasis [3.28.9.] alia A^e^ocvSpot; rj^oowev orjSev udbv, xaken&q usv 5td xe xiovoq 7toAlfj<~, Kai evSeig xcov dvayKaicov, fjet 5e 6uco<;. Bfjooot; 5e, 87iei s^TfeXXezo arjxcp orj 7t6ppco fj5n cov A^e^avSpot;, Stapdg xov "O^ov 7toxau6v xd usv nldia ecp' cov StsPn KaxeKauoev, arjxot; 5e eq NarjxaKa xr\q LoyStavfjt; % "But none the less did Alexander keep up the march, though with difficulty, both on account of the deep snow and from the want of necessaries; but yet he persevered in his journey. When Bessus was informed that Alexander was now not far off, he crossed the river Oxus, and having burnt the boats upon which he had crossed, he withdrew to Nautaca in the land of Sogdiana. " [3.29.2-3.] arjxot; 5e fryev vxt arjxcp xov 7toxau6v 7idvxr| dftopov ecpaivexo: xo uev yap erjpot; f|v e<; udltoxa oxaSfcnx;, pdOot; 5e orj 7ipo<; loyov xofj efjpotx;, akla noli) 5f) xt PaOfJxepot; Kai Y|/auucb5r|<~, Kai pefjua 6^fj<;, (hq xd Kaxa7inyvi)Li£va 7tp6<; arjxofj xofj pofj eKoxpecpeoOat ek xr\q yfj<; orj %aksn&q, ota 5f| orJSe PePaicot; Kaxd xfj<; v|/d(j,Liorj iSpuueva. "Then he marched towards the river Oxus, which flows from mount Caucasus, and is the largest of all the rivers in Asia which Alexander and his army reached, except the Indian rivers; but the Indian rivers are the largest in the world. The Oxus discharges its water into the great sea which is near Hyrcania. When he attempted to cross the river. It appeared altogether impossible; for its breadth was about six stades, and its depth was much greater than the proportion of its breadth. The bed of the river was sandy, and the stream so rapid, that stakes fixed deep into the bottom were easily rooted up from the earth by the mere force of the current, inasmuch as they could not be securely fixed in the sand." [3.29.6] 7tepdoa<; 5e xov "OEpv 7toxau6v f|ye Kaxd O7tou5f|v, tva Bfjooov etvat ^fjv xfj Suvdust 87irjv0dvexo. Kai ev xorjxcp dcptKvofJvxat napa L7Uxauevou<; Kai Aaxacpepvou 7tp6<; arjxov crffsXkovxeq, oxt L7uxauevr|<-, Kai Aaxacpepvnt;, et 7ie(j,cp0eir| arjxou; Kai 6Myr| oxpaxtd Kai fiyeutbv xfj oxpaxtd, ^uAlf|Y|/ovxat Bfjooov Kai 7iapa56oorjotv A^e^dvSpcp: 87iei Kai dSeouco (prAaicfj cprAdooeoOat 7tp6<; afrxcov Bfjooov. "After passing over the river Oxus, he {= Alexander} made a forced march to the place where he heard that Bessus was with his forces; but at this time messengers reached him from Spit-amenes and Dataphernes, to announce that they would arrest Bessus and hand him over to Alexander if he would send to them a small army and a commander for it." [4.15.7] arjxot; 5e e7ii,xov "O^ov xe 7toxauov fjet af>0u; Kai ei<; xfjv Loy5tavf|v 7tpoxcopefv eyvraKet, oxt nollovq xcov LoyStavcov e<; xd epfjuaxa ^uuTtecpeuyevat f|yyeAlexo orjSe eQeksiv KaxaKorjetv xofj oaxpd7iou, ooxu; afrxou; A^e^dvSpou 87iexexaKxo. oxpaxo7te5ef>ovxo<; 5e arjxofj 87ii xcp 7ioxa(j,co xcp "O^cp orj uaKpdv xfj<; oKirvfjt; xfj<; arjxofj A^e^dvSpou 7inyfj rjSaxot; Kai aklr\ e^aiou 7inyf| 7i>.r|oiov arjxfjt; dveoxe. "Alexander then returned to the river Oxus, with the intention of advancing into Sogdiana, be- 146 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia cause news was brought that many of the Sogdianians had fled for refuge into their strongholds and refused to submit to the viceroy whom he had placed over them. While he was encamping near the river Oxus, a spring of water and near it another of oil rose from the ground not far from Alexander's own tent." [7.10.6] Kaxaoxpev|/áLi£vov 5ě Orj^fcnx; xe Kai Apaxcoxoíx; Kai Apáyyag, KEKxnuévov 5ě Kal rfapOrjaíorjt; Kai Xopaouíoix; Kal 'YpKavfcnx; ěoxe ěiá xf)v Oálaooav xhv Kao7iíav, räepßavxa 5ě xov KaÚKaoov ráěp xäq Kaomou; nvlaq, Kal 7iepáoavxa "O^ov xe 7toxauov Kal Távatv, ěxi 5ě xov 'IvSov 7toxauóv, orjSevi akliů öxi \ir\ Aiovúocp 7tepa0évxa, Kal xov 'Y5áo7inv Kal xov Akecívuv Kal xov 'YSparáxnv, Flavii Arriani Anabasis Alexandři. Arrian. A.G. Roos. inaedibus B. G. Teubneri. Leipzig. 1907. "the man who has subjugated the Uxians, Arachotians, and Drangians; who has also acquired the rule of the Parthians, Chorasmians, and Hyrcanians, as far as the Caspian Sea; who has marched over the Caucasus, through the Caspian Gates; who has crossed the rivers Oxus and Tanais, and the Indus besides, which has never been crossed by any one else except Dionysus; who has also crossed the Hydaspes, Acesines, and Hydraotes, " The Anabasis of Alexander, or, The history of the wars and conquests of Alexander the Great, by Arrian, translated by E. J. Chinnock. London: Hodder& Stoughton 1884. Chinese sources Wuhu Ätilf wifsl M282 'Oxus' in "Book of Sui" (ßf # Suishu), describing the events of the Sui Dynasty (581-618), completed in 636; further "Old Book of Tang" (If/If 1=1 Jiü Tdngshu), finished in 945; "New Book of Tang" (ffiM^SXin Tdngshu), first presented in 1060; "Comprehensive Examination of Literature" (ÍIM# Wénxián Töngkäö) from 1308 etc. (Maljavkin 1989,240, fn. 485; Hulsewé 1979, 116, fn. 271; 131, fn. 323; Chavannes 1903, 350). Taking in account the time of record, the river-name would have been adopted in the period of Postclassic Chinese as *?öhö or Middle Chinese *?oxó according to Starostin's reconstruction or Early Middle Chinese *?oxo' by Pulleyblank. War wü xü2m known from the "History of the Northern Dynasties" (IťŽL Běishí), completed by Li Yanshou in 643-659. With respect to the time of recording, the river-name was adopted in the period of Postclassic Chinese as *?ohó or Middle Chinese *?oxö according to Starostin's reconstruction or Early Middle Chinese *íbxiš' by Pulleyblank. 281 Chinese ,i| wü "crow, raven; (raven) black" < Yuan *u < Late Middle Chinese *?u§ < Early Middle Chinese *A (Pulleyblank 1991, 325) ~ Middle Chinese *?o < Postclassic Chinese *P5 < Han Chinese *?ä < Classic & Pre-classic Old Chinese *?ä (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0061 a-c). Comments: Later also attested in the sense "black as a crow" > "black, very dark". Vietnamese reading: 6. Shijing occurrences: 41.3. 282 Chinese M hü "riverbank" < Yuan *xu "< Late Middle Chinese *xu§' < Early Middle Chinese *xd ' (Pulleyblank 1991, 127) ~ Middle Chinese *x6 < Postclassic Chinese *hd < Han Chinese *na < Classic Old Chinese *rja < Preclassic Old Chinese *srjä? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0060 k). 283 Chinese frF xü "to promise, agree to, approve, confirm, permit; quantity; about" < Late Middle Chinese *xi3/*xy§' < Early Middle Chinese *xi§' (Pulleyblank 1991, 348) ~ Middle Chinese *xö < Postclassic Chinese *hd < Han Chinese *nä < Classic Old Chinese *ijä < Preclassic Old Chinese *srja?(Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0060 i-j). Comments: Shijing occurrences: 54.3. Also read Mandarin M < Middle Chinese xd < Old Chinese *srjä?, in an onomatopoeic reduplication *srjä?-srjä?"somskmAof sound". Vietnamese reading: hü 'a. Schuessler (2009, 52, §1-30 i): Middle Chinese *xjwo < Late Han Chinese *hia < Old Chinese *hrja?. III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 147 Fuchu MM fu2M chuli5 'Oxus'286 recorded by Xuanzang ("2C^; 602-664) in his "Great Tang Records on the Western Regions" CfcjSf iS^IS Da Tang Xiyii Ji), describing the journey from China to India and back in 626-645 (Maljavkin 1989, 240, fn. 485). Cf. also "Journey to the West"287 (HiSlilB XT You Ji) from the 16th cent. (Stein 1921, 63). The hydronym may be projected into Early Middle Chinese *pu§,tshu§ (Pulleyblank) or Middle Chinese *ptichu < Postclassic Chinese *pw6chwo (Starostin). Bocha Two variants fHX bo2m chdli9 and ?HX bo290 chd of the hydronym appear in the Chinese translation M^^i^Jz^'^'Ptm Apidamo da piposha lun from the 5th cent. CE of the buddhistic text Abhidharma-mahdvibhdsdsdstra191 from c. 150 BCE. In the 5th cent. CE these Chinese transcriptions were pronounced as *pdkchiej and *bdkchiej (Starostin) respectively. 284 Chinese II fi "cloth or skirt embroidered with axe figures; ysopHaran, apKiin" < Yuan *fu "< Late Middle Chinese *fjyä'/*fuä' < Early Middle Chinese *puS' (Pulleyblank 1991, 100) ~ Middle Chinese *pii < Postclassic Chinese *pw6 < Eastern Han Chinese *pwä < Western Han Chinese *pä < Classic Old Chinese *pä < Preclassic Old Chinese *pa?(Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0102 t). 285 Chinese M chit "to cut grass forfodder, hay; grass cutters, grass gatherers" < Yuan *tshu < Late Middle Chinese *tshu§ < Early Middle Chinese *tshu§ (Pulleyblank 1991, 59) ~ Middle Chinese *chu < Postclassic Chinese *chwo < Han Chinese *chwa < Classic Old Chinese *chro < Preclassic Old Chinese *chro (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0132 a). 286 "In the middle of Jambudvipa there is a lake called Anavatapta to the south of the Fragrant Mountains and to the north of the great Snowy Mountains; it is 800 li and more in circuit; its sides are composed of bold, silver, lapis-la-zuli, and crystal; golden sands lie at the bottom, and its waters are clear as a mirror. The great earth Bodhisattva, by the power of his vow, transforms himself into a Näga-raja and dwells therein; from his dwelling the cool waters proceed forth and enrich Jambudvipa (Shen-pu-chau). From the eastern side of the lake, through the mouth of a silver ox, flows the Ganges (King-kid) river; encircling the lake once, it enters the south-eastern sea. From the south of the lake, through a golden elephant's mouth, proceeds the Sindhu (Sin-to) river; encircling the lake once, it flows into the south-western sea. From the western side of the lake, from the mouth of a horse of lapis-lazuli, proceeds the river Vakshu (Po-tsu), and encircling the lake once, it falls into the north-western sea. From the north side of the lake, through the mouth of a crystal lion, proceeds the river-Sita (Si-to), and encircling the lake once, it falls into the north-eastern sea. They also say that the streams of this river Sita, entering the earth, flow out beneath the Tsih rock mountain, and give rise to the river of the middle country (China)." Translated by Samuel Beal 1884, 11-13. 287 A novel from the Ming dynasty ascribed to Wu Cheng'en (^ÄU; 1500/5-1580/85), about the legendary pilgrimage of the Tang Dynasty Buddhist monk Xuanzang (602-664) who traveled to the 'Western regions'. 288 Chinese t§ bo "to be wide" < Middle Chinese *päk < Postclassic Chinese *pak < Han Chinese *päk < Classic & Preclasic Old Chinese *päk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0771 a-c). Sino-Tibetan *päk "wide, long, ample" > Old Chinese t§ *p5£"wide, ample"; Tibetan äphag "to rise, be raised; to grow longer, bigger"; Burmesepaij?"to lift, raise"; Kuki-Chin *päk-; Thankur/>ö£"tobebroad", Bodo bo "to stretch, spread" (Luce 1981,74; CVST1, 50-51). 289 Chinese X chä "fork, bifurcation" [Han] < Middle Chinese *chci & *chq < Postclassic Chinese *chiej < Eastern Han Chinese *chie < Western Han Chinese *che < Classic Old Chinese *chre < Preclassic Old Chinese *chre ~ *shre (Starostin, ChEDb). 290 Chinese St bö "to be thin" < Middle Chinese *bäk < Postclassic Chinese *bäk < Han Chinese *bäk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *bak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0771 p). Comments: Pekingese has a colloquial reading bäo and a more standard one: bö. Also means "to press, press on, suppress" (probably a semantic derivate: "to make thin"). For initial *b- cf. Min forms: Xiamen, Chaozhou po?, Fuzhoupok8, Jianoupa8. Sino-Tibetan *pä "thin" > Old Chinese St *bäk "thin"; Tibetan ba-spu "a little hair (spu)",phra "thin, fine; minute"; Burmese pah < Lolo-Burmese *pax "thin"; Kachinpha2, cspha4 "thin"; Lushaipan "thin (as paper), weak (as tea)", Tiddimpa "thin" < Kuki-Chin *r-pa; Lepcha ka-ba "a kind of cloth formed of single twist"; Yamphu phäk; Tsangla ba-bo; Bodo-Garo: Dimasa ba-, Garo ba-, Bodo bä "to be thin"; Rawang ba-, Trung ba2 (CVST I, 50; Shafer 1974, 49, 118; Benedict 1972, 19; Matisoff 1972, 181; Matisoff 2003, 440-41). 291 See Dignäga's Investigation of the Percept. A Philosophical Legacy in India and Tibet, edited and translated by Douglas Duckworth, Malcolm David Eckel, Jay L. Garfield, John Powers, Yeshes Thabkhas, & Sonam Thakchoe. Oxford: University Press 2016, 123. 148 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Buhe The hydronym can also be identified in the Chinese transcription of the name of the country called Wakhan: bu292 he293 'country situated on the southern bank of the river Wu-hu (Oxus, today Amu Darya)' according to Xu Song (f^fth 1781-1848), referring to the "Book of New Tang" (iff/fit Xin Tängshü), finished during the Song dynasty in 1060 CE (Hulsewe 1979, 131, fn. 323). Around 1300 it was pronounced *p(h)u xo "< Late Middle Chinese (c. 900) *phu§ xat < Early Middle Chinese (c. 600) *fo*xa/(Pulleyblank) or Middle Chinese *bdxdt (Starostin). Buhuo According to Xu Song there is also a variant of this choronym, bu294 huö295 (Hulsewe 1979, 131, fn. 323). It can be projected into Late Middle Chinese *pu§ xuat < Early Middle Chinese *pohxwat (Pulleyblank) or Middle Chinese *pdxwdt (Starostin). Etymology: In the Greek sources, there are two variants, A. "ClEpq & B. "0,%oq, both transmitted by the same author, Strabo. The difference between £ and % cannot be explained as a misprint. The same difference characterizes the source-tributaries, the north Waxs296 (Vakhsh; today in Tajik Surkhob, Kirgiz Kyzyl-Suu) and south Waxäb (Vakhab, in Tajik Panj). Corresponding differences appear in the Chinese transcriptions (here in Starostin's reconstruction from the Postclassic or Middle Chinese periods): A'. *bäkchiej & *päkchiej, *pwochwo; B'. *?öhö & *?öhö, *bdxdt & *pdxwdt. Both sets lead to partial reconstructions, A. *uaxsu-; B. *uaxu- or *uahu-. Markwart (1938, 32) interpreted *uaxSu- as "wachsende, schwellende", i.e. the derivative of the Iranian verb *uaxS- "to grow"297, while the second form should be *uahu-"good"298 according to Markwart (1938, 17, 34), with respect to the Middle Persian designation of the Oxus, Weh-röt, i.e. "good river" [cf. Bundahisn 52.11, 20; see Justi 1868, 29, 267]. Both of Markwart's interpretations look probable, but they should be modified. Concerning *uaxSu-, there is a more 'hydronymical' etymon: Bactrian oaxabo, oaxbo 'name of the deified river Oxus or a river-god in general' (Sims-Williams 2007,243); apSoxbo, apSoxba, 'a goddess of fortune', depicted on the reverse of the Kushan coins as Tyche (Fortuna). Later this picture was replaced by Laksmi, the Indie goddess of fortune, wealth and prosperity (Davary 1982, 161-62, 243^14); 292 Chinese S bü "to seize" [Late Zhou] < Yuan *p'h,u < Late Middle Chinese *p/iu§ < Early Middle Chinese *bof" (Pulleyblank 1991, 42) ~ Middle Chinese *bd < Postclassic Chinese *b(h)d < Han Chinese *b(h)äh < Classic Old Chinese *b(h)äh < Preclassic Old Chinese *b(h)äs (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0102 j'). Comments: For *b cf. Xiamenpj6, Fuzhoupuo6, Chaozhou pu4. 293 Chinese B§ he "to yell, shout, cry (angrily)" [Late Zhou] < Yuan *xo "< Late Middle Chinese *xat < Early Middle Chinese *xat (Pulleyblank 1991, 122) ~ Middle Chinese *xat < Postclassic Chinese *hät < Han Chinese *hät < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *hät (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0313 k). Comments: Regular Sino-Vietnamese is hat, Vietnamese reading het. The earliest attested usage of the character in the Han era is for Mandarin ye "to cry (with a constrained voice)" < Middle Chinese *?aj < Old Chinese *?räts. 294 Chinese ^ bü "cloth" < Late Middle Chinese *pu§'< Early Middle Chinese *poh (Pulleyblank 1991, 42) -Middle Chinese *po < Postclassic Chinese *pö < Han Chinese *päh < Classic Old Chinese *päh < Preclassic Old Chinese *päs (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0102 j-1). Comments: Cf. 'M *phä? "to be vast, wide", If *phä, *pha "spread out", Ü *pä?, *phä?, *phä?s "big, large, increase". Shijing occurrences: 58.1. 295 Chinese §§ huo "empty; ravine, opening; to yawn" [Late Zhou] < Late Middle Chinese *xuat < Early Middle Chinese *xwat (Pulleyblank 1991, 135) ~ Middle Chinese *xwät < Postclassic Chinese *hwät < Han Chinese *hwät < Classic Old Chinese *hwät < Preclassic Old Chinese *h"ät (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0314 g). 296 First recorded as Baxsü by the Persian traveller Istahff in the 10th cent. - see Markwart 1938, 53. 297 Iranian *uaxs-"to grow" > Avestanvöxs- id., Middle Persian whs-/waxs-/ "to grow; blaze", Parthian wxs- "to grow; be kindled, blaze", Khotanese hus(s)-"to grow", Sogdianxws- "to grow (up), become full-grown", Khwarezmian wx "to grow", Bactrian oa^- "to frow, increase" (Cheung 2007, 428-29). 298 Avestan vohu-Zvanhu-, comp, vahiiah-, Zoroastrian Pahlavi wyh Ivehl, "better, good", Persian bih "good", Middle Persian of Turfan why "better", Middle Persian of Turfan & Parthian of Turfan whyg'r /wahygär/ "helpful, beneficent", Khotanese vau "good, welfare", Bactrian oauavo 'name of the second day of the month' < *yahu-manah-, cf. Middle Persian Wahman (Bailey 1979, 392; MPP 341; Sims-Williams 2007, 241). III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 149 Khotanese bassä "streams", vasicha "stream" (Bailey 1979, 273, 379); Khwarezmian 'wx, gen. y\wxy "river", besides the frozen form Wxs, recorded by al-BIrirni (973-1048), which had to belong to an angel, connected with waters, especially with the Oxus (Henning 1958, 115; Davary 1982, 244; Benzing 1983, 112, 657); ?Yidgha baxsiyo "stream" in yäuyo baxsiyo "a stream divided into many rivulets"; Iranian > Khowar bas(öy) "minor channel of a river" (Morgenstierne 1938, 199: from *baxs- "distribution, dividing"). Onomastics: Unidentified Iranian language from the Aramaic inscription from Laghmän (Afghanistan; the first half of the 3rd cent. BCE) whswprt, i.e. *Vaxsu-frita- "favoured by Vaxsu" (Harmatta 1999, 404); Sanskrit Vaksu- m. 'Oxus' in vaksväsritäh [first by the astronomer Varäha-mihira (505-587 CE): BrhatSamhitä S. 32, 32, v. I], Vanksu- [Mahäbhärata 2.1840; 13.7648; Bhägavata Puräna, P. 5.17.7] (BR VI, 616, 618; MW 911; KEWA III, 123; EWAIlll, 452: reproduction of the Iranian hydronym). All these forms are derivable from the verbal root attested in Young Avestan vaxs- "sprühen (vom Wasser, Feuer)" [Yast 8.43], vaxsa- m. "Besprühen, Benetzen" [Yast 8.42] (Bartholomae 1904, 1338-39); Vedic uks- "to sprinkle, moisten, wet" [RV, AV, SBr, MBh etc.] (MW 172; EWAIII, 486-87). These forms are easily explainable as the sigmatic derivatives of the root *ueg>- "to make wet" (Kümmel, L/F662-63; Pokorny 1959, 1118): Greek rjypot; "wet, moist, watery, fluid"; Latin üuesco "I become wet", üvor "moisture", üvidus "wet, soaked"; Middle Irish filal "urine" < *uog--lo-; Germanic *wakwa- adj. "moist" > Old Norse vgkr, Middle Dutch wac; *wakwön- > Old Norse vgkva f. "moist"; *wakwjan- > Old Norse vokva, vekkje "to pour"; Tocharian B conj. ewkäm "wird fliessen lassen" < *oH]-ug-- (Hackstein 1995, 345-48). Taking in account the fact that Iranian *-xs- > Bactrian %, Khwarezmian -x-/-x- (cf. the reflexes of Iranian *uaxs- "to grow"), the variant B. *uaxu- (but not *uahu-) is also explainable as a result of the specific dialect development *uax(x)u- < *uaxsu-. This rule also explains the place-name Wakhan, namely Tajik Vaxon / Waxon and Wakhi Wux, if they represent adoption of older *uax-u° (< *uaxsu°). In this case it is not necessary to introduce the alternative designation *Uahui-"good" (f.) of the Oxus (cf. Steblin-Kamenskij 1999, 6 versus Morgenstierne 1938, 433). Hanlou According to "History of the Northern Dynasties" (:jkjfe Beishi), describing the period 386-581 CE, which was completed by Li Yanshou (^ßMw) in 643-659, there was a big river in Central Asia, called Üü hän299 löu300. Markwart (1938, 38) identified it with the Oxus. Etymology: (a) Markwart (I.e.) speculated about replacement of the first character in its name, assuming priority of the sign M pu301. Using the reconstructions of Pulleyblank and Schuessler respectively, 299 Chinese Ü hän "the Han river; Han river in the sky; the Milky Way; the Han Dynasty" < Late Middle Chinese *xan < Early Middle Chinese *xanh (Pulleyblank 1991,119)-Middle Chinese *xän Zoroastrian Middle Persian Wn /xdn/, h'nyk, Manichaean Middle Persian x'nyg/xariig/"source, spring", Parthian x'nyg id. (MPP 363; Cheung 2007, 440); (ii) *hrau- "to flow" > Parthian r'w- "to pour off' /raw-/, Khwarezmian rw- "to flow", caus. fwy- "to let (it) flow", (+ *fra-) hlw- "to drip; flow (of urine)", caus. hTwy- "to let it drip, drop", Sogdian rws- "to flow, stream" with -s- from the sigmatic aorist, cf. Sanskrit asrausit [SB] "flowed" (MPP 293; Cheung 2007, 141-42). Further cf. Vedic [RV] srdvati "flows, streams, gushes forth", Sanskrit [MBh, R] srava- m. "flowing, streaming, a flow", [MBh] giri-sravd- f. "mountain-torrent" (MW 1274, 355). The meaning of this hypothetical compound could be a *"source of flowing", a probable language - Parthian (during the greatest extent of the Parthian empire in the 1st cent. BCE the Oxus formed its northeast borderline) or an earlier form of Khwarezmian (the Oxus represented a real axis of Khwarezm), where the word for "source, spring" was still preserved. (c) Alternatively, a non-Indo-European origin of this hydronym cannot be totally excluded. A good candidate may be found in Yeniseian languages, formerly probably widespread in the steppe belt of Kazakhstan. Also in this case the hydronym is analyzable as a hypothetical compound, consisting of (a) *?dh / *xdh "wave" & (b) *xur1 "water" (in reconstructions of Starostin 1995): (i) *?dh (~ *x-) "wave" > Ket dhbok1, pi. dhbokn1 (Imbatsk); Kottish en, pi. enatj id. (Starostin 1995, 186. Werner 1, 267). (ii) Yenisseian *xurt "water" > Ket ul, Yug ur, Pumpokol ul; Kottish ul; Ass. ul, Arin kul (Starostin 1995, 298; Werner 2, 378). The compound consisting of these components may be identified in Yug, only in the opposite order (ii) + (i): ullej, pi. uldnhin "wave" (Starostin 1995, 186). The primary meaning of this hydronym, "wavy water", is quite natural for a long river whose sources are situated in the Pamir Mountains, among the highest mountains in the world. Let as mention, that the oldest name of this river known from the Chinese sources, ^7JC guishuK Western Han Chinese *kwaj, may represent the Chinese transcription of a predecessor of Khotanese khui "waves". Gui(shui) gut302 shut303 by Sima Qian (WJHM; 135/145-86 BCE) in his "Records of the Grand Historian" (^jfe-^iil Tdishigong shu), also known as the "The Scribe's Records" (jfe!2 Shijt), 302 Chinese % gul 'river name in the province Hubei; clan name' [Late Zhou] < Late Middle Chinese *kyj < Early Middle Chinese *kwi§/*kwi (Pulleyblank 1991, 114) ~ Middle Chinese *kwe < Postclassic Chinese *kwe < Eastern Han Chinese *kwe < Western Han Chinese *kwaj < Classic Old Chinese *kwaj < Preclassic Old Chinese *k"aj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0027 g-j). Schuessler (2009, 220, §19-6 g): Middle Chinese *kjwe < Late Han Chinese *kyai < Old Chinese *kwai. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb, 2014): Middle Chinese *kjwe < Old Chinese *C.qw(r)aj. 303 Chinese 7K shut "water, river" < Late Middle Chinese *syj' < Early Middle Chinese *ewf (Pulleyblank 1991,290) ~ Middle Chinese *swi < Late Postclassic Chinese *cwi < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *cwij < Eastern Han Chinese *cwsj < Western Han Chinese *twsj < Classic Old Chinese *rwsj < Preclassic Old Chinese *tuj? III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 151 see Markwart 1938, 1-2; Hulsewé 1979, 116, fn. 271. Dated to c. 90 BCE, from the point of chronology it is the oldest designation of the Oxus, appearing in the Chinese sources. Existing interpretations develop the idea of "good river": (a) Markwart (1938, 1-3) transcribed #^7Ji as wei-shui and speculated about correspondence of the first component with Iranian *uahui- f. "good", but the value wei, more exactly wéi & wěi30\ belong to the phonogram Ms (GSR 0027 a). (b) Pulleyblank (1962-63, 89-90) reconstructed the historical pronunciation of Wk as follows: Middle Chinese *kiwe < Han Chinese *kwa < Old Chinese *kwaS. Accepting the position of Markwart, he also speculated that the real pronunciation of the hydronym was hidden in the phonogram projected by him in Middle Chinese *hiwe < *hwa. In contrary to Markwart, Pulleyblank also operated with the second component, 7JC shut, reconstructing its predecessors in Middle Chinese < *siwi' < *0w5S' < *9ud.rie thought that the compound *hwd-0u8' was pronounced in the standard dialect of Western Han Chinese as *wahu. Let us mention that three decades later he radically changed his reconstructions. If the solution of Markwart, in spite of the effort of Pulleyblank, is not satisfactory, it is necessary to seek another solution. It could be again found in Iranian: (c) Khotanese khui "waves", khvT "wave", perhaps connected with khavd "foam" (Bailey 1979, 73, 75, 77), Avestan kafa- "foam; saliva", Buddhist Sogdian kwfi, Khwarezmian dim. kfwk, pi. kjwc "foam", Middle Persian kp /kaf/, Persian to/'Toam" etc. (ESIJ 4, 166). Relatives appear only in the Indo-Aryan languages: Sanskrit [Up] kapha- "phlegm, watery froth or foam in general", Prakrit kapha-, kabha-, kaha- id., Sinhalese kaba "gummy secretion in the eyes" (Turner 1966, #2756; EWAI I, 303). The designation of a river motivated by its waves or foam belongs to most natural. Let us mention that Lubotsky (2001, 311) and Witzel (2015 [2017], 159) identify in Indo-Iranian *kapha- a substrate origin. On the other hand, Burrow (1955, 26-27) tried to connect the Indo-Iranian term with its hypothetical Uralic counterparts: Vepsian kobe "wave, foam"; Hungarian hab "foam, snow" and Kamasin kowii?'"foam"'. Although this comparison looks attractive, every word is of different origin: Vepsian kobe, gen. kobegen, kopken "wave, foam", together with Mari (KB) wilt-ko, (U) wilt-kowo "wave" : wilt "water"; Udmurt gi id.; Komi (V Ud.) gi, (I) gi id., are derivable from Fenno-Permian *kup3 "wave" (UEW616). Hungarian hab "foam; snow" must be derived from Uralic *kumpa "wave", cf. Khanty xumP "wave" etc. (UEW 203). Finally, Kamasin kowu?, kobilk "foam" was borrowed from Turkic *kobiik "foam" (Helimski 1997, 288-89, #561; Rasanen 1969, 291). Thus only Fenno-Permic *kup3 can be compared with Indo-Iranian *kapha-, but the different root vowels should be explained. (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0576 a-c). Comments: Middle Chinese s- is irregular; a clear indication of *t- is given by Min forms: Xiamen cui3, Chaozhou, Fuzhou cui3. Sino-Tibetan *tujH "water" > Lolo-Burmese: Achang ti "water"; Kachin madi' "to be wet"; Lushai tui < Kuki-Chin *Dui "water"; Lepcha da "a pond, a lake, stagnant water"; Kiranti *dhi; Bodo-Garo: Dimasa di "water", Bodo biday Garo tsi, Banpara ti; Rawang thi; Kanauri ti; Vayu ti; Magari di; Pwo, Sgaw thi (CVSTII, 146-47; Shafer 1974, 48, 442; Benedict 1972, 45, 134; Matisoff2003, 194, 451, 471: *m-t(w)i ~ *m-tway "water, fluid", *ti(y) "water" (two protoforms are proposed without comment, but it seems much more probable that we deal with a single root here). 304 Chinese wei & wei "to act as, be; make, do" < Late Middle Chinese *yj < Early Middle Chinese *wia/*wi (Pulleyblank 1991, 320) -Middle Chinese *we < Postclassic Chinese *we < Eastern Han Chinese *we < Western Han Chinese *waj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *waj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0027 a-e). Schuessler (2009, 220, §19-6 a): Middle Chinese *jwe < Old Northwest Chinese *ue < Late Han Chinese *wai < Old Chinese *wai. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 83, 107, 121, 269): Middle Chinese *hjwe < Old Chinese *aw(r)aj. Sino-Tibetan *q"[i] aj ( ~ *;>-) "to make; divide, distribute" > Old Chinese M *waj "to make, do, act"; Tibetan: bgjid "to make, to manufacture; to do, to act", bgji-ba "action, deed"; ? ji-n "to be"; Burmese wij "to divide, to distribute" (CVST V, 156). Notes: Vietnamese reading: vi. An *-^-derivative from the word is Old Chinese *waj-s, Middle Chinese we, Mandarin wei "for, on behalf; cf. also Vietnamese vi, vj. For initial *w- cf. Min forms: Middle Chinese we vs. Xiamen, Chaozhou, Fuzhou ui2; Middle Chinese we vs. Xiamen ui6, Fuzhou oi6, Jianou He6. Shuowen defines the character as "female monkey". Although this meaning is not attested in older literature, it may be compared to Sino-Tibetan *q"qj reflected in Kachin woi "monkey"; Moshang visit; Rawang awe; Trung a-koi; Kadu kwe id. (CVST1, 125; Benedict 1972, 68). 152 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Iranian sources AraduuT (Sürä Anähitä) [V. 7.16] arsduui nqma äpa / spitama zaraSustra / hä me äpö yaozdaöäiti / hä arsnqm xsudrä/ hä xsaSrinqm garsßq / hä xsaSrinqm paema. "Das Wasser namens Aradvi, o Spitama ZaraOustra, das macht mir die Wasser vollkommen, das die Samenflüssigkeiten der Männer, das der Weiber Mutterleiber, das der Weiber Milch." [Yt. 1.21] mmö ape däitiiaiiä/mmö arsduiiä äpö anähitaiiä. "Verehrung vor dem Wasser der Däityä, Verehrung vor dem makellosen Wasser Aradvl" [Y. 65.4] yaozsnti vispe karanö /zraiiä vouru.kasaiia /ä vispö maiSiiöyaozaiti / yathis aoi fr atacaiti / yathis aoi frazgaraiti / arsduuisüra anähita:: yerjhe hazanrdm vairiianqm /hazanrdm apayzäranqm:: kascitca aesqm vairiianqm / kascitca aesqm apayzäranqm / caßßars.satsm aiiars.baranqm / huuaspäi naire barsmnäi. "Es geraten alle Ufer in dem Meer Vouru.kasa in Aufregung, die ganze Mitte wallt auf, wenn zu ihnen herzufließt, wenn zu ihnen herzuströmt die gewaltige makellose Aradvl, die tausend Abflüsse (ist) vierzig Tagesrite (lang) für einen Reitersmann, (der) gut zu Roß (ist)." Translated by Fritz Wolff 1910. Etymology: Probably related are forms in the Pamir languages: Shughni, Bajui rarS- : ruxt "to dig, excavate, hollow out", Khun, Roshani rarS- : ruxt "to demolish, scatter" < *fra-rd- (Morgenstierne 1974, 68); Vedic ard- "to move, be moved, be scattered" : 3pl. imper. rdantu, 3pl. impf, ardan; ärdrä- "wet, moist, damp", continuing in (i) Pali adda- "wet, slippery", Prakrit adda- "wet; cloud, rain", Sinhalese ada "wet", Sindhi ädroko "moist"; Dardic: Kashmiri odur" "moist", Tirahi atere "wet", Torwali az id., Shina äzü id.; (ii) Pali alia- "wet", Bashkarik All, äl "wet", Hindi älä "damp" etc. (Turner 1966, #1340; EWAI I, 119-20). Further possible relatives: Greek äpSco (or with ä- after Herodian?) "I irrigate, water" [Pindar], ctpSuot; "watering place" etc. (Pokorny 1959, 334). Zaravshan Length 877km; basin 17 700 km2. Mouth: formerly Amu Darya, now sands by the city Pan-jakent and Lake Karakul; source: Pamir. Persian sources Zaravsan The most recent name of the river, the Persian compound Zar-qfsan, means the "dispersing gold", cf. zar "gold" & qfsan "dispersing, scattering, diffusing", from the verb qfsdndan "to disperse, scatter, diffuse, strew, sprinkle, shed" (Steingass 1892, 612 & 83). Suyd The alternative name of this river simply meant "Sogdian", as described by Le Strange (1905, 461): 'The province of Sughd, the ancient Sogdiana, may be taken as including the fertile lands, lying between the Oxus and Jaxartes, which were watered by two river systems, namely the Zarafshan, or Sughd river, on which Samarkand and Bukhara stood, and the river which flowed by the cities of Kish and Nasaf Let us repeat the definition of the lemma suydby Steingass (1892, 683): "bent with age; low-lying ground where rain-water collects; name of a pleasant land in the province of Samarqand". III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 153 Greek sources Afjuog The first information about this hydronym was mediated by Ptolemy (c. 100 - c. 170) in the mid-2nd cent. CE [6.12.3]. According to him, the Dymas was a tributary of the Iaxartes: Kai aklxn 5e 5i3o a%6 xfjg arjxfjt; opervfjt;, dcp' r\q Kai 6 'Io^dpxnt-,, cpepousvov Kaletxai 5e Kai f| opervf) Kcolit)56v ouLiPal^orjoi 5e Odxepoi xco 'Io^apxT)- ovoLid^exai 5e 6 uev exepot; arjxcov Afjuot; / Afpuot; / Ai3uo<;, or) at uev jtrr/ai 87iexorjoi uoipou; _ pk5 uy f| 5e 7ipo<; xov 'Ia^dpxnv 7toxau6v ouvacpf) _. pKy Two further {rivers} pour down from the same mountainous region as the Iaxartes -it is called the mountain area of the Komedai - to flow into that river. The name of one of these {two tributaries} is the Dymus. The sources of which are in 124° 43° where it joins with the Jaxartes 123° 47° Edition by C.F.A. Nobbe (1966) and Humbach & Ziegler (1998). Translated by Humbach & Ziegler (1998). Ammianus Marcellinus (330-395/400 CE) wrote about the river Dymas as a parallel stream besides the Araxates, i.e. probably Iaxartes. Both the streams had to empty into the Lake of Oxia, i.e. probably the Aral Sea [23.6.59]: Hinc Sogdiani agunt sub imis montium pedibus, quos appellant Sogdios, inter quos amnes duo fluunt navium capacissimi, Araxates et Dymas, qui per iuga vallesque praecipites, in camp-estrem planitiem fluvii decurrentes, Oxiam nomine paludem ejficiunt, late longeque diffusam. "Next the Sogdiani dwell at the foot of the mountains which they call the Sogdii, through whose territories two rivers flow which are navigable by ships, the Araxates and the Dymas. These streams rush headlong over mountains and valleys into a level plain and form a lake, Oxia by name, which is both long and broad." Ammianus Marcellinus: Rerum Gestarum. With An English Translation. John C. Rolfe, Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press - London: Heinemann 1935-1940. The hydronyms Afjuot; (with the manuscript variants Af|uio<; & Afjuot;) of Ptolemy and Dymas of Marcellinus Ammianus apparently designated the stream parallel to the Iaxartes. Taking in account the information of Marcellinus Ammianus about mouths of both rivers, Iaxartes and Dymas, emptying into the Oxia Palus, i.e. the Aral Sea, it is possible to speculate that the Dymas was used by Marcellinus instead of the Oxus, if Dymas, as its upper stream, was substituted. If it was the same river as no>o)xi|xr|xo<; described by Strabo [11.11.5] (cf. Holt 1989, 22), both hydronyms denote the present Zaravshan. For this river it is characteristic that it terminates in sands between Panjakent and Lake Karakul, not too far from the Amu Darya. A similar sandy mouth was described for the no>o)xi|ir|xo<; by Strabo (see below). Etymology: (a) Humbach & Faiss (2012, 40) try to explain the hydronym with help of Vedic dhumd-"smoke, vapour, mist". Such a semantic motivation is quite natural, cf. e.g. the Smoky River in Alberta, 492 km long tributary of the Peace River. It is possible to add the Iranian counterpart in Khotanese dumd "smoke" (Bailey 1979, 161; Cheung 2007, 68) and maybe Ossetic Iron dymyn, Digor dumun "to smoke; blow (up)", perhaps contaminated with the verbal root *damH- "to blow, swell" (Cheung 2007, 56). 154 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia (b) Alternatively, it can be etymologized with help of Iranian *dumba- "tail" > Avestan duma-, Khotanese dumaa-, Manichaean Sogdian Swm id. etc. (ESIJ 2, 479-81; Bailey 1979, 161). The river could really resemble the tail of the Oxus / Amu Darya. More probable is comparison with a tail of some animal, cf. e.g. the 309 km long Otter Tail River (and lakes Otter Tail Lake and Otter Tail) in Minnesota. If the form Afjuot; is primary, it is possible to think about the Iranian starting-point *ddma-, while the Hellenized form *Dem° regularly changed into *Dim°, which could be recorded as Afjuot; & Dymas. The form *ddmd- is etymologizable at least in two ways: (c) Iranian *ddmd- "net" > Sogdian: Manichaean <5'ot', Buddhist S'm'y, Christian d'my /ddm(d)/ "net"; Khotanese ddma- "bond", dima- "tie, knot"; Zoroastrian Middle Persian dm /dam/ "net, snare, trap", etc.; further Vedic daman- "string, cord, rope, fetter", from the verb da- "to bind" = Avestan da- id. (Cheung 2007, 47; ESIJ 2, 444-45; Gharib 1995, #3395; MacKenzie 1971, 24; MW 475). Since the river really branches into numerous arms and channels around Samarkand, the comparison to a net is quite adequate. (d) Iranian *damH- "to swell, blow" > Avestan ddSma'niia- "blowing (up)"; Buddhist Sogdian Sm\s "to swell"; Khwarezmian Sm's- "to become fat, strong", Khotanese dam- "to blow", uysdem- "to cool, extinguish"; Parthian dm- "to blow, breathe", 'dm's "to swell up" etc.; further cf. Vedic dha-rri- "to blow" (Cheung 2007, 55-56; ESIJ2, 316-21; LIV153). The expression "swelling river" is natural for rivers fed from mountain snow and glaciers, whose level grows after the summer thaw. noXimuriTog In the beginning of the 1 st cent. CE Strabo [11.11.5] wrote about the Central Asiatic river Po-lytimetus, referring to the man called Aristobulus. Important are two notices, the river waters the whole country, but finally is absorbed in sand. xov 5e 5id xfj<; LoySiavfjt; peovxa ftoxauov Kale! Tlo>a)xi|ir|xov ApioxoPorAot;, xcov MaKeSovcov xoiwoua Oeuevcov, KaOdmep Kaiakkanokkaxa uev KarvaeOeoavid5e7iapcov6(j,aoav: apSovxa 5e xf)v xcopotv eK7ii7txeiv ei<; epnuov Kai d|iutb5r| yfjv Kaxa7iiveo0ai xe ei<; xf|v a|iuov, (he, Kai xov Apiov xov Si' Apicov peovxa. Strabo: Geographica, ed. A. Meineke. Leipzig: Teubner 1877. "Aristobulus calls the river, which runs through Sogdiana, Polytimetus, a name imposed by the Macedonians, as they imposed many others, some of which were altogether new, others were deflections from the native appellations. This river after watering the country flows through a desert and sandy soil, and is absorbed in the sand, like the Arius, which flows through the territory of the Arii." Strabo: The Geography of Strabo. Literally translated by H.C. Hamilton & W. Falconer. London: George Bell & Sons 1903. CurtiusRufus [7.10.1-3] Sogdiaua regio maiore ex parte deserta est: octingenta fere stadia in latitudinem vastae sol-itudines tenent. Ingens spatium rectae regionis est, per quam amnis - Polytimetum vocant incolae -fertur. Torrentem eum ripae in tenuem alveum cogunt, deinde caverna accipit et sub terram rapit. Cursus abscon diti indicium est aquae meantis sonus, cum ipsum solum, sub quo tantus amnis fluit, ne modico quidem resudet humore. Curtius Rufus, Quintus: Historiae Alexandri Magni, ed. by Edmund Hedicke. Leipzig: Teubner 1908. III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 155 "The region of Sogdiana is for the greater part deserted; desert wastes occupy a width of 800 stadia. It extends straight on for a vast distance, through which flows a river which the natives call Polytimetus. This is at first a torrent, since its banks force it into a narrow channel, then a cavern receives it, and hurries it off under the ground. Its hidden course is revealed only by the noise of the flowing waters, since the soil itself under which so great a river flows does not exude even a slight moisture." Quintus Curtius with an English translation by John C. Rolfe, books VI-X. Cambridge (Mas.): Harvard University Press - London: Heinemann 1946, reprint 1976. Etymology: The Greek word 7to>o)Tt|rr|TO<; means "highly honoured; at a high price, very costly". But in the case of the Central Asiatic river-name, it seems to be only an interpretatio Graeca, based on similarity with the original river-name. Assuming the metathesis 7to>a)Tt|rr|TO<; < *7to>o)Tn|j,iTO<; and replacement of tby u to get a meaningful Greek formation, it can be etymologized with help of the Iranian prefix *pari- "around, by" and the verb *tam(H)- > Parthian fm- "to choke"; Khotanese ttdmd "fatigue", patent- "to confound", participle pdtaunda-; Manichaean Sogdian pf'm "unconscious", fs'S "tired"; Khwarezmianpro's- "to become tired"; Persian tdsidah "tired, emaciated"; Iranian > Armenian partasim "I become tired"; further cf. Vedic tarn'- "to become exhausted", timita- "still, quiet" [Ramayana]; "wet" [lexicographs] (Cheung 2007, 376-77; Bailey 1979, 125; MW 447; EWAI I, 626; L/F624). The starting-form would probably be the feminine form *pari-tam-a'ti of the participle *pari-tdm-anf', which served as a model for the Greek transcription. The hypothetical meaning "exhausted" could describe the situation, when the river did not reach the main stream of the Oxus. Chinese sources Nami In the "New Book of Tang" (WiM * XTn Tdngshu), completed by Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi and their collaborators in 1060, this river was called M^nd/nd/nd305 mi306 (Chavannes 1903, 133, 136-39, 348; Marquart 1898, 6; Markwart 1938, 162-63, fn. 2). Etymology: (a) In the Middle Chinese reconstruction the hydronym looked like *na'mit or *nahmit (Pul-leyblank) ~ *ndmit (Starostin) ~ *ndmjet (Schuessler). Markwart (1938, 162-63, fn. 2) speculated 305 Chinese IP nä & nä "to be rich"; later "this, that; so"; nä "which, what, how", nä "many, much" < Late Middle Chinese *na' < Early Middle Chinese *na'/*nah (Pulleyblank 1991, 221) ~ Middle Chinese *nä < Postclassic Chinese *n(h)än < Han Chinese *n(h)än < Classic Old Chinese *n(h)än < Preclassic Old Chinese *n(h)är (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0350 a). Schuessler (2009, 215, §18-12 a): Middle Chinese *näc < Late Han Chinese *nac. Notes: In oldest texts the character is used only with the meaning "to be rich" (sometimes within a compound #IP *?är-när id.). The pronominal meaning (at first only interrogative) appears only during Late Zhou - as a synonym for If *n(h)äts "so what?" (q.v). Later, during Wei (220-265 CE), the character is used for a (probably related) interrogative *n(h)a > Middle Chinese nä, Mandarin nuö (colloq. nä) "how, what". Finally, since Tang demonstrative usage is witnessed: Middle Chinese nä, Mandarin nuö (colloq. nä) "that". The standard Sino-Vietnamese reading is nä; näy may be an old loanword, or else may be just a rather universal pronominal stem (in Vietnamese cf. also nö "he", no "other"). Sino-Tibetan: Old Chinese (late) IP *näj "that"; Kachmnan4 "here", nirf "thus, in this manner"; Kiranti *na-; Karen *«f"that", Kanauri nü, Phom (Konyak) hi, Kham nö "that". 306 Chinese 9? mi "to be quiet; frequent, dense; close; secret" < Late Middle Chinese *mit < Early Middle Chinese *mit (Pulleyblank 1991, 213) - Middle Chinese *mit < Postclassic Chinese *mhit < Eastern Han Chinese *mhrat < Western Han Chinese *mhrjdt < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *mhrit (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0405 p-q). Schuessler (2009, 304, §29-41 p): Middle Chinese *mjet < Old Northwest Chinese *mit < Later Han Chinese *mit < Old Chinese *mrit. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *mit < Old Chinese *mri[tj. Cf. Baxter 1992, 777: Old Chinese *mrjit. Comments: Used also for a homonymous *mhrit"tobe dense"; later used usually with the meaning "quiet > secret, conceal". Cf. also Vietnamese mich "quiet, calm", which may be an older loan from the same source. For *mh cf. Jianou mi7. Vietnamese reading: mat. 156 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia about the hydronym motivated by the city-name, namely by the {unattested} Sogdian compound nw'y/nwyy-mySn /nawě-mWan/"new city" (cf. Gharib 1995, ##6155, 6188, 5605), which had to belong to the city of Bukhara. But the Chinese transcription could bring more archaic information about the original form of this hydronym. For the Late Han era it is possible to reconstruct the hydronym as (b) *najmhr9t or (c) *n(h)5mhr9t according to Starostin. (b) The variant *ndjmhrdt leads to a hypothetical Iranian compound *naima-hrautah- "half-river" or "side-river", perhaps with relation to the main river Amu Darya / Oxus: (i) Avestan naěma- "half; side"; Manichaean Middle Persian nym /něm/ "half, nymrwc /něm-róč/; Parthian nymwrz /němróč/ and Bactrian vulio- in vnuopooo "south" < *naima-raučah-, lit. "half-day"; Sogdian nym /něm/, nymy(y) /němě/ "half, nymyS /něm-měO/ "noon; south"; Khwarezmian nym- "half, nym(y)k "half; cf. Vedic němci- "one, several", němci ... němci "the one .. the other", later also "half (Bartholomae 1904, 1035; MPP 253; Sims-Williams 2007, 139; Gharib 1995, ##6260, 6274, 6281; Benzing 1983, 484-85; MW 569; EWAIll, 56). (ii) Avestan Oraoto.stdt- "in Fluss-laufen befindlich"; Old Persian rauta(h)- "river", Middle Persian: Manichaean rwd, Zoroastrian Iwt /rot/ "river, canal", Parthian rwd "rivers"; Christian Sogdian rwt "river" etc.; cf. Vedic srótas- "river, stream, torrent, current or bed of a river", besides srutl- f. "stream" (Cheung 2007, 140^1; MW 1274; EWAIll, 784). (c) The variant *n(h)amhrdt allows one to speculate about the compound *namb-hrautah- "moisture-river", i.e. the river bringing a moisture (i) or *nam-hrautah- "bent-river", i.e. the river with bends (ii): (i) Zoroastrian Middle Persian nmb "moisture", Persian namidan "to grow moist", Kurdic mm "dampness", Pashtonumd"wď\ Shughnindmb "moisture, humidity", Sarikolinom "wet, moist" etc. (Cheung 2007, 276). (ii) Avestan ndm- "to bend", Manichaean Middle Persian Vot- "to remove, drive away, go away"; Khotanese panam- "to bend" < *pati-nam-, hanem- "to bend down" < *fra-nam-; cf. also Vedic nam- "to bend (oneself), bow" (Cheung 2007, 280; EWAIII, 14; Z/F453f). But for Chinese transcriptions of foreign proper names the metathesis of m and liquid is also possible307. Taking in account this possibility, there are still two alternatives, (d) *ndjrmh9t and (e) *n(h)armh9t. These forms are compatible with derivatives of two quasi-homonymous Iranian verbal forms: (d) *ni- "down" + *ram- "to go, move" > Manichaean Middle Persian nyr'm-, nr'm- "to cast down, throw down" < *ni-rdm-, passive participle nyr'pt/nirapt/ < *ni-ramta-, besides 'hr'm- "to lift up, raise" < *fra-rdm-; Parthian 'hr'm- "to lift up, raise" < *fra-rdm-, n(y)r'm- "to hold back, restrain, suppress"; Khotanese narám-/nerám-/nirám- "to go out" < *ni-rdm-, passive participle 307 There is an analogical case of metathesis in Chinese transcription of the name of the oasis-city Merw on the Silk Road, today known as Mary in Turkmenistan, mediated by the text ížM* Hóu Hánshú "Book of the later Han", compiled by the historian Fan-ye (398^145 CE). The place-name is of Iranian origin, cf. Old Persian Marguš, Parthian mrg, Manichaean Sogdian mry /Mary/, besides mrw-rwd "Marv river" /Marw-rud/ (Gharib 1995, ##5430, 5477). Its Chinese transcription 7fcM, in modern Beijing pronunciation miilii (cf. Chavannes 1907, 177), may be projected into Early Middle Chinese *m3wklgwk (Pulleyblank 1991, 220, 201) or Middle Chinese *mukluk< Late Postclassic Chinese *mhwoklwok < Early Postclassic Chinese *mhoklok < Han Chinese *mhokrok (Starostin, ChEDb). Similarly the Chinese transcription #P9? doumi of the toponym Tarmita (cf. Levy 1933, 27; Tarn 1940, 89-90) from "Book of Later Han" (ížM* Hóu Hánshú; about the period 6-189 CE, but compiled only in the 5th cent.), present Termez in Uzbekistan (see Pulleyblank 1962-63, 124), reconstructible in Eastern Han Chinese as * tamhrst < pre-Han Chinese *tamhrit (Starostin 1989, 465); cf. #P dou & du "capital city, outer city, settlements outside of city wall" < Late Middle Chinese *tuě < Early Middle Chinese *to (Pulleyblank 1991, 81) ~ Middle Chinese *to < Postclassic Chinese *to < Han Chinese *ta < Classic & Old Chinese *ta (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0045 e'-g'). HLA. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 157 naranda-Miranda- "issued" < *ni-ram-anť, t (t) rám- "to cross over" < *ati-räm-, past participle ttranda-, parám- "to grasp, understand" < *pati-rám-; Kurdish Kurmanji fav-, Sorani raw- "to run away, flee", Gurani rämá- id., Parachi ram- "to go round" (Cheung 2007, 312; MPP 253; Bailey 1979, 175, 359; Emmerick 1968, 40, 49, 214-15). The primary form serving as a model for the Chinese transcription could be reconstructed as *ni-ram-dti (with epenthesis), the feminine to the participle *ni-ram-ant° "gone down or out, issued", cf. Avestan bsrszant- "high" vs. f. bdrdza'ti- (Bartholomae 1904, 959-60; Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 147-48, §105). The Avestan-like form would not have been adopted into Chinese, but rather a form in which changes typical for Middle Iranian languages had been realized. It would be possible to extrapolate such a form as *narmet vel sim. (e) Another possibility is represented by the root *Hram- "to be quiet" (ii) with the negation *ná- (i): (i) Avestan na, Sogdian Buddhist rC "z'yt "non-birth", Christian rC Syrwywzyty "enemies"; Khotanese na "not", na-ánaha "not moistened", Pashto na etc. (Bailey 1979, 171-72). (ii) Buddhist Sogdian wyr'm- "to calm, set at rest" < *ui-(H)rám-, Parthian f m "peace", Persian árámidan "to become calm" etc. (Cheung 2007,191; LIV252). The primary model for the Chinese transcription could again be the feminine participle, now in negation: *na-(H)ram-a'ti- "restless, disturbed" vel sim., describing the violent stream of the river in its upper part in the Pamir. Syr Darya / Iaxartes Length 2 212km, together with Naryn 3019km; basin 402 760 (or 462 000) km2. Mouth: North Aral sea; origin: confluence of the Naryn (807km) and Kara Darya (177 km). Source: Tian Shan Mountains. Sir Dary ä Iranian, Turkic, or Mongolic origin The hydronym Sir is known only from the 16th cent. A century later, the form Sir Tengizi30* "Sea of Sir", was used by Abu al-Ghazi Bahadur Khan, historian and ruler of Khiva, for the Aral Sea. Etymologizing this river-name, there are several possibilities: (a) Sogdian psyfmndyy "cooling, freezing" (pa-sir/ser-ámande < *apa-šár(a)ia-), Yaghnobi ósir-/ósér-/ósirta "to freeze, chill" (*á-šária-), Wakhi sir "cold" (*šára-), Sarikoli sorj"frozen" (*šáriaka-), Khwarezmian srY- "to become cold, freeze", Ossetic Iron scelyn, Digor scelun "to freeze" (*šaria-), Parthian wys'r- "to cool off' (Cheung 2007, 337; Gharib 1995, #7466; Morgen-stierne 1974, 75; Steblin-Kamenskij 1999, 325; 48, §86: Wakhi i< *á). A source of the hydronym Sir should be sought in an Iranian language spoken north of the Pamir Mountains around 1500, where the development *šaria- > *sir° is expectable. Good candidates may be Sogdian and Yaghnobi. Some transitional dialect in the dialectal, geographic and chronological sense could really have been a donor-language. This solution agrees with interpretation of the hydronym 'Ia^ápint; as "ice-cold". (b) Turkic: (i) Chaghatai sirq- "to flow slowly", Turkmenian siriq- "to flow (down)", Turkish dial, sirk- "to flow out", Karakalpak sirqi- "to strain moisture", Chuvash säráx- "to absorb moisture" etc. (ESTJVll, 422-23); (ii) *sir > Chuvash Bra- "to smelt", Karakhanid, Middle Turkish, Tatar, Gagauz siz- "to ooze, melt", in Turkish & Turkmenian only "to ooze"; cf. also Soiot syry a "to pour out to bottom" (Räsänen 1969, 419-20; ESTJVll, 394). (c) Mongolic: Written Mongol siri- "to smelt (ore), melt", Khalkha sire- "to melt", Kalmyk sir- in širxs "schmelzen, giessen (von Metallen), širulxs "giessen (Metalle)" (Lessing 1960, 717; Ramstedt 1935, 360-61). 308 158 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia The solutions (b) & (c) more or less express the same process of "melting, thawing", as the hydronym Zhenzhu, analyzed below as a Chinese trascription of the originally Iranian river-name. Greek & Latin sources 'Ia^dpxrig The ancient authors recorded the name and other geographic information about the river called Iaxartes relatively lately. The first was probably Strabo (64 BCE - 19/24 CE) in his Geographica 11.11.5: xorj 5e "Cl%ox> %oxa\iox> 7rlT|oiov opuxxovxag erjpelv e>.aiorj 7rnyfrv ^eyorjotv: eucbq 5e, racmep vixpraST) xivd Kai oxixpovxa uypd Kai docpa^xraSn Kai OeiraSn Siappel xfrv yfjv, ouxco Kai >a7tapd erjpioKeoOai, xo 5e cmdviov 7tovelxf)v 7tapa5o^iav. pelv 5e xov X2xov oi Sidxfjt; BaKxpiavfjt; cpaotv oi 5e nap' arjxfrv, Kai oi uev exepov xou "Cltpv uexpi xcov ekPo^cov voxiraxepov eKeivorj, d(j,cpoxepcov 5' ev xfj 'YpKotvia xd<; ei<; xf)v OdXaxxav radpxetv eKpuoeu;, oi 5e Kax' dpxdt; uev exepov ouuPdAlerv 5' ei<; ev xo xou "Q^ou petOpov, 7ioA,>.axorj Kai e^ Kai emd oxaSicov exovxa xo nlaxoq. 6 uevxoi 'Ia^dpxnt; cot' dpxfjt; uexpi xe^orx; exepot; eoxi xou "Q^ou, Kai ei<; uev xf)v arjxf)v xe^euxrav Od>.axxav, ai 5' e(j,po>.ai Siexouorv aXkr]kwv, (be, cpnoi LlaxpoK^fjt;, 7iapaodyya<; (he, 6y5of)Kovxa: xov 5e 7iapaodyyr|v xov 7iepoiKov oi uev e^fjKovxa oxaSicov cpaoiv, oi 5e xpidKovxa r\ xexxapdKovxa. Strabo: Geographica, ed. A. Meineke. Leipzig: Teubner 1877. "It is said that on digging near the river Ochus a spring of oil was discovered. It is probable, that as certain nitrous, astringent, bituminous, and sulphurous fluids permeate the earth, greasy fluids may be found, but the rarity of their occurrence makes their existence almost doubtful. The course of the Ochus, according to some writers, is through Bactriana, according to others parallel to it. Some allege that, taking a more southerly direction, it is distinct from the Oxus to its mouths, but that they both discharge themselves (separately) into the Caspian in Hyrcania. Others again say that it is distinct, at its commencement, from the Oxus, but that it (afterwards) unites with the latter river, having in many places a breadth of six or seven stadia. The Iaxartes is distinct from the Oxus from its commencement to its termination, and empties itself into the same sea. Their mouths, according to Patrocles, are about 80 parasangs distant from each other. The Persian parasang some say contains 60, others 30 or 40, stadia." The Geography of Strabo, literally translated by H.C. Hamilton & W. Falconer. London: Bell & Sons, 1903. Pomponius Mela in his book De chorographia finished around 43 CE [3.5.6]: Cyrus et Cambyses ex radicibus Coraxici montis vicinis fontibus editi [et] in diversa abeunt, perque Hiberas et Hyrcanos diu et multum distantibus alveis defluunt, post non longe a mari eodem lacu accepti in Hyrcanium sinum uno ore perveniunt. Iaxartes et Oxos per deserta Scythiae ex Sugdianorum regionibus in Scythicum exeunt, ille suo fonte grandis, hie incursu aliorum grandior, et aliquamdiu ad occasum ab oriente occurrens iuxta Dahas primum inflec-titur, cursuque ad septentrionem converso inter Amardos et Pesticos os aperit. Pomponii Mela de Chrorographia Libri Tres, ed. Gustavus Parthey. Berlin: Nicolai 1867 The worke of Pomponius Mela, the cosmographer, concerninge the situation of the world wherein euery parte, is deuided by it selfe in most perfect manner, as appeareth in the table at the ende of the booke. Abooke right plesant and profitable for all sortes of men: but speciallie for gentlemen, marchants, mariners, and trauellers, translated out of Lafine by Arthur Golding Gentleman. London: Charlewood 1585, p. 76. "Le Cyrus et le Cambyse, issus de deux sources voisines au pied du mont Coraxique, se separent ensuite et coulent longtemps, a une grande distance l'un de 1'autre, a travers Liberie et l'Hyrcanie; puis, se reunissant dans un meme lac, non loin de la mer, ils se jettent dans le golfe Hyrcanien par une meme embouchure. LTaxartes et l'Oxus viennent de la Sogdiane, a travers les deserts de la Scythie, se perdre dans le golfe Scythique: le premier est considerable par lui-meme; le second Test encore plus, mais il emprunte une partie de ses eaux a des fleuves tributaires. Apres avoir parcouru un assez long espace d'orient en Occident, il se detourne un moment vers les Da-hes, puis, remontant vers le nord, il va se jeter dans la mer entre les Amardins et les Paesices." Translated by Louis Baudet 1843. In the 6th book of his recoypacpiKf) Tcpf|yr|cn<;, i.e. "Geographical Guidance", Ptolemy (100-168/170 CE) brought a relatively rich description of this river, based on information of Marinus of Tyre (70-130 CE). Marinus owed his knowledge about the country of the Seres to Titianus of Macedonia, also called Maes. He was the son of a merchant who had sent his commercial agents into Serike, cf. Ptolemy 1.11.6-7). Plutarch (46-120 CE) in his biography of Alexander the Great uses the variant 'Ope^dpxnt; [45.4]: 7iapaueivaoav ouk oMyov xpovov, biwnc, ouk 87tai>exo xpcbuevot; eauxco 7tp6<; xoix; KivSfjvorx; dcpeiSax;, ak!a Kai xov Dpe^dpxnv 5iapd<; 7ioxau6v, 6v arjxot; coexo Tdvaiv eivou, Kai xoix; LkuOou; xpev|/duevo<; eSico^ev &%i oxaSfcnx; eicaxov, evox^ofjusvot; xmb Siappoiou;. "Nevertheless, he did not cease exposing himself to dangers without stint, nay, he actually crossed the river Orexartes (which he himself supposed to be the Tanais), put the Scythians to rout, and pursued them for a hundred furlongs, although he was suffering all the while from diarrhoea." Plutarch: Alexander, in: Plutarch's Lives, with an English translation by Bernadotte Perrin. Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press - London: Heinemann 1919. Araxates Ammianus Marcellinus (330-395/400 CE) correctly determined that the mouth of the Iaxartes, i.e. his corrupted Araxates, was in Oxiapalus, i.e. the Aral Sea, and not in the Caspian Sea [23.6.59]: Hinc Sogdiani agunt sub imis montium pedibus, quos appellant Sogdios, inter quos amnes duo fluunt navium capacissimi, Araxates et Dymas, qui per iuga vallesque praecipites, in camp-estrem planitiem fluvii decurrentes, Oxiam nomine paludem ejficiunt, late longeque diffusam. "Next the Sogdiani dwell at the foot of the mountains which they call the Sogdii, through whose territories two rivers flow which are navigable by ships, the Araxates {Iaxartes} and the Dymas. These streams rush headlong over mountains and valleys into a level plain and form a lake, Oxia by name, which is both long and broad." 160 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Ammianus Marcellinus: Rerum Gestarum. With An English Translation. John C. Rolfe, Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press - London: Heinemann 1935-1940. The form X2f|x was recorded by Zemarchus (Zfmapxot;) who visited Goktiirks in Sogdiana in 569-571 as an envoy of the Byzantine emperor Justin II, in the frame of the Byzantine-Turkic cooperation with control of the Silk Road, meant to eliminate the Persians' dominance. Zemarchus' experiences were preserved thanks to the Byzantine historian Menander Protector (MevavSpot; npoxf|KTCop). Marquart (1898, 6) connected the hydronym with Turkic Ojilk. Chinese sources Yaosha In the "New Book of Tang" (f/f/l!It Xin Tdngshu), completed by Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi and their collaborators in 1060, in passages descripting events from the mid-8th cent., the river was called MMydo309 sha310 (cf. Chavannes 1903, 140, 377; Bretschneider 1888, 56). Projecting the hydronym to the Middle Chinese level, these variants are reconstructed: *jiaks9it/*jiakse:t (Pulleyblank) ~ *jaksdt (Starostin) ~ *jiaksdt (Schuessler) ~ *yaksreat (Baxter & Sagart). Just the reconstruction of Baxter & Sagart remarkably corresponds with the Greek form 'Ia^dpTn<-,. Etymology: There are several etymological possibilities (a) *aixa-sar(H)ta- > *iaxsarfl (i) *aixa- > Avestan aexa- «ice, freeze»; Khwarezmian 'yx/ex/ &yyx/yex/, Sogdian yxn(w) «ice», Buddhistic Sogdian yySyn /yiSxan/ «glacier» < *yixSan < *aixa-ddna-, Yaghnobi fx, ex, Parachi Ix «ice», Sanglechi ysx, yex «freeze», ?Wakhi_y/x, ix «ice» (or from *aisa-l), Ossetic ix / ex «ice, hail», Classical Persianyax «ice» etc. (ESIJl, 141-42; Gharib 1995, #11097). The form X2f|X recorded by Zemarchus in the 6th cent. CE can reflect this first component with the meaning "icy". (ii) *sar(H)ta- > Avestan sarsta- "cold"; Khotanese sada- "cold"; Sogdian srt(y) id.; Khwarezmian & Parthian srd id.; Zoroastrian Middle Persian sit /sard/"cold", Manichaean Middle Persian srd'g /sardag/ "cold(ness)", Persian sard, Baluchi sart, Kurdic sar "cold" (Cheung 2007, 336-37). The compound *aixa-sar(H)ta- would designate a river with "ice-cold" water, which is natural for a stream fed from glaciers of the Tian Shan Mountains. It also correlates with interpretation 309 Chinese Wtyäo "to give medicine, cure; medicinal herb, medicine" < Late & Early Middle Chinese *jiak (Pulley-blank 1991, 363) ~ Middle Chinese *jak < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *jak < Early Postclassic Chinese *zauk < Eastern Han Chinese *zauk < Western Han Chinese *lauk < Classic Old Chinese *lauk < Preclassic Old Chinese *lak" (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1125 p). Note: Vietnamese reading: du 'o 'c. Sino-Tibetan *läk" "to heal" > Old Chinese HI *lakw "to give medicine, cure"; Burmese kjak "to heal, cicatrize (of a wound)". Schuessler (2009, 207, §17-8 p): Middle Chinese *jiak < Old Northwest Chinese *iak < Late Han Chinese *jak < Old Chinese *jauk. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 78): Middle Chinese *yak < Old Chinese *m-r[e]wk "medical plant". 310 Chinese ix shä "to kill" < Late Middle Chinese *ga:t < Early Middle Chinese *§3it/*ge:t (Pulleyblank 1991, 273) ~ Middle Chinese *sat < Postclassic Chinese *sqt < Han Chinese *sät < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *srät (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0319 d-e). Comments: The character also has a Late Zhou reading Mandarin shäi "to wound; to diminish" < Middle Chinese *säj < Old Chinese *srät-s. Schuessler (2009, 237, §21-29 de): Middle Chinese *sät < Old Northwest Chinese *sät < Late Han Chinese *sat < Old Chinese *srät. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 74, 271-72, 395-96): Middle Chinese *sreat < Old Chinese *sat. Sino-Tibetan *säf "kill" > Old Chinese ix *srät "to kill"; Tibetangsod "to kill"; Lolo-Burmese *satx > Burmese sat "to kill"; Kachingasat3 "to kill, to mur-dei"; Lushai that "to kill"; Kiranti *set; Boro-Garo: Boro that, Dimasa thai, Garo soPot; Moshang tat; Kham sat; Kham sajL; Kanauri sad-; Rgyarung -sad; Tmng sat'; Mikir dsyhet; Tharkur kathat (Simon 1929,18; Shafer 1974, 436, 410; Benedict 1972, 27; Matisoff 1972, 202; CVSTYN, 98). III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 161 of the limnonym Čaěčasta- < *čai-časta- "accumulated thanks to frost", i.e. from frozen rivers, when they melted, presented above in the section Aral Sea. In the 14th cent, the Persian historian and geographer Hamd-Alláh MustawiT of Qazwln described situation as follows: 'River Sayhun (Iaxartes). This is oi Ma-wara-n-nahr (Transoxiana), and this province is named Má-wará-n-nahr (Arabic "What is beyond the River") because to the west of it flows the Iaxartes, and thus from either side it is regarded as the Land beyond the River. The people of the country called the Iaxartes by the name Gul Zaryun. It rises among the snow, then its stream passes Khujand and Fanákat, and finally reaches the Khwárezm Lake (Aral). This river too, like the Oxus, freezes so hard in winter that at many places caravans cross on the ice. The length of this river is 80 leagues.' (Le Strange 1919, 209-10). According to M. Blochet, quoted by Le Strange (1919, 210, fn. 1), '...this would mean in Mongol "the cold, or fresh, river". Gul, otherwise Gul or Gueul, primarily meaning a "lake", is, like the Persian Darya, applied to any great stream. Zaryun is the Mongol serikun (with the k elided, as in húláú for hulagu), meaning "cold, agreably fresh and pleasant". The name Gul Zaryun, however, does not appear to be mentioned by any other authority.' The really attested Mongolic lexical data are as follows: Mongolic *seriyun "cool, fresh" > Written Mongol serigun, Middle Mongol seri 'un, Khalkha, Kalmyk, Ordos sertin, Buriat herun, Dagur serun, Shary-Yoghur sortin, Monguor sarin, sardtj id. (Lessing 1960, 691; Ramstedt 1935, 326). It is apparent that Middle Mongol seri 'un is closest to the form Zaryún. (b) *(H)axša-0ra- > Alanic *axsarta- (i) *axš- > Ossetic Iron cexsyn, Digor cexsun "to throw, shoot", Sogdian /3r'xš /fra-axša-/ (MacKenzie) "to shoot from bow" (Gharib 1995, #2687: compared it with Ossetic raxsin; correctly Iron raxsyn "to throw out, shoot at" < *fra-(H)axš-, see Cheung 2007, 171; Abaev I, 221-22; Bailey 1979, 13 compared it with Khotanese ah- "to throw, shoot", Avestan arjhiieiti : astar-" shooter"). (ii) Ossetic certcex "dew", certax "drop", Khotanese ttre "drops of water", ttraha "draught (of liquid)", Sogdian "p'ynch tryh "drop of water", Pashto trai "small stream, mill-race", Ormuri tr-, Parachi ter- "to drink", Persian tar "wet" (Abaev I, 180; Bailey 1979, 143^14; Cheung 2007, 383-84 connects the forms with the meaning "to drink" with the root *tarš- "to be thirsty"). The hypothetical Alanic compound *axsarta- would mean "throwing drops of water". The metathesis *-9r- > *-rt- is typical only for the Sarmatian/Alanic-Ossetic311 group within Iranian. The presence of Alans in Central Asia is well-documented in the Chinese sources. In "Book of the Later Han" (ÍJlíflIlf Hou Honshu), documenting the history of the Han dynasty from 6 to 189 CE, there appears information about the change of the name of the kingdom Yancai, located northwest of Sogdiana. During 25-55 CE the name was replaced by a312 lán313 liáo314. In another historical text, "A Brief History of Wei" Wěi lile), written by Yu Han, an official of the state Wei, in 239-265 CE, the new name of this kingdom is divided into two: MM alan and W liáo. Accepting the idea that the record from "Book of the Later Han" represents a mixture of the names of two states, the name of our interest is only MM d-lán. It has been connected with the 311 The 'Sarmatian metathesis', *-Cr- > *-rC-, is documented in the North Pontic onomasticon at least from the end of the 1st cent. CE, the date of a man's name from Olbia noüpSarcni; < Iranian *pu6ra- "son". Later in the Tanais city there was recorded a man's name motivated by the same Iranian word, ©owpxco;, dated to 228 CE. It already resembles Ossetic Digor furt, Iron/ýrí "son" (Zgusta 1955, 135, §185; 167, §249). 312 Chinese M ě, ä"slope, hill, shore, angle,bending" *-li- (perhaps with epenthesis known from Ossetic too, cf. innce & annce "other" < Iranian *a'nia- & *ania-; Abaev I, 545), while Sta-rostin's reconstruction *?ájrán precedes this change. (c) Taking in account the form Dpe^ápint; recorded by Plutarch, it is possible to speculate about the following compound: (i) Yaghnobi ráska & rázka "right = dexter" (Novák 2010, 141; cf. Iranian *Hraz- "to direct, be straight" by Cheung 2007, 196-98), ?Ossetic Iron raxiz, Digor raxez "right = dexter" < *rask-xiz-, cf. Shughni xěz, Rushani xiz id. etc. (Abaev II, 353-54). (ii) *(H)ar(a)0na/i- "elbow" > Avestan arsOna- "elbow", fráráOni.drájah- "length of one cubit"; Old Persian arašni- "cubit", Zoroastrian Middle Persian 'Išn, Manichaean "ryšn/árišn/"cubit", Buddhistic Sogdian "fynč, Christian Sogdian 'rynč /árinč/ (> Zoroastrian Middle Persian 7«c /dranj/ "elbow"), Khwarezmian RNcyc, rycc, ryj] "Unterarm, Elle" (Benzing 1983, 559, 565), Khotanese amine adj. "of the elbow", Ossetic Digor cceng-cerince, Iron cerm-cerin "cubit", Wakhi brdt "elbow" < *dui-ara6n°, arét "cubit", cf. Pazand ardO (Bailey 1979, 8; ESIJ 1, 214). The hypothetical compound *razk-ara6(n)- "right elbow" would reflect a big bend of the river, one near the city Taškent (Toshkent), second by the city Khujand. The river really resembles a bent arm of a person looking to the east. Although the proposed semantic motivation is transparent and attractive, unresolved problems remain: initial vowel (prothesis before r-?), metathesis of the sibilant and velar, loss of -n-. (d) Rather surprising can seem the etymological attempt based on a hypothetical Tocharian315 compound, consisting of these components: (i) Tocharian AB yaks- "to embrace (of lovers); entangle (of lianas)", with the derivative yek-snar adv. "all around" (Adams 2013, 535-36, 545). (ii) Tocharian B arte "river branch" or "(raised) aqueduct / feeder canal" (Adams 2013, 54-55 assumes an Iranian source close to Khufi {Pamir} arSdn "embankment between irrigation canal and field", ardoan "opening in this embankment for letting water between flow into the field", wurS "irrigation canal carried across the unevenness of the country on top of a stone causeway"), or "bank" (Sims-Williams 2007, 194; as a source he prefers a ^-variant of Bactrian ap>.o "side, 315 In the 123rd chapter of the chronicle Shiji (5ttB Shiji "The Scribe's Records" by Sima Qian, completed c. 94 BCE), we can read the notes of Zhang Qian, the ambassador of the Han dynasty, from his travel to the land Daxia, i.e. Bactria, to inform the Emperor Wu in 126 BCE.: "The nation of Yuezhi (E 3C Yuezhi) originally lived in the area between the Qilian mountains and the city of iMJl Dunhuang, but after their total defeating by the Xiongnu tribes (= Huns), they moved far to the west behind^C^a Dawan/Dayuan (= Ferghana), where invaded and dominated people of the land ~X1H Daxia (= Bactria) and founded settlement of their king on the northern bank of the river Gui" (cf. Lin 1998, 476). One of components of the tribal confederation called Yuezhi were probably ancestors of Tocharians. III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 163 bank of a ditch" < *arda-, cf. Young Avestan ardda- m. "side", adj. "half-", arddah- n. "side"). The whole compound would mean "embracing banks" vel sim. It represents an accurate description in the Ferghana Valley in eastern Uzbekistan, especially in its western narrow part, where the Syr Darya leaves the valley after the confluence of the Naryn and Kara Darya. Niluoqiti (cf. Pulleyblank 1962-63, 94-95: Middle Chinese *rjei-la-khye-tei) The river-name WlMSkW nP16 luo3" qi/qpx% tP19 appears in the anonymous text jSiMlf^-Xihe jiushi (Wade-Giles: Hsi-ho chiu-shih) "Notes on Xi-he", written before 500 CE. Pulleyblank (1962-63, 94) tried to demonstrate that it belongs to the ancient 'Ia^dpint;, today known as Syr Darya. According to him, his Middle Chinese reconstruction *tjeilakhyetei from 1962 more or less reflects just the form 'Ia^dpxT|<;. Using his Early Middle Chinese reconstruction from 1991, the hydronym would have had to look very similar: *tj£jldkhji(§)hd£j. There is only a slight difference in the Middle Chinese reconstruction of Schuessler (2009): ^nieildl&jiediei. But the hydronym was undoubtedly recorded in the pre-Tang times. Combining the reconstruction of Schuessler and Starostin, the Eastern Han (c. 200 CE - 0) form can be reconstructed as ^nerdl&iede/die. If we admit the syllable metathesis or mistaken change of order of the characters H and H£, easily caused, when recording the foreign and long proper name, the primary form of this hydronym could look like ^nel&ierdde in the beginning of the 1st mill. CE. With respect to the fact that the foreign proper names in *ia- were transcribed by characters, whose reading from the Middle Chinese period and earlier has been reconstructed with the initial *rj-il°, this conjectured form of the hydronym corresponds syllable by syllable to the Greek transcription 'Ia^dpint;, naturally without the final sigma and with substitution of £ by Middle Chinese *kh. If the language-donor was of Iranian provenance, one would expect the corresponding cluster -ks-, which has been preserved in most of Old and Middle Iranian languages. The exceptions are Khwarezmian, Bactrian and Khotanese, where *-ks- was changed into -x-, -ss- respectively: e.g. Iranian *baxs- > Avestan baxs- "to divide, have a share", Middle Persian bxs-/bhs- "to divide, apportion", Parthian bxs- "to divide, distribute, bestow", Sogdian fks- id., 'nfhcs "to divide", vs. Khwarezmian fix- "to give, bestow, share", m/nfix- "to share", Bactrian Pax- "to give away", aLi|3ax- (*ham-baxs-) "to give away, distribute", Khotanese buss- "to give, distribute"; or *uaxs- > Avestan vaxs- "to grow", Middle Persian whs- "to grow; blaze", Parthian wxs- "to grow; kindle, be kindled, blaze", Sog- 316 Chinese S! ni "kind of cicada" e/< Eastern Han Chinese V<01d Chinese *rje. 317 Chinese H lud "bird-net; gauze; basket with square bottom" < Late Middle Chinese *la < Early Middle Chinese *la (Pulleyblank 1991, 2002) < Middle Chinese *lä < Postclassic Chinese *lä < Eastern Han Chinese *rä < Western Han Chinese *räj < Classic Old Chinese *räj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0006 a). Schuessler (2009, 215, §18-10): Middle Chinese *lä < Eastern Han Chinese *la < Old Chinese *räi. Comments: Regular Sino-Viet-namese is la; Vietnamese la is a colloquial loan with the meaning "fine silk" (one of the meanings of the word in later periods in Chinese is ,silk woven like a net, thinly woven silk'). An older loan from the same source is Viet. lu '6'/ "net". Vietnamese reading: la. For *r cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou lo2, Fuzhou, Jianou h2. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 269-70): Old Chinese *r'aj. 318 Chinese B£ qi & qi"\o stand on tiptoe and look" wé < Middle Chinese *rjak < Later Han Chinese *nok < Old Chinese *rjräuk. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 297): Middle Chinese */ö£"joy, enjoy" & *ngaewk "music" < Old Chinese *[rfawk & *[nfrawk. 324 Chinese ji yuě "to go on, go beyond, transgress" < Middle Chinese *wat < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *w3t < Early Postclassic Chinese *wat < Han Chinese *wat < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *wat (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0303 e). Schuessler (2009, 241, §22-5 e): Middle Chinese *jwet < Late Han Chinese *wat < Old Chinese *wat. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *hjwot < Old Chinese *[a]wat. Comments: Vietnamese reading: vát. Another colloquial loan from the same source is Vietnamese vu 'o 't "to surpass, go beyond". Standard Sino-Vietnamese is viét (this word is also used in the shortened name of Vietnam = "Trans-south"). For *w- cf. dialectal forms: Xiamen uaf, Chaozhou uek8, Fuzhou ok8, Meixian jař. Sino-Tibetan *q"ůt "to pass, traverse" > Old Chinese jl *wat "to transgress; pass over to"; Tibetan rgjud "to pass through, traverse"; Kachin koř "to step orpass oveť'; Kiranti *khwat"to go" (Luce 1981, 31; CVSTV, 158). 325 Chinese ,8 tě "evil" < Middle Chinese *th\k < Postclassic Chinese *thsk < Eastern Han Chinese *nSk < Western Han Chinese *snSk < Classic Old Chinese *snSk < Preclassic Old Chinese *snhsk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0111 o). Schuessler (2009, 71, §2-30 o): Middle Chinese *řak < Late Han Chinese *řak < Old Chinese *nh§k. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *thok < Old Chinese *neak. 326 Chinese S ni "to conceal; what is concealed, secluded" < Middle Chinese *nik < Postclassic Chinese *nik < Han Chinese *nak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *nrak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 07771-m). Comments: Vietnamese reading: nůc. For *n cf. Fuzhou nik8, Chaozhou nek8. Schuessler (2009, 71, §2-30 1): Middle Chinese *njak < Late Han Chinese *nik < Old Chinese *nrak < *r-mk. Baxter& Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *nrik < Old Chinese *nr[a]k. Sino-Tibetan *(r-)nik "hide, conceal" > Old Chinese S *nrak "to conceal"; Tibetan brnogs "to hide, conceal"; Burmese hnauk"to penetrate, dive into" (Bodman 1980, 130; Peiros & Starostin 1977, 218; CVST II, 31-32). 327 Chinese JÉ di "earth, ground, country, position, place" < Middle Chinese *di < Postclassic Chinese *dhě < Eastern Han Chinese *lheh < Western Han Chinese *Lhajh < Classic Old Chinese *Lhajh < Preclassic Old Chinese *Lhajs (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0004 b'). Schuessler (2009, 214, §18-9 b'): Middle Chinese *df < Late Han Chinese *df < Old Chinese *draih. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 109): Middle Chinese *dijH < Old Chinese *[lfej-s. Comments: Vietnamese reading: dia. Middle Chinese *di is irregular (*dě would be normally expected). Another irregularity is the Siamese loan dhf, pointing to proto-Tai *d- and rather Old Chinese *Laj-s than *Lhaj-s. Sino-Tibetan *Mj "earth, ground" > Old Chinese: JÉ *Lhajs "earth, ground"; Tibetangži-ma "ground, floor"; Lolo-Bur-mese *mlij > Burmese mrij "earth, ground"; Kuki-Chin *rj-lei > Lushai lei "earth, ground, the world"; Mikirra/// -meli "sandbank"; Trungma3-li2 "earth"; ManyakrafaJ// (CT5TIII, 55; Shafer 1974,24,184; Benedict 1972,44). This character was probably used in its Chinese sense "country" etc. and not as a syllable value. III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 165 Pulleyblank (1962-63, 94): Old Chinese *hlaukhwat nhik/nlik// *rjlauk hwat nhik/nlik. He mentioned that the sign was glossed by Wt sui32S in Shiming (11^5 shi ming "explanation of names" - a dictionary of c. 1500 glosses, usually dated to 200 CE). With regard to it, he modified his reconstruction to *hlauk shwäts nhik/nlik// *nlauk shwäts nhik/nlik. Starostin (ChEDb, 2005): Han Old Chinese *rdukwat sn5k/mk // *nräwh wat smk/mk // *nrduk wat sn§k/mk < Preclassic Old Chinese *rdkw wat snh§k/nrdk // *nrdkws wat snh§k/nrdk // *nrdkw wat snh§k/ nrdk. Schuessler (2009): Later Han Chinese Hak wat thdk// *nauc wat f'sk// *rjokwat f'sk < Old Chinese *rduk wat nh§k // *nrdukh wat nh§k // *nrduk wat nh§k. Baxter & Sagart (2014): Old Chinese *[rfawk [a]wat nrfsjk// *[nfrawk [a]wat nrfsjk. For the pre-Han time, it is possible to extrapolate a 'mean value' *(n)rauk(s)watnrik —* *(n raiks(w)artnikl The main difference from the Chinese transcriptions in labial consonants or labial vowels consists in the anlaut. Probably it reflects the initial *(h)ra- < Iranian *fra- "before, in front of. Such a development is typical e.g. for Khwarezmian, where this prefix is attested in five (!) variants: r- (rxyz- "aufkommen, entstehen" < *fra-haiz-) and h- (hßr- "to give" < *fra-ba-ra-), besides fr- (frdr "better" < *fratara-),f- ( hr- (hrSys "13"), besides Vr- (>cy'd"one third"), s- (Sy "3", sys "30") - see Edel'man (2008, 19). The final *-nik could be identified in the derivational suffix known from Khwarezmian, e.g. krc'nyk "Messerscheide" : krc "Messer", xwfynk "Heerhaufe" : j would be expected). 329 Chinese Ä, simplified in Jf, zhen "true, real, sincere" [Late Zhou] < Middle Chinese *cin < Postclassic Chinese *cin < Eastern Han Chinese *csn < Western Han Chinese *tjsn < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *tin (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0375 a). Vietnamese reading: chart. Sino-Tibetan *[ti]n / *[ti]n "true" > Old Chinese jit *tin "true, real" / Tibetan bden "to be true" / Kachin ten2 "to be true" (CVSTII, 127). 330 Chinese Bfe zhü "pearl" < Middle Chinese *cü < Postclassic Chinese *cwo < Eastern Han Chinese *cwa < Western Han Chinese *twa < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *to (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0128 e). 166 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia from the Iranian verb *ci-nu-/-nau- "to collect"331 (present stem) & noun attested in Sogdian c'w "flow, tide" n. (Gharib 1995, #3162), together perhaps *cinuat-caw- "collecting tides", about the river bringing floods after the thawing mountain snow. Note: With regard to Old Turkic Jincil Qgiiz, the caique on this Chinese river-name jRSfe zhen zhu "true pearl", Marquart (1898, 6) offered the Iranian interpretation +yaxsa-arta- "pearl-true", but there is no evidence for the meaning "pearl" for +yaxsa- in Iranian languages. Humbach & Faiss (2012, 41) see in the first component the Iranian counterpart of Sanskrit yaksd- "wonderful thing", later "ghost, spirit". But there is an Iranian cognate probably only in Yaghnobi yaxs- "to be visible", ?Khotanese pyasta- "manifest, visible, variable" (Bailey 1979, 25\; KEWA III, 1). Hi River The river is 1439 km long (with the Tekes river) and its basin is 140 000 km2. The Hi River proper, originating in the confluence of the Kunges (or Kunes) and Tekes rivers, is 1001km long. The mouth of the Hi River is a big delta (c. 8000 km2) draining into the southwestern part of Lake Balkhash. Turkic sources in In the 11th cent, the river-name Hi was mentioned by Mahmud of Kashgar in his Diwanu l-Lugat al-Turk (1072-1074 CE). Chinese sources Ydi In the "Transcribed record of the western regions" (M^PiJC^- Xiyii tongwenzhi), completed in 1782, the river-name was transcribed as ffiW- YTli Yile he In "Records on Western Countries" (^i$MXIyii lii) by Yelii Chucai (IP#JtM Yelii Chucdi; 1190-1244; the Confucian scholar of Kitan origin, administrator and advisor in the court of Genghis Khan and his son Ogedei), and in the "History of Yuan" (xijfe Yuan Shi), compiled in 1370 during the Ming dynasty under supervision of Song Lian (1310-1381), the hydronym was recorded as ^FttlM yi332 le333 he. Its reading in the Yuan era was reconstructed by Pulleyblank as *ji faj 331 Avestan caii- "to heap up, gather", pres. vl-cinaot "scheidet voneinander", part. pres. cinuuant- "der (die Brücke zum Jenseits) aufschichtet", Middle Persian cyn-/cin-/"to gather, collect", Parthian cyn- "to gather, collect", Sogdian wen- "to choose, select", Khwarezmianm/wen- "to collect, gather" etc.; further cf. Sanskrit cinoti "to arrange in order, heap up, pile up, collect, accumulate" (Lipp, LIV 318-19; ESIJ2, 205-210; Cheung 2007, 26-27). 332 Chinese ift yi "also, furthermore, then, and" < Yuan *ji < Late & Early Middle Chinese *jiajk (Pulleyblank 1991, 370) ~ Middle Chinese *jek < Postclassic Chinese *zhjek < Eastern Han Chinese *zhiak < Western Han Chinese *lhiak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *lhiak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0800 a-c). Schuessler (2009, 71, §2-27a) reconstructs Middle Chinese *jiäk < Late Han & Old Chinese jak. Comments: The graph is originally a drawing of two armpits, being homophonous with Jft "armpit". Old Chinese *lh is reflected irregularly as Middle Chinese j-; aspiration is revealed by Min reflexes, Xiamen ia?7, Chaozhou ia6 (reflecting *lhiak-s). Sino-Tibetan *läk "great, big, more" > Old Chinese: *liak "great", ifc *lhiak "also, furthermore, and"; Tibetan lhag "more, beyond"; Burmese Mix? "very; affix of intensification"; Kachin nin-la "great, important"; Lushai le? "again, then" (Shafer 1974, 76; CKSriII, 8). 333 Chinese Wi le "reins, to rein in, bridle; hip, rib; to engrave; restrain, compel" < Yuan *hj < Late Middle Chinese *b§k < Early Middle Chinese *hk (Pulleyblank 1991, 184) ~ Middle Chinese *Uk < Postclassic Chinese *lSk < Han Chinese *r§k < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rSk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0928 f-g). Schuessler (2009, III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 167 . This pronunciation dated to c. 1300 CE can represent a continuation of the Late Middle Chinese pronunciation of ffiM, reconstructed by Pulleyblank as *?jiliaj" to c. 900 CE. Yili In both "Old Book of Tang" (H/H * Jiii Tangshu; compiled by Zhao ying and Liu Xu in 941-945) and "New Book of Tang" (WiM * Xin Tangshu; compiled by Ouyang Xiu and his team in 1060) appears the record #M yi IP34 (later the character M was simplified as ffif). From the point of view of chronology the appropriate layer is Middle Chinese: *?j9jliej (Starostin) ~ *?iliei (Schuessler) ~ *?jiliajs < *?jilejh (Pulleyblank) ~ *'jijlejH(Baxter & Sagart). Yilie In "Book of Han" (Wk 1=t Hanshu) describing the events of the Former (or Western) Han dynasty from 206 BCE to 23 CE, finished by Ban Gu (Iff 13) in 111 CE, the hydronym is attested for the first time as#5tl yi335 lie336. Similarly in "Old Book of Tang" (H/H It Jiii Tangshu; compiled by Zhao ying and Liu Xu in 941-945) and "New Book of Tang" ($JfjM * Xin Tangshu; compiled by Ouyang Xiu and his team in 1060). The pronunciation in Late Han according to Schuessler should be *?iliat, Starostin reconstructed the same form *?j9jrhat for both Late (Eastern) and Early (Western) Han Chinese. Etymology: (a) If the hydronym was really recorded in the time when the liquid *-r- still preceded the later *-/-, there is a promising Yeniseian etymology: a compound consisting of (a) Ket eje1; pi. sjan5, Yug ef "island"; in compound Ket ei-tu, pi. ejcin tunen (Castren) "Flussbusen" / "bay, backwater" ~ Kottish hau-tu "Flussbusen" (Castren) (Starostin 1995, 230: *h[ejj- "island" & Id., 1995, 288: *tu "bay, backwater"; Werner 1, 272 <*eje> & Werner 2, 309: *tu); also Arin ji-khuj (Miller) "Yenisei"; (Loskutov) i-kai "river", where the second component is derived from *quk (~x) "river (Yenisei)" > Ket quk, Yug xuk (Starostin 1995, 265; Werner 2, 140), and (b) Proto-Yenisseian *ra?t (—c,-c) "beaver" > Ket la?t, pi. latn5 (Starostin 1995, 267). The compound *h[ejjra?t would designate a river with islands, characteristic by beavers. The beavers are and were really widespread in the Kazakhstan-Tuvinia-Mongolia-Xinjang borderland337. If the older *-r- was already changed into *-/-, i.e. Schuessler's Late Han reconstruction is taken in account, the Yeniseian etymology remains possible, the initial Ket /- could be easily substituted as Chinese //-. 110, §5-211): Middle Chinese *tek < Late Han Chinese *hk < Old Chinese *räk. Comments: For *r cf. Xiamen lik8, Chaozhou lek8, Fuzhou lek3. 334 Chinese Sf li "to be beautiful; to attach, assign; paired, parallel; big amount" < Late Middle Chinese *liaj" < Early Middle Chinese *lsf (Pulleyblank 1991, 189) ~ Middle Chinese *liej < Postclassic Chinese < Eastern Han Chinese *rieh < Western Han Chinese *reh < Classic Old Chinese *reh < Preclassic Old Chinese *res (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0878 a-b). Schuessler (2009,126, §7-21a): Middle Chinese *liei < Late Han Chinese *le < Old Chinese *reh. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb): Middle Chinese *lejH < Old Chinese *[r]'e-s. Comments: For *r cf. Xiamen le6, Chaozhou //■*, Fuzhou la6. 335 Chinese P yi "personal equational copula: it is, they are; he, she, it, they" < Late & Early Middle Chinese (Pulleyblank 1991, 365) ~ Middle Chinese < Late Postclassic Chinese < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *?jij < Han Chinese *?j3j < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *?ij (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0604 a-c). Schuessler (2009, 278, §26-13): Middle Chinese *?i < Late Han Chinese *?i < Old Chinese *?/. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 289): Middle Chinese < Old Chinese *?ij. Comments: Vietnamese reading: y. Sino-Tibetan *?/"'this" > Old Chinese P "this"; Burmese / "this"; Lushai / "this"; Kiranti *?e (CVSTV, 4-5). 336 Chinese M lie "row, rank, order; to arrange in a row" < Late & Early Middle Chinese *liat (Pulleyblank 1991,193) -Middle Chinese *let < Postclassic Chinese *lhet < Han Chinese *rhat < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rhat (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0291 a). Schuessler (2009,235, §21-25a): Middle Chinese *ljät < Late Han Chinese *liat < Old Chinese *rat. Comments: For *rh- cf. Jianou lie7. Vietnamese reading: liet. 337 Halley, D., Rosell, F. & Saveljev, A. 2012. Population and Distribution of Eurasian Beaver (Castor Fiber). Baltic Forestry 18(1), 168-175. 168 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia (b) But there is also an alternative solution, based on the Tocharian word for "gazelle": Aydl*, loc.sg. ylam, possessive adj. ylem (Poucha 1955, 243, 251); Byal, nom.pl. ylyi, acc.pl. ylam, gen.pl. ylamts (Adams 2013, 523: *H]eli-). Just the form of the gen.pl. ylamts (cf. Pinault 2008, 500 about this case ending) could have been transcribed in the Late Han Chinese as *?iliat. The later transcription ffiMyTH ("Old Book of Tang") < Middle Chinese: *?j9jliej (Starostin) ~ *?iliei (Schuessler) ~ *?jiliajs < *?jilejh (Pulleyblank) ~ *'jijlejH(Baxter & Sagart). These forms are more or less identical and may be identified with the Tocharian B nom.pl. ylyi "gazelles" < *H1el-ei-es (cf. Pinault 2008, 498). For support of the 'gazelle'-etymology it is possible to refer to one of the source-streams of the Hi River, Tekes River, whose name is explainable as Uyghur tekd33S su339 "billy goat's water", cf. the hydronym Tekesu "billy goat's water" in Kazakhstan (Konkaspaev 1963, 112). Note: One of two source-tributaries of the Hi river is the Kunges river. It is tempting to see in its name traces of the Turkic designation of "beaver" (as in Kunduz, 420 km long, left tributary of Amu Darya): Middle Turkic, Chaghatai kunduz, Turkish, Gagauz, Azerbaijani, Kirgiz, Uzbek, Modern Uyghur kunduz, Kazakh, Karakalpak, Nogai kundyz, Kazan Tatar kundyz, Bashkir kunduz, Tuvin, Tofalar xundus, Altai, Teleut, Sagai kumdus, Uyghur dial, kumdos, Shor qatjdus, Chuvashxdntar id., in Turkish, Bashkir, Kirgiz, Nogai, Tofalar "otter" (ESTJ 6[2000], 146^17; TMEN3, 522-24, §1534). The substitution of the Turkic cluster -nd- with -ng- could have been caused by Chinese adaptation, cf. Chinese ItfflcM Yeerqidng he 'Yarkand river' (Xinjiang). (c) According to Adil Arup340, the hydronym Hi has to be explainable as the Uyghur word // "hook", resembling the river's geographical shape. But the stream of the Hi River is more or less straight in the western direction, and only the lower stream flows in a northwestern direction. The only exception is one of its source-streams, the Tekes River, flowing to the east before its confluence with the Kunges River, together forming the Hi River; this means that the Tekes and Hi after the confluence really form the big bend. Let us also mention that Modern Uyghur /'/- means "to hang". Only the derivative ilmek expresses "hook" (ESTJ 1, 343^16). It means that this solution is also untenable and the turkicized form Hi likely represents an adaptation of the older river-name, whose Tocharian origin remains as the most probable solution. (d) In the "Transcribed record of the western regions" (M^PiJC^- Xiyu tongwenzhi), completed in 1782, the river-name ffiW- YTli was etymologized as an adaptation of 'Dzungarian' # % YTle, i.e. Mongolic Oirat. There are relatives in other Mongolic languages: Written Mongol He "clear, manifest, perceptible, visible, distinct, obvious, open(ly), public(ly), overtly, in reality" (Lessing 1960, 404), Middle Mongol He, ild, Khalkha /'/, Buryat eli, Kalmyk il", Tl" "offen, vor den Augen, bar; auf der Hand, klar, bereit, bekannt" (Ramstedt 1935, 206), Ordos He, ele id., but the primary meaning of this Common Mongolic word was "clear" in the sense "self-evident". It does not seem to be a typical semantic motive for a river-name. On the other hand, there is probably a more promising candidate in the Mongolic languages: Written Mongol Hi "a young deer, fawn", Middle Mongol ele 'ut "a kind of camel", Khalkha /'/, Buryat eli, Kalmyk il" "neugeborenes Hirschkalb; Hi Fluss". Cf. also Written Mongol ilgi "chamois leather", Khalkha //eg, ilgen, Kal- 338 Proto-Turkic *teke "he-goat, billy goat" > Old Uyghur teke, Karakhamd teke (Mahmud of Kashgar), Middle Turkic teke, Turkish, Gagauz, Oirat, Sary-Yughur, Kirgiz, Karakalpak, Turkmenian, Nogai, Balkar, Kumyk teke, Karaim teke, tege, Tuva de'ge, te, Tofalar te 'he, Uyghur, Kazakh teka, Khalaj, Azerbaijani, Bashkir, Tatar taká (also "ram"), Uzbek taka, Chuvash taga (also "ram") (Rasanen 1969, 470; Clauson 1972, 477). 339 Proto-Turkic *sib "water" > Old Turkic: Orkhonráň, Old Uyghur sub, suv, Karakhamd [Mahmud of Kashgar] suv, Middle Turkic su, Turkish, Gagauz, Karaim, Kazakh, Azerbaijani, Salar, Uyghur, Sary-Yughur su, Kirgiz, Oirat, Balkar su, Uzbek, Turkmen suv, Kumyk, Karakalpak, Khalaj, Nogai suw, Tatar siw, Bashkir hiw, Khakassian, Shor, Tuvin, Tofalar suy, Yakut & Dolgan u, Chuvash šiv (Rasanen 1969, 431; TMEN3, 281-82; Clauson 1972, 783-84). 340 Hi atalghusi heqqide ("Etymology of Hi"), Journal of/// Darya 2007, cited according to . III. A. Basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash 169 myk ilgn "Ziegenleder" (Lessing 1960, 407; Ramstedt 1935, 206-07). This animal-name more or less exactly corresponds to its hypothetical Tocharian predecessor in both the form and semantics. Didi In the "New Book of Tang" (WiM* Xin Tdngshu), completed by Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi and their collaborators in 1060, the river is called ^f^fM di341 di he. The hydronym, in the Tang era reconstructible as Middle Chinese *tiejtiej < Postclassic Chinese *tiSjtiSj < Eastern Han Chinese *tiehtieh. The root of this hydronym could perhaps be a derivative of the Iranian verb *taH(i)- "to flow, stream, melt" > Khotanese attqyd "unpolluted", Ossetic Iron tajyn, Digor tajun "to melt, thaw", ?Pashto toy, toe "spilt, overflowed", further probably Avestan tat.dp- "with flowing water", Khwarezmian fsy- "to melt" etc. (Abaev III, 222-23; Cheung 2007, 375), but its reduplicated form is strange. It seems more promising to seek its origin in Yeniseian. There are even several possible etymological solutions: (a) Cf. Pumpokol pi. tatan "river (fhivius)", "brook (amnis)", related to Ket ses, South Ket pi. sas4, Yug ses, pi. sa:hs; Kottish set, pi. sati "river, brook"; Assan set "river (fluvius)", "brook (amnis)"; Arin sat "river (fluvius)" (Starostin 1995, 271: *ses "river"; Werner 2, 191 < *set/*tet>). It is not excluded that the hydronym was in reality a compound, where the second component could be identified in Ket eje1; pi. sjan5, Yug ef "island"; in compound Ket ei-tu, pi. ejdn tuner) (Castren) "Flussbusen" / "bay, backwater" ~ Kottish hau-tu "Flussbusen" (Castren) (Starostin 1995, 230: *h[e]j- "island" & Id., 1995, 288: *tu "bay, backwater"; Werner 1, 272 <*eje> & Werner 2, 309: *tu); also Arin ji-khuj (Miller) "Yenisei"; (Loskutov) i-kai "river", where the second component is derived from *quk (~x) "river (Yenisei)" > Ket quk, Yug xuk (Starostin 1995, 265; Werner 2, 140). In this case the hydronym would mean "river with islands". It is characteristic especially for the delta of the Hi River. (b) Kottish fit, pi. fdtn "Taimen (fish)" (Castren 1858, 219), further related to Ket to?t, pi. totn5, Yug to?t, pi. totn5 id. (Starostin 1995, 291: *tV?t "a k. offish (raMMem.)"; Werner 2, 282 *fo?t/*fdt "Weisslachs"). Cf. Samoyed: Selkup tut, tuti "crucian; Cyprinus carassius" ( Ket tdj, pi. tojatj (Castren 1858, 177), Kureika tdji1, pi. tojeh5, Yug tdj, pi. tbjerf (Starostin 1995, 287; Werner 2, 283 *foj9), plus Kottish fe/fi, pi. fibj/fekn "Rand", related to Ket ti?, pi. tin, Yug ti?, pi. tin "Randseil, Bogensehne" (Castren 1858, 218-19; Starostin 1995, 285: *//?"string (of net); bow-string; edge"; Werner 2, 267, 317). The compound could designate the "rim of the arm of river". (d) *ti "down, below" > Ket tt "coming from upstream" (= "flowing downwards"), ti-ya5-6 "downstream"; Yug ti "coming from upstream"; tigej "down"; tf.r "lowland (of river)"; Kottish figa "downwards" (Starostin 1995, 286; Werner 2, 311-13), plus *toj- "arm of river" (Castren 1858, 177; Starostin 1995, 287; Werner 2, 283; see above). The compound would designate a "river branching into arms on the lower stream", i.e. in the north, cf. Ket til / tiyal "on the lower stream (of the Yenisei); north(ern)" (Werner 2, 312). 341 Chinese "rf? di "a God, divine king, deceased king, emperor" < Late Middle Chinese *tiaj < Early Middle Chinese *tef (Pulleyblank 1991, 76) ~ Middle Chinese *tiej < Postclassic Chinese *tiij < Eastern Han Chinese *tieh < Western Han Chinese *teh < Classic Old Chinese *teh < Preclassic Old Chinese *teks (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0877 a-d). Note: Shijing occurrences: 47.2. Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan the "celestial gods of the Bon religion" (Coblin 1986, 164). 170 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Conclusion Summing up, in the area defined by the basins of the Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash and in the time before the spread of Turkic, the hydronyms of Iranian origin predominate, but there are also traces of Yeniseian and Tocharian presence. B. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin The Tarim River is the longest inland stream in the territory of the People's Republic of China. Its length is 2030km (also 2137km or 2437km from Yarkand Laskaimu to Taitema lake and even 2750km to the Lop Nur Lake), the area of its basin is 198 000 km2. The river is called Tarim from the confluence of the Yarkand River (970/996 km), flowing from the southwest, with Yarkand's western tributary the Kashgar River (765 km), and the Aksu River (282 km), flowing from the north. The biggest south tributary of the Tarim is the Hotan River (Khotan-Darya; 290/806 km), but with the exception of snow-thawing in summer this river is dry and its riverbed serves as a route for transportation between north and south of the Tarim Basin. From these four main source-streams the richest in water is the shortest one, the Aksu River, giving c. 31A of all waters of the Tarim. This river-system is endorheic, it empties into the Lop Nur lake (Mongolic the 'Lob lake', Chinese Luobiibo), today practically a dried up salty depression, but during the 20th cent, it was still existing as a lake with an area of 3100 km2 in 1928, 2400 km2 in 1930-31. The hydronyms are arranged more or less chronologically, from most recent to oldest ones, dependent on their appearance in written sources. Tarim Mongolic origin Ergiguu youl The six-language dictionary of geographical names of the West, (Qinding) Xiyu tongwen zhi ( $JC/E) j3±i$ InJi/ife "(Imperially Endorsed) Dictionary of Languages in the Western Territories"342, presented to the throne in 1763, and known from the Qing xylograph343 from the era Qianlong (1736-1795), has recorded the following series of names of the Tarim river: Written Mongol Ergiguu youl; Oirat (recorded in so-called Clear Script Todo ilzilg) Ergilil yol, plus its transcription in Chinese characters Eergou with notice that it is the spoken Mongolic language of Dzungaria; Turkic (Modern Uyghur): Arkul ghol Ij^jJ _jJ; Manchu Erguu gool; Tibetan er gu 'u go 'ul; Chinese Eergouguole MM^I^kW}- Only in the Mongolic languages the hydronym gives a sense: "turning river". It is supported by witness of Li Daoyuan, who informed us in Shuijingzhu "Commentary to the river classic" already in the 6th cent, that Bei bo he "Northern waving river", i.e. Tarim (see the section Chinese origin), turned to the east and its stream was south of the state Qiuci (HIH. This means that the Turkic, Manchu, Chinese and Tibetan forms are only transcriptions of the Mongolic term. The Chinese transcription Eergou guole ^Wi^^Wl) appeared also in the text "Illustrated treatise on the imperial Western territories"344 (j3±i$|8|/ife Xiyu tu zhi) finished in 1762 and revised in 1782 during the Qing dynasty (1644-1911). 342 http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Science/xiyutongwenzhi.html. 343 Newly published in Beijing: Zhongyang minzu xueyuan yinshuachang 1984. Juan 6, fol. 14v-15v. 344 http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Science/xiyutuzhi.html HIB. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin 171 Best informed was Xu Song (1781-1848) in his compendium "Waterways of the Western Regions"345 (H±^7JCilti!E Xiyu shuidao ji), collected in 1815-1816, and newly published by Zhu Yuqi 0kSM, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 2005). Xu Song wrote that the Eergou River originated after the confluence of the Aksu River (Akesu he M~^MM) and Keriya river (Kelediyahe J^ttlJfSilM), when flowed in the north from the area Bugusikongguoeerguo ^ "S"9??Lf|5Mf|5. As soon as the Eergoule passed the city of Shayaer fj? ilH, in the east from it changed into the Talimu he i^il.TfcM, i.e. in the Tarim River. Xu Song also identified the Eergou river with the Sihun river, known from the Tang annals. Turkic origin Tarim The hydronym Tarim was mentioned and convincingly explained already by the founder of Turkic lexicology, Mahmud of Kashgar346 (1005-1102) in his "Compendium of the languages of the Turks"347 from 1072-74: (i) 'Tarim is the name of a large river which flows from the Moslem country to Uyghur and there sinks into the sand.' (ii) 'Tarim is the name of a place on the frontier of Uyghur near Kucha (MM Qiuci); a river flows through it. The river is called by the same name.' (iii) 'The word tarim means "branches of a river which flows into swamps and quicksands".' (Mahmud of Kashgar cited after Clauson 1972, 548^19) The form tarim is derivable from the verb attested in Karakhanid tar- "to go apart, scatter, spread", Tatar tar- id., and Turkish darga-, Turkmen darja-, Yakut tarya- id.; Karakalpak, Kirgiz, Bashkir, Khakas tarba-, Uzbek tarvaj- "to branch, be forked", with nominal derivatives like Chuvash torat "branch", besides Uyghur, Kazakh, Kirgiz, Karakalpak, Bashkir, Tatar, Kumyk tarmaq "branch" (EDAL 3, 1356-57; Rasanen 1969, 463; he adds Modern Uyghur tarim "Verzweigung des Flusses"). The place-name Tarim is also not limited to Xinjiang. There is the dry riverbed called Tarim-darya in the Sarykamysh delta of the Amu Darya river in Turkmenistan (Murzaev 1984, 544). Modern Chinese i-nllTfcjBJ Tdlimii He represents a transcription of the Turkic hydronym Tarim. The geographer Xu Song (f^fth 1781-1848) in "Waterways of the Western Regions"348 mentioned other variants in spelling: Talimu (f^Mf? /a349 IP50 mu351), Telimu 0vf H.7fc/e352 li mil353), Tielimu (Wifl^ tie354 li355 mil), quoting the usual translation "cultivable land". 345 http://idp.bl.uk/pages/collections_ch.a4d 346 Mahmud ibnu T-Hussayn ibn Muhammad al-Käsgan. 347 Diwänu l-Lugat al-Turk. 348 ^WKMMXiyu shuidao ji, 1819, collected in 1815-1816. 349 Chinese l|r td "tower, pagoda, Buddhist tower" < Middle Chinese *thdp, cf. Vietnamese thdp, borrowed from Sanskrit stüpa (GSR 0676c). 350 Chinese II //""village, neighborhood, community" < Middle Chinese */* < Postclassic Chinese */* < Han Chinese *ri < Classic Old Chinese *ri < Preclassic Old Chinese *ra? (Starostin, ChEDb). 351 Chinese fifc mü "mother" < Middle Chinese *mÄw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *mgw < Early Postclassic Chinese *m6w < Han& Classic Old Chinese *ma < Preclassic Old Chinese *m§? (Starostin, ChEDb). 352 Chinese # te "male animal, bull" < Middle Chinese *dAk < Postclassic & Han Chinese *dhsk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *dhSk(GSR 0961 |h'; Starostin, ChEDb). 353 Chinese if. mü "tree" < Middle Chinese *muk < Late Postclassic Chinese *mhwök < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *mhök < Han Chinese *mhok < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *mhök (Starostin, ChEDb). 354 Chinese Ä tie "iron" < Middle Chinese *thiet < Postclassic Chinese *thiet < Eastern Han Chinese *liSt < Western Han Chinese *Xhj§t < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *XhTt (Starostin, ChEDb). 355 Chinese ti li "sinew; strength, force, power" < Middle Chinese *lik < Postclassic Chinese *lik < Han Chinese *rak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rak (Starostin, ChEDb). 172 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Chinese origin In the pre-Tang Chinese texts there are several various names of the Tarim River. In "Commentary to the River Classic"356 (/KiMJi shuijing zhii) two purely Chinese designations appear (Mau-Tsai 1969, 157-58): Bei he & Bei bo he 4kM bei351 he35* "North river" (§2.9b); also lYJlföMbei bö359 he "North waving river"; Da he & Xiyu da he JZM da360 he11 "Big river" (§2.10b); also |S ±i M xP6lyü362 da he "Big river of the Western regions363" (Bicurin 1953, 76-77). Possible Tocharian origin Jishi, Jishu & Jishou Three variants of apparently a non-Chinese name are also attested in pre-Tang chronicles (see Mau-Tsai 1969, 160, 240): ffÄjishi Weishü364 102, 4a); ttf& ji shü (4k A BeishP65 97, 6a); trU" jishou (ibid.). Various scholars (in chronological order) reconstruct the historical pronunciation of these signs for various chronological levels in more or less similar way: 356 The "Commentary to the river classic" shuißng zhii) originated on the basis of the text "The river classic" (7JCIS shuijing) - an ancient Chinese geographical book describing the course of rivers. The original classic had been written by Sang Qin (HIJC) during the Three Kingdom period Hi (220-280 CE), the commentary by Li Daoyuan (B1I7C) during the Northern Wei period (JtfS; 386-534 CE). In 527 Li Daoyuan was assassinated by the rebel Xiao Baoyin (jfSfWÜ). For his commentary, Li Daoyuan did not only have the necessary geographical experience from his profession when he was inspecting canals, dykes and rivers, but he also studied a lot of old and contemporary books on geography. The original Shuijing only dealt with 137 rivers, and Li Daoyuan added so much information about other rivers that the Shuijingzhu can not dealt with as a commentary but is in fact a book of its own. It is twenty times as large as the old Shuijing and discusses the geographical course and the cultural background of 1 252 rivers and creeks. 357 Chinese it bei "north" < Late Middle Chinese *puSk < Early Middle Chinese *pak (Pulleyblank 1991, 31) ~ Middle Chinese *p/üc < Postclassic Chinese *pSk < Han Chinese *pSk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *pSk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0909 a). 358 Chinese :M he "river; the Yellow River" < Late Middle Chinese *x/ia < Early Middle Chinese *ya (Pulleyblank 1991, 122) ~ Middle Chinese *yä < Postclassic Chinese *yä < Eastern Han Chinese *yä < Western Han Chinese *yäj < Preclassic Old Chinese *ghäj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0001 g). Note: The original meaning was "ford". 359 Chinese j& bö "wave" < Late Middle Chinese *pua (Pulleyblank 1991, 40) < Early Middle Chinese *pa ~ Middle Chinese *pwä < Postclassic Chinese *pä < Eastern Han Chinese *pä < Western Han Chinese *päj < Classic and Preclassic Old Chinese *pqj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 00251). 360 Chinese j\ da [däi] [täi] "to be great, big" < Late Middle Chinese *t/ia, *t/iaj < Early Middle Chinese *da', *dajh "big, great" (Pulleyblank 1991, 69) ~ Middle Chinese *dqj [*thqj] < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *dhaj < Early Postclassic Chinese *dhäs < Han Chinese *dhäs < Classic Old Chinese *dhäc < Preclassic Old Chinese *dhäts [*thäts] (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0317 a). 361 Chinese H xT "west" < Late Middle Chinese *siaj < Early Middle Chinese *sej "west" (Pulleyblank 1991, 329) ~ Middle Chinese *siej < Postclassic Chinese *sSn < Han Chinese *sSn < Classic Old Chinese *sSn < Preclassic Old Chinese *sSr (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0594 a). 362 Chinese M yü "boundary, region, territory" < Late Middle Chinese *yak < Early Middle Chinese *wik "boundary; region, territory" (Pulleyblank 1991, 385) ~ Middle Chinese *huk < Postclassic Chinese *whik < Han Chinese *whak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *whak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0929 e). 363 Chinese WMxJyii 'Western Regions'-Han Dynasty term for regions beyond Yumen Pass [JiflMyumenguän]. 364 IS# wei shü "Book of Wei", is a classic Chinese historical text compiled by Wei Shoufrom 551 to 554, and is an important source describing the history of the Northern Wei and Eastern Wei from 386 to 550. 365 ihi. beishi^ "History of the Northern Dynasties" is one of the official Chinese historical works in the Twenty-Four Histories canon. It covers the period from 386 to 618 CE. HIB. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin 173 gf ji "to draw lines, calculate, compute, reckon, count; plan (n.)" [Late Zhou]: < 'Ancient' Chinese*kiei (GSR 1241a); < Late Middle Chinese *Ma/'< Early Middle Chinese *kef (Pulleyblank 1991, 142); < Middle Chinese *kejH< Old Chinese *keps (Baxter 1992, 546); < Middle Chinese *kiej < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *kiSj < Early Postclassic Chinese *kies < Han Chinese *ki§s < Classic Old Chinese *kic < Preclassic Old Chinese *kips. Cf. also Sino-Vietnamese ke; further Vietnamese ke "to enumerate, count; tell, narrate" (probably borrowed from the same source) (Starostin, ChEDb); < Middle Chinese *kief < Old Northwest Chinese (c. 400 CE) *kei < Late Han kef < Old Chinese *kih (Schuessler 2009, 276, §26-3); < Middle Chinese *kejH < Old Chinese *kHj-s (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014). jr£ shi "rule, pattern, style, (to use as a) model/norm; to use, make use of < 'Ancient' & 'Archaic' Chinese *spk (GSR 0918 f); < Middle Chinese *syik < Old Chinese *hljik (Baxter 1992, 788); < Late Middle Chinese *siSk< Early Middle Chinese *eik(Pulleyblank 1991, 285); < Middle Chinese *sik < Postclassic Chinese *sik < Eastern Han Chinese *sdk < Western Han Chinese *tek < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *fok (Starostin; ChEDb); < Middle Chinese *sjsk < Old Northwest Chinese *sik < Late Han Chinese *sik < Old Chinese Hhdk (Schuessler 2009, 109, §5-16 f); < Middle Chinese *syik < Old Chinese *tek "pattern" (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014). $1 shu "to guard, be stationed at a military outpost (to secure allied or enemy territory; garrison" < 'Ancient' Chinese *siu (GSR 1243c); < Late Middle Chinese *sw/*sy3 < Early Middle Chinese *eu9h (Pulleyblank 1991, 288); < Middle Chinese *sjuc < Old Northwest Chinese (c. 400 CE) *suo I proto-Min *tsioc < Late Late Han Chinese *(t)soc < Old Chinese *hjoh (Schuessler 2007, 473 & 2009, 151, §10-26); < Middle Chinese *syuH < Old Chinese *[n]o-s (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014). H shöu "head; leader; (to be) first" < 'Ancient' Chinese *swu < 'Archaic' Chinese *siog (GSR 1102a-c); < Middle Chinese *syuwX< Old Chinese *hlju? (Baxter 1992, 788); < Middle Chinese *saw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *saw < Early Postclassic Chinese *siw < Eastern Han Chinese *sdw < Western Han Chinese *ßw < Classic Old Chinese *lu < Preclassic Old Chinese *slu?. Cf. further Sino-Vietnamese thu , besides Vietnamese so "cranium, skull" (Sarostin; ChEDb); < Middle Chinese *sjsuB < Late Han Chinese *suB < Old Chinese *lhu? (Schuessler 2009, 177, §13-38 a); < Middle Chinese *syuwX< Old Chinese *lu? (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014). For the first component, common to all three variants, there are several more or less possible explanations on the basis of Tocharian B, depending on chronology of adaptation: (i) My- "to open wide" ~ Asewihh- "to yawn" " (Adams 2013, 162); (ii) kese366 "fathom, arm-span" -Akas id. (Adams 2013, 213); 366 Akas, B kese "fathom, arm-span" (Adams 2013, 213) < Iranian *kasa-, attested in Avestan kasa- "armpit", ?Kho-tanese *kasa- "belt", Sogdian 'p-ksy "side", Zoroastrian Pahlavi dast-kas "hands under arms", Middle Persian of Turfan dst-ks "respectfully", New Persian kas, Shughni bi-fuz "armpit" (*api-kasa-), Wakhi kal = New Persian kalk "side under armpit"; Sanskrit kaksa-, kaksya- "girdle, girth" (Bailey 1979, 56). Concerning the relation between "fathom" and "arm" in Iranian, cf. e.g. Sogdian wf)"z < *ui-bazu-, Ossetic ivaz(n)/ivaz(n)os, Pashto wazs "fathom" vs. Avestan bazu- "arm", Khotanese baysu-, Sogdian Buddhist fi'z'kh, Manichaean fj'z', Zoroastrian Pahlavi baziik, New Persian bazii, bahu, Baluchi bazk, Ossetic Digor bazug, Iron bazyg id.; Iranian > Armenian 174 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia (iii) kaice "trough; tub" (Adams 2013, 213). The component jr£ shi, derivable from Late Middle Chinese *siSk < Early Middle Chinese *eikby Pulleyblank (1991, 285) or from Middle Chinese *sik < Postclassic Chinese *sik < Eastern Han Chinese *sdk by Starostin (ChEDb), can be identified with Tocharian B cake, pi. ckenta "river" < Common Tocharian *c3fre (Ringe 1996, 42, 103) ~ *cäkce < *tek>os (Pinault 2008, 423, 444), alternatively *tekos or *tekont° ntr. (Adams 2013, 267). The adaptation of the hydronym should have been realized in some pre-Tang period, i.e. the Chinese form had to precede the Middle Chinese level. That is why Postclassic Chinese *sik or Eastern Han Chinese *sak may reflect the unattested, but expectable Tocharian A *cdk361'. The whole compound is acceptable for all three hypothetical Tocharian candidates for the first components: (i) : Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *kiSj + *sik <— Tocharian B kdy- & cake *"wide-spread {spilling} river"; (ii) : Eastern Han Chinese *kies + *sdk <— Tocharian B kese & cake *"river with arms"; (iii) : Eastern Han Chinese *kies + *sdk <— Tocharian B kaice & cake *"river of {many} troughs". All three hypothetical solutions agree with the real hydrological situation of the Tarim river: numerous arms and frequently dry riverbeds or troughs, but sometimes spilt by masses of water. More difficult is identification of the alternative components $1 shü and H shöu. The latter word, reconstructible in Late & Middle Postclassic and Eastern Han Chinese as *saw, may be perhaps connected with Tocharian A säwe "magnus, grandis", used as the suppletive plural to the sg. tsopats id. (Poucha 1955, 320; Van Windekens 1976, 475), or better with its unattested Tocharian B counterpart. In this case only the compound kaice & saw" "{river of a} big trough" makes sense, especially with respect to one of the Chinese names of the Tarim, namely da he "Big river", attested in the text Shuijingzhu from the Northern Wei period (see above). The component $1 shü, derivable from Early Middle Chinese *euSh by Pulleyblank (1991, 288), or from Old Northwest Chinese (c. 400 CE) *suo < Late Han *(t)soc by Schuessler (2007, 473 & 2009, 151, #10-26), may be identified with Tocharian B tso "bas-ventre" (Pinault 2008, 486) = "abdomen" (Adams 2013, 812). The semantic motivation resembles the Young Avestan hydronym GuSa- 'Name einer Abzweigung, eines Seitenarmes der Ratjhä' [Yt 15.27]: tsmyazata ... ksrssäspö upa Guösm apayzärsm Ratjhaiiä. Bartholomae (1904, 524) etymologized this hydronym with help of Sanskrit gudd- m. "an intestine, entrail, rectum, anus" [VS; TS; SBr; Kaus], pi. f. güdäs "bowels" [RV X, 163.3; AV; SBr, VS] (MW 358). Chihe In "Geographical Records" (IftlJLife Dili zhi) of "New Book of Tang" (fir/ftfe} xin tdngshu), finished in 1060 during the Song dynasty, the hydronym ffc'M chi36S he, i.e. "Red River" appears. It can be identified with the Tarim River (Mair & Fangyi 2013, 9-11). Although the designation "Red river" is quite frequent369 among hydronyms, it is possible to speculate about adaptation of bahouand& bahouband"fathom" (Bailey 1979, 211;ESIJ2, 161-63). 367 In Tocharian A a corresponding cognate is not attested, but the form +cak is expectable, cf. A säk vs. B sak " 10" < *dekm orAsäm vs. B sana "wife" < *g>enä (Van Windekens 1976,16,475-76). The vowel conventionally written as ä in this context resembles the Slavic soft ier &, including the alternation with the zero-reflex (cf. A skänt, B skante "tenth") and palatalizing effect. 368 Chinese chi "to be red" < Late Middle Chinese *tfiqjk < Early Middle Chinese *tehiajk (Pulleyblank 1991, 57) ~ Middle Chinese *chek < Postclassic Chinese *khjek < Han Chinese *khiak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *khiak (Starostin, ChEDb; cf. GSR 0793 a: 'Ancient' Chinese *ts'jak). Schuessler (2009, 2-24 a): Middle Chinese *tshjäk < Old Northwest Chinese *tshek < Late Han Chinese H^ak < Old Chinese *k-lhak. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *tsyhek< Old Chinese *[t-qh](r)Ak"red". 369 The upper stream of the Kashgar-Darya / Käshkär He is called Kyzyl Su / Kizilsu He, i.e. common Turkic "Red water". The following typical 'Red river' -names represent various distant territories: Red River (Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Louisiana) - 2 189km, 169 890 km2, mouth in the Mississippi; Kizihrmak, in Turkish "red river" (Turkey)- 1355km, 77 100 km2, mouth in the Black Sea; SöngHöng, in Vietnamese "red river" (Vietnam)- 1 149km, HIB. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin 175 the originally non-Chinese river-name here, outside of the area of the spoken Chinese in the Tang era. The Middle Chinese pronunciation of the sign ^f, independently of its author (cf. *ts'lak {Karlgren} = *tshjcik {Schuessler}, *tehiajk {Pulleyblank}, *chek {Starostin}, *tsyhek {Baxter & Sagart}), resembles Tocharian B cake "river" or its predecessor in Common Tocharian *ccikce (Pinault 2008, 423, 444) ~ *c3fe (Ringe 1996, 42, §16; 74, §32; 102, §46; 151, §60). If this solution is correct, the river-name ffc'M Chihe from the "Geographical records" of "New Tang History" would represent the Tocharian word "river" accompanied by its Chinese translation. It agrees with hydronymical nomenclature described in "Book of the Later Han" (fjl'/flllf hdu Honshu), covering the history of the Eastern Han dynasty from 6 to 189 CE, which was compiled by Fan Ye et alii during the Liu Song dynasty in the 5th cent. For the dominant river of the region the simple Chinese appellative M he "river" was used (Chavannes 1907, 168-69). It seems, it was a direct translation of the Tocharian name of the main stream. The 'River' had two sources, one in cong ling "Onion range", i.e. in the Pamir (see below), the second in the south in neighbourhood of Hotan370 (^P EH), i.e. the Hotan He today. These facts indicate that the river originating in confluence was the Tarim. Zhuojujia Xuanzang 0*.^; 602-664), a Chinese Buddhist monk and traveller, recorded the name of the city of Yarkand371, Chinese $>BJS,simplified ffi^f- Sha311che313 (< Eastern Han Chinese374 *sa-ka, motivated by the ethnonym Saka - see Lurje 2009), and its river as fflf /&J M. zhuo315 jii316 jia311 (Chavannes 1903,123, fn. 1). The Middle Chinese reading of the first two characters *teiakkuSh in reconstruction of Pulleyblank, or *cakkti by Starostin, resemble the proto-Tocharian reconstruction *c5k"e "river" of Ringe. The final component reconstructed as *kia or *kai by Pulleyblank for the time around 600 CE can perhaps be connected with Tocharian A koy-, B koyn "mouth" (DTA 164-65; Adams 2013, 216: proto-Tocharian *koyu-). The toponym in the Middle Chinese reconstruction *teiakkuSh-kai projected into Common Tocharian *c5k"e-koy would mean "mouth of a river". Although there is no mouth of any bigger tributary of the Yarkand river in the area of the Yarkand oasis (the Tiznap He is only a parallel stream), there are many arms of the Yarkand river forming an inner delta, which could be called "mouth". It was probably first a city or oasis name and after it the river name too. 143 700 km2, mouth in the Gulf of Tonkin; Baloue, in Manding "red river" (Mali) - 500 km, 65 000 km2, mouth in the Bakoy river. 370 From the Han Dynasty until the Tang Dynasty (or later) called Yutian (^PM, or ^PJt, or JjkM), in Kharosthi script Khotana- (3rd cent.), later in Brahmi script Hvatäna-, in Buddhistic Hybrid Sanskrit Gaustana-, Kustana or Yütti-na (Bailey 1979, 502-03) . 371 Yarkand means "city on the steep shore" in New Uyghur (see Räsänen 1969, 188, 252). 372 Chinese # shä & sua "a kind of locust" < Late Middle Chinese *sa: < Early Middle Chinese *sai/*se: (Pulleyblank 1991, 273) ~ Middle Chinese *sq < Postclassic Chinese *sä < Eastern Han Chinese *sä < Western Han Chinese *säj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *sräj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0016 f). 373 Trad. M, simplified che "chariot, carriage" < Middle Chinese *ko < Postclassic Chinese *ko < Han Chinese *ka < Classic Old Chinese *ka < Preclassic Old Chinese *k(l)a (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0074 a-d). Note: Shijing occurrences: 24.1, 37.3, 39.3, 41.3, 58.2, 58.4. Vietnamese reading: xa. 374 First documented in fjjiil!} Hou Hanshu, "Book of the Later Han", covering the history of the Eastern Han dynasty from 6 to 189 CE, which was compiled by Fan Ye et alii during the Liu Song dynasty in the 5th cent. 375 Chinese Wf zhuö "to cut, hack, chop" [Late Zhou] < Late Middle Chinese *tsiak < Early Middle Chinese *teiak (Pulleyblank 1991, 419) ~ Middle Chinese *cak < Postclassic Chinese *cak < Eastern Han Chinese *cak < Western Han Chinese *tak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *tak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0795 k; Schuessler 2007, 631: Old Chinese *tauk7). 376 Chinese ^ jii "sentence, clause" [Han] < Late Middle Chinese *ky§ < Early Middle Chinese *kuSh (Pulleyblank 1991, 165)~ Middle Chinese *ku < Postclassic Chinese *kwd < Han Chinese *kwah < Classic Old Chinese *koh < Preclassic Old Chinese *kos (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0108 a-b). Comments: Vietnamese reading c&u is colloquial (regular Sino-Vietnamese form is cu) - probably under the influence of another reading of Middle Chinese *kAW. 377 Chinese M jiä "Buddha, Buddhism"; transcription character for Sanskrit ka, kä < Late Middle Chinese *kia < Early Middle Chinese *kia or *kai (Pulleyblank 1991, 143). 176 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Luan Li Daoyuan Li Däoyuän} (427/469-527), a geographer living during the Northern Wei Dynasty (386-534) and the author of "Commentary on the Water Classic" (/Kilo: shuljing zhii), used the name iL luän31i for the river Zhubin (8: Ja zhü bin; see below). It was probably an arm of the Tarim River empting into the lake of Lop Nur. The hydronym in Postclassic Chinese *lwan (Starostin) or Old Northwest Chinese *luan (Schuessler) reconstructions is explainable as an adaptation of Tocharian B lähe f., acc. län, pi. lähi, "flood" (Adams 2013, 594). The Chinese reconstructions, datable to c. 200^100 CE, may anticipate one of possible etymologies of the Tocharian word, based on comparison with Lithuanian vilnis, Latvian vilnis "wave" (*ulHni-) & vilna, Old Church Slavonic vlhna, Old Russian vhlna, Russian volnä etc. (ESJS 18, 1073), and Albanian vale id. (*ulHnä-), besides Old High German wella id. (Germanic wellö- < *uelHna) (Pokorny 1959, 1140-43; Kümmel, LIV 676: *uelH-). With regard to the ablaut pair *ulHn° vs. *uelHn°, the protofom *ule/oHni- (Adams 2013, 594), which should preceded the Tocharian forms, seems to be fully acceptable. Probable Iranian origin Zhubin In his "Commentary on the Water Classic" (/Kilo: Shuijingzhu), Li Daoyuan {Uf>M7r: Li Däoyuän} (427/469-527), mentioned the river 8: Ja zhü bin, which may be identified with the Tarim River379 or some of its arms empting into the lake of Lop Nur. In this hydronym only the first character is connected with "water", öl zhü means "to conduct water, pour; be led to, flow to", while the second character jiT bin means "visitor, guest; subjects". In such a case it is probable that the Chinese name represents an adaptation of an originally non-Chinese hydronym. In historical projection the river-name 8: Ja zhü3S0 bin3U had the form *cdpjin in Postclassic Chinese (c. 200-500 CE) and *cohpjdn in the Eastern Han Chinese (c. 0-200 CE). A hypothetical source could be of Iranian origin. In Khotan Saka there are promising candidates for both components: tea & tcäta3S2 "pool, lake" andpainä3*3 "liquid", derived frompyau "swelling, overflowing" (Bailey 1979, 138-39; 248, 252; Cheung 2007, 290). Alternatively, the language-donor could also be Parthian, although the continuant of the second component is not known in this language till the present time. The proposed compound would mean "lake-filling" with respect to this role of the Tarim river in relation to the Lake of Lop Nur (at least in some periods). 378 Chinese iL luän "to rebel, make trouble; disorder" < Middle Chinese *lwän < Postclassic Chinese *hvan < Han Chinese *rwänh < Classic Old Chinese *rwänh < Preclassic Old Chinese *röns (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0180 a-c). Comments: Used also for a homonymous *rön-s "to cross a river". Sino-Vietnamese loan, Vietnamese reading: län. Another colloquial loan from the same source is Vietnamese Ion ,to confuse, confound, mixed'. For *r- cf. Xiamen luan6, Chaozhou luen4, Fuzhou luan6, Jianou luitf. Sino-Tibetan: Old Chinese iL *röns "disorder, confusion"; Tibetan hrul "ragged, tattered, raggedness; ruins"; Burmese rwij "to chop, cut"; Kachin run2 "to pull down, to raze or demolish". Schuessler (2009, 272, §25-33 a): Middle Chinese *lwän° < Old Northwest Chinese & Later Han Chinese *luan < Old Chinese *rons. 379 According to Li Daoyuan, 'The river {Zhubin} flows east into the lake, which is situated north of the kingdom of Lou-Ian.' (Giles 1932, 829). Cf. also Stein 1921, 325. 380 Chinese ft zhü "to conduct water, pour; be led to, flow to" < Middle Chinese *cu < Postclassic Chinese *cd < Eastern Han Chinese *coh < Western Han Chinese *toh < Classic Old Chinese *toh < Preclassic Old Chinese *to(?)s (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR #0129 c). 381 Chinese It bin "visitor, guest; subjects" < Middle Chinese *pjin < Postclassic Chinese *pjin < Han Chinese *pjan < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *pin (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR #0389 a-f). 382 Other relatives: Avestanloc.sg. ca'ti, SogdianBc7/cöfr/"weH", KhwarezmiancV'well"; Middle Persian zc'h /coin/ "pit, well", Parthian c'h /can/ id.; Munji cüy(o) "pit for grain", Wakhi cot "pool, pond, water tank", Ossetic Iron cad, Digorcöcte "lake"; Baluchi: West cat, East cä8 "well", Sangisari cev id. (ESIJ2, 252; Bailey 1979, 138-39; MacKenzie 1971, 21; Benzing 1983, 214; MPP 123). 383 Other relatives: Parachi phyö "wet" vs. Sanskritpina- "swelling, swollen, full, round, thick, large, fat, fleshy" : pay- "to swell, overflow, be exuberant, abound, increase, grow",pyai- "to make overflow" (Bailey 1979,248,252; Cheung 2007, 290: *paiH-; MW 629-30, 652; EWAIII, 83). HIB. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin 177 Sihun In "Geographical Records" (iifcJJLife Dili zhi) of "New Tang History" (WiM* Xin Tangshu), finished in 1060 during the Song dynasty, the Tarim River was called Sihun he (cf. Cha- vannes 1903,9; but on p. 13 he thought about identification with Kashgar Darya / Kashkar He, the west tributary of the Tarim). Although the meaning of the character W- hun3M is "muddy, dirty, impure", i.e. compatible with designations of water-courses, it is not possible to say the same about the first component S sf385 "to think, think of, long for, ponder, brood". Such a situation indicates that the hydronym represents an adaptation of an originally non-Chinese river-name. Its Middle Chinese reconstruction *sji-hwon corresponds to Khotan Saka components si- + vahi "white streams", cf. si- in the compound si-phisa- "white", besides ssita- id. and vahi pi. "streams" ~ Vedic avdni- "stream" (Bailey 1979, 399^100; 373). The full Khotanese form ssita- may be a pattern for Sanskrit Sita- (lit. "cold" in f), the name of the Yarkand River, one of the main tributaries-sources of the Tarim River (Chavannes 1903, 123). In the Tang annals [/HH Tangshu 221, a, p. 9 v°; compiled in 941-945 CE] the river was called 'fe%> tu3*6 dud3%1. Chavannes (1903, 124, fn. 4) corrected the first character in the river-name to fjl xi. The whole hydronym should be fjl^ xi388 dud, in the Early Middle Chinese pronunciation *sfta (Pulleyblank) or °ta (Starostin). Let us mention that the most watery source-tributary of the Tarim River is Aksu, in New Uyghur "white or clear water". An alternative candidate for the first component is Khotanese siyata- "sand", with shortened forms syatd and sye. Just some of these reduced forms could create the compound with Khotanese vahi pi. "streams", expressing probably "stream(s) in sand" vel sim. Note: Albert Herrmann in his lemma Oichardes (1937, c. 2101) used for the foreign name of the Tarim River in the Tang annals the reading Szu-yun and proposed that it was misprint for En-yiin. Really, the sign W- hiin can be mistakenly interchanged for \%yiin "thick inside" [Tang], (also a surname) < Middle Chinese *?un (Starostin), and similarly the sign S si can be easily replaced by the sign J§ en "to be kind; favour, grace, benevolence" (O. Srba, p.c.) < Middle Chinese *?mi (Starostin). Herrmann speculated about the primary reading Oniyun. But at present it is no reason to change the reading Sihun. Or/dp5ri<; & Borimoog In the mid-2nd cent. CE Ptolemy [6.16.3] mediated information of Marinus389 of Tyre (70-130) about Serike, i.e. China, especially about its northwestern part in contemporary borders. Ptolemy 384 Chinese W hun, with the variant M, "muddy, dirty, impure" (Starostin; ChEDb) < Middle Chinese *hwon < Eastern Han *gu3n < Old Chinese *g(in (Schuessler 2007,290; he also mentions the meaning "sound of running water" recorded by Xunzi in the 3rd cent. BCE) ~ Old Chinese *[g]'[u]r "chaotic" (Baxter& Sagart ChDb 2014; cf. GSR 0458b). 385 Chinese .© si "to think, think of, long for, ponder, brood" < Middle Chinese *sji < Postclassic Chinese *sji < Eastern Han Chinese *sja < Western Han Chinese *sa < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *sa (Starostin; ChEDb; GSR 0973 a: explanation of graph uncertain); similarly Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *si < Old Chinese *[s]a. 386 Chinese ÍÉ tú "walk on foot, footmen, footsoldiers; follower, adherent" < Late Middle Chinese *tňuš < Early Middle Chinese *do (Pulleyblank 1991, 311) ~ Middle Chinese *do < Postclassic Chinese *dho < Han Chinese *dha < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *dhä (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0062 e-f). 387 Chinese ^ duö & duó "be much, many, all the..." < Late & Early Middle Chinese *ta (Pulleyblank 1991, 85) ~ Middle Chinese *tä < Postclassic Chinese *tä < Eastern Han Chinese *tä < Western Han Chinese *täj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *täj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0003 a-c). Sino-Tibetan *tajH > Burmese taj "very"; Kachin ř/ze?"and"; Lushai te?"much, very much"; Lepcha ti "to be great, be large, be big, be grand, be noble"; Mikir the "big"; Rawang the; Gurung thď "great" (Benedict 1972, 66). 388 Chinese Í/ÍÉ "to move towards, change house" < Late Middle Chinese *sz' < Early Middle Chinese *siš'/*si' (Pulleyblank 1991, 331; GSR 0871 a-e) < Eastern Han Chinese *se? (Schuessler 2007, 525) < Old Chinese *se ~ Old Chinese *[s]aj? (Baxter & Sagart ChDb, 2014). 389 §6. Awn u£v yap Kcd wiö xox> ßam^ecoi; xfji; yápac, 5ir|vi)o9r| uexá Jtpovoíai; (bq eíkói; ox> ir\<; xuxouani; Kai ei)5iewf| oúoa jtavxájiamv- f| 5' faro xoü AiOívow núp yov uéjpi xfji; £í|pa<; ějnSéxexca xei\iava<; acpoSpoix; • ujiojiéjixcoke yáp it, cóv aůxói; wioxí 9excaxoíi; 5ť 'EUnojióvxow kcií Bw^avxiow jiapaHf|Ioi(;, ůoxe kcií 5táxoüxo noXkw; óvoxck; 178 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia mentioned two rivers, which should have been located in the Tarim basin (their old identification with the biggest Chinese rivers is apparently wrong). Arappeorjot 5e 5r3o \mk\ma 7tOTauoi to noli) xr\q Lnpucfjt;, 6 xe Oixa.pbx\q, or) f) u£v 7tp6<; xoii; Arj^aidou; 7inyf| eKieOetxat, f| 5e 7tp6<; zoic, Aoutpaiou; opeotv 87iexet uotpag po5 L' "For the most part two rivers all told flow through Serike. One of them is the Oichardes. Its source by the Auzakia Mountains {at 153° 51°} is indicated above. Another {source} lies by the Asmiraeis mountains at 174° 47° 30' f| 5e (he, eni xa Kdota opn 8KTpo7if| 87iexet uotpag p^ jiO L' The branch of the river towards the Casia Mountains lies at 160° 49° 30' f| 5e ev tovjtok; 7inyfi p^a jI5 5' and its {third} source lies in these {mountains} at 161° 44° 15 Kai 6 Ka^orjusvot; Bavxioog noxa\ibq, or) Kai arjxorj f| usv 7tp6<; xoii; Kaoiou; opeot 7inyf| 87iexet uotpag pi; uy And the other river is called Bautisus, this, too, has a source by the Casius mountains, at 160° 43°" Edition by C.F.A. Nobbe (1966) and Humbach & Ziegler (1998). Translated by Edward Luther Stevenson (1932) and Humbach & Ziegler (1998). Oixdp5ri<; [Ptolemy 6.16.3] The river-name is attested in several variants depending on manuscript: OixopSag, OtxdpSot;, OtxdpSu;. Other variants are Chartis by Ammianus Marcelinus (Humbach & Ziegler 1998, 204, fn. 1) and Echara in one of the Kharosthi documents (Herrmann 1937, c. 2101). Humbach & Fraiss (2012, 51) try to explain the hydronym as a compound consisting of components corresponding to Middle Persian weh "good" and Ard "Fortune", and similarly Avestan vanhu- m., vatjhi- f. "good", comp. vahiiahi- "the better one", and asi- "fortune". The "good" river is known e.g. from Avesta, namely Vanhf90 [Yast 8.2]. Both the components appear together in the Avestan syntagm (acc.) Varfhim Asim "good reward" [Yasna 43.5]. But such a river name would be very atypical, not only among Indo-Iranian hydronyms but in general. For this reason it seems useful to try to find a more 'hydronymical' etymology of this hydronym. The initial Or- can reflect the 5eiv yiveoSm xfji; jiopeico;- koi yap 8i' eujtopic«; (kpopufiv eyvöo9r|- §6. "For this journey was completed by the king of the country with no lack of forethought and undoubtedly in calm conditions. That journey from the Stone Tower to Sera had in addition the season of violent winter weather, for it happens to lie on the same parallel as that of the Hellespont and Byzantium. With the result that there must have been many deviations to hinder this journey. And because trade in merchandise would have been the reason for the journey." §7. Mctnv y&p (pnoi xiva xöv Kai Tmavöv, avSpa MaKeSöva Kai ek jtaxpex; eujtopov, ouyypcai/aoSca xfjv ävaue-xpnmv oü5' cröxöv ejie^Sövxa, 5iajteu\|/än£vov 5e xwco; jtpöi; xoix; Sfjpai;. "Eoike 5e Kai amoq ämoxeiv xcäi; xöv eujtopeüonevcüv iaxopicai;- §7. "For he said that a certain man from Macedonia called Maes, also known as Titian, a son of a merchant, wrote down the details and measured out the journey, not himself having traversed it but sending certain others to Sera. It seems that he himself does not trust the reports of the merchants." Translated by Louis Francis (1994) 390 apamcapara9u zraiianham / vatjuhlmca dürät frasrutqm "und das sich über weite Wasserflächen erstreckende Wasser und die weitberühmte Vanhvf' Translated by Fritz Wolff (1910). HIB. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin 179 Iranian prefix *ui- with analogous transcription as in Sauromatian Oiop7idxa, glossed by Herodotus [4.110] as dvSpoiaovoi, "man-killers" (about Amazons), with explicit explanation: oiop ydp k(Aeorjoi dvSpa, to 5e 7iaxd Kieiverv, where oiop reflects Iranian *uira- "man" (Humbach & Fraiss 2012, 12). The root of the hydronym, *-xap5-, could be connected with one of the Iranian verbal roots or their derivatives: (i) *xar- "to go pass" > Sogdian xr- "to walk", xyr- "to go (out), go away", xrtyh /xarteh/ "passed, gone" (Gharib 1995, ##10622, 10874), Khwarezmian x'r- "to pass, go past"; Kurdish her- "to go"; Parachi har- "to be lost", Ossetic Ixonxcerd, Digor xcerdce "(upward) slope", Shughni nixarO- caus. "to sink, fall into ruins" (Cheung 2007, 443-44). The formation *ui-xar-t° with the dental extension parallel to Shughni could mean "passed away" = "disappeared". This designation of a river really that actually "disappears", at least sometimes, under its sands seems quite natural. (ii) *xard- (a) "to defecate"; (b) "to make muddy" > (a) KhwarezmianpCXRd"dung, excrement", New Persian payxdl "excrement" (both from *pati-xard°), Pashto xarsl, Shughni Sard-, Roshani, Bartangi SirS-, Sariqoli Sard-, Yazghulami xawS-, Yaghnobi xird- "to defecate"; (b) New Persian xard "muddy place" (borrowed from a source, where Iranian *-rd- is preserved, e.g. Sogdian), Pashto xdr "muddy, turbid, dirty brown", Shughni sarOk "building clay, plaster, putty", Yidgha xdlaryo "wet clay, mud, bog" (Cheung 2007, 444). The meaning (a) could lead to expression that the river in this condition was foul-smelling. The designation of a river or lake motivated by their stink is nothing unique. Not too far from the Tarim basin, in Eastern Kazakhstan, there is the lake called Sasiq kol (600-736 km2), lit. "stinky lake" (cf. Old Uyghur, Middle Turkish sasyy, Chaghatai sasik, Taranchi / Modern Uyghur sesik "stinky" - see Rasanen 1969, 406). The Stink River, a left tributary of the Stony river in Alaska, has a quite transparent name. However, more probable (because it is more 'hydrological') seems to be the semantic motivation (b). There are numerous river- and lake-names formed from the designation of "mud"391. Even if this interpretation is correct, the final semantics of this hydronym is determined by the prefix *ui-. Sometimes it bears the fortifying function, e.g. Avestan dab- "to deceive", Parthian db "trick, deception" vs. wdyfs- "to be deceived", Middle Persian wyd(y)b "to deceive, delude", Christian Sogdian wycTb "harm" (Cheung 2007, 42-43). But this prefix can also change the meaning to its opposite, e.g. Avestan bar- "to bring, carry" vs. 3 pi. med. vi-bardn "to separate, split, divide" (Cheung 2007, 6-7) or Sogdian 8ryt-/jyt- "to keep, hold" vs. wjxs- "to be separated" < *wi-zaxs- < *wi-draxs-; Yazghulami wdrciO- "to be untied" (Gharib 1995, #11338,11548; 10050,3583; Cheung 2007, 76). Summing up, the prefix *ui- is understandable in the case of the verb *xar- "to pass", where it leads to the form *ui-xarteh "passed away", which is expectable in Sogdian and also explains the final syllable in OixdpSnt;. The prefix *ui- together with the verb *xard- could express (a) "very stinky river", perhaps in opposition to the Bohuan & Bauxioot; "fragrant river", more probably than "unstinky river". The alternative (b) *ui-xard- refers again more probably to "very muddy river", especially in the lower stream, than to "mudless river". It is very tempting to connect this interpretation with the Chinese hydronym Sihun he belonging probably to the Tarim (cf. Chavannes 1903,9), known from "Geographical Records" (IfclJLife Dili zhi) of "New Tang History" (MlfMlmXin Tdngshu), finished in 1060 during the Song dynasty. The character W- hiin means "muddy, dirty, impure" (see above). 391 E.g. in the nearby area, Kazakhstan, there are Batpak-karasu "muddy black river", Batpak-kol "muddy lake"; Saz-bulak "muddy spring", Saz-kol "muddy lake" (Konkaspaev 1963, 30, 97), and also the third biggest Asiatic lake Balkhash (16 400 km2 in 2000, but 17 400 km2 in 1950), representing Kazakh balqas "marshy area covered by humps", Altai, Shorpalyas, Sagaipalyas "clay" (Vasmer I, 116; Rasanen 1969, 60). In Lithuania e.g. Bdl-upis & Bal-iipis "muddy river", Bdl-azeris "muddy lake" : bald "mud, marsh"; Pelk-upis, Pelk-upys & Pelk-upis :pelke "marsh, mud" (Vanagas 1981, 56, 253). In USA e.g. the Muddy River in Nevada, formerly a tributary of the Virgin River, whose name is a translation of the originally Paiute name Moapa "muddy"; Muddy River in Massachusetts, a tributary of the Charles River, etc. In China e.g. Bainihe (£j M'M bdi nl he) "white mud river", a tributary of the Liuxi he, which is the tributary of the Pearl River (BfetC Zhu Jiang) emptying into the South China Sea. 180 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Batmoog 7tOTaud<; The hydronym Barjxtoot; is traditionally derived from a hypothetical compound *Bhautesa-, consisting of Sanskrit Isa-, "ruler", and Bhauta-, the sanskritized self-designation Bod.ba of Tibetans (Tomaschek 1899, 174-76). The compound *Bhautesa- should mean "ruler of the Tibetans" (Humbach & Faiss 2012, 50). This solution is weak for several reasons. The river-name of the type "ruler of ..." is very atypical. And "ruler of the Tibetans" in the case of the river very probably identical with the Tarim or some of its tributaries is still more difficult to accept, if the Tibetans are and were not typical inhabitants of shores of the Tarim River. It is necessary to seek another solution, based on languages really spoken in the Tarim basin. The hydronym is known in three variants depending on manuscripts, besides Barjxtoot; also Barjxnt; and Barjxu; (Humbach & Ziegler 1998, 204, fn. 13). Taking in account the tendency to narrow e to T in Hellenic Greek, it is quite realistic to reconstruct the primary form of the hydronym as *Barjxnoo<;. In this case it is possible to identify the first component with Khotanese butte "gives scent, smell", bu "incense, perfume" or the root of buhana- "name of a scented plant" (Bailey 1979, 296, 301), and the second component with Khotanese ttaja "stream, river" (Bailey 1979, 125). The whole compound is reconstructible as *bauSa/i- or *bau0a/i- & *taci- "fragrant river", probably expressing the fact that on the shores of this river grew plants with an aromatic smell. For this solution there are supporting arguments in Ptolemy's text proper and in phytogeography of the region. One of three sources of the Bautisos River should have been in the Casius mountains (Kdota opn) according to information of Marinus mediated by Ptolemy. This oronym has been connected with the name of the Kashgar city (and subsequently river): Sogdian k's, Parthian k's 'Kashgar'392, plus Sogdian yr-y/w "mountain" (Gharib 1995, ##4668, 4168; Humbach & Faiss 2012, 49). In this case, the Kashgar River should be identical with this tributary rising in the Casius mountains. The true source of the Kashgar River is situated in the Pamir mountains, called in Chinese M.^A cong393 ling394, i.e. "Onion range", already from the era of the Later Han (Chavannes 1907, 168-69). One of the first Europeans crossing the Pamir mountains (1857), the Russian traveller Semionov, described the broad glades on the south slopes, where grew an unclassified kind of onion, later named Allium semenovi395. This solution demonstrates that the river-name Bohuan (Jjciife), with reference from the Tang annals (7th-10th cent. CE), and Barjxtoot; %ma\ibq, recorded by Marinus apud Ptolemy in the end of the 1st cent. CE, represent two variants of the same etymon, the adj. *bau6ana- "fragrant" and compound *bauSa/i- or *bau0a/i- & *taci- "fragrant river" respectively, although they probably do not belong to the same river. But the wild onion is typical not only for the Pamir range, but also for the Tian Shan (^Clil, Tianshan "heavenly mountains"), where the source of the Qarayulghun daryasi is. These conclusions are well-compatible with the hypothesis of de la Vaissiere (2009, 533) that Barjxtoot; and Oixdp5n<; represent the same river. We judge that Barjxtoot; refers to one of the source-tributaries of the Tarim, the Kashgar-Darya / Kashkar he, rising in the Pamir mountains, called by Marinus apud Ptolemy Kdota opn, perhaps analyzable as "Onion mountains" with help of the Iranian languages from the Pamir, and in ChineseSKIl! Cong ling, i.e. "Onion range", known from the era of Later Han (both lst-2nd cent. CE). On the other hand, OixdpSnt; should 392 Beginning of Alexander von Humboldt, this oronym has been connected with the Turkic *käs "jade, nephrite" (Räsänen 1969, 240; Clauson 1972,669b-670a). But this mineral was more probably named after the city of Kashgar than vice versa (cf. Herrmann 1917, 2261-63). 393 Chinese M. cong "onion" < Middle Chinese *chun < Late Postclassic Chinese *shwön < Middle & Early Postclas-sic Chinese *shön < Han Chinese *shön < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *shön (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1199 g-h). 394 Chinese Is ling "mountain ridge" [Han] < Middle Chinese *len < Postclassic Chinese *lhen < Han Chinese *rhen < Classic Old Chinese *rheij < Preclassic Old Chinese *rheij? (Starostin, ChEDb; Pulleyblank 1991, 197). 395 HIB. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin 181 designate the Tarim river in its lower stream, before its estuary into the marshy Lop Nur Lake, called already in the 2nd cent. BCE Yanze "Salt Marsh". It remains to determine the languages of origin of the analyzed hydronyms. In the case of the Bohuan & Bauxioot; it was probably some earlier stage of the Saka language, most likely a predecessor of Tumshuqese and not Khotanese with respect to closer geographical proximity of Kashgar to Tumshuq in comparison with the distance between Kashgar and Khotan. More complex is the question of determination of the language of origin of the hydronym Oixdp5n<_. In the case of its "missing" etymology the proposed protoform *ui-xarteh "passed away" indicates Early Sogdian. In the case of the solution (b) based on the verb *xard- it could have been a common proto-language of the Shughni-Yazghulami subcluster within the Pamir languages, existing between the 1st cent. BCE and 7th cent. CE according to our glottochronological classification, or the donor-language mediating the presence of the word xard "muddy place" in New Persian (maybe Sogdian). Karayulgun He / Qara yulghun daryasi Bohuan Xu Song in his "Waterways of the Western Regions" (Xiyu shuidao ji jSl^/jCJutfE), collected in 1815-1816, writes that according to "Commentary to the river classic" (Shuijingzhu /KiMJi) by Li Daoyuan (BiHx; or lPiM7U; 466-527), from the Wei Dynasty, the Northern river (Beihe 4k M), i.e. Tarim, flows to the east through the Gumo Kingdom (#£!§ HI), waters of the Gumo river (Gumo chuan shui #f411J117JC) empty into it. Xu Song explains that in the Tang era the Gumo river is called Bohuan (Jjciife), while in the time of Xu Song it is Aerbate he (NTS E^ttfM) or Achahala he (PbJIH Rn'fl.fjJM). The source of the Bohuan river is located in the mountains Mazaergou shan (Si BlUtS) north of the city of Aksu. The river Bohuan flows around the Salty mountains (Yanshan Mill) and further is oriented to the south. Finally it is missing in the desert, in contrary to the situation described by Li Daoyuan more than 1200 years ago. This description is probably applicable to the Karayulgun He / Qara yulghun daryasi (in New Uyghur "Black tamarind river"), the stream flowing parallel with the Aksu river, finishing in the sands c. 50 km northeast of the Aksu city (see GCh 141^12). The hydronym Bohuan is written J§t?f| bo396 hudn391, where only the second character, bearing a meaning "to dissolve; powerful (about the water-stream)", is compatible with water-terminology. In this case it is again probably an adaptation of a non-Chinese hydronym. Taking in account the Middle Chinese pronunciation according to Starostin, the form *pwdtxwdn corresponds to the reconstructed form *bau6and-, probably preceding the really attested Khotanese buhana- "plant name", glossed by Buddhistic Sanskrit musta(ka)-, abda- "scented grass, Cyperus rotundus" and Tibetan gla-sgan. Maybe related are Ossetic Digor bodcen "garlic", if the following chain of changes was realized: *baudana- > *bau8ana- > *bau6ana- > buhana-, formed by the suffix *-and- (Bailey 1979, 301) like Sogdian fiwSn /fioSan/ "scented" (Gharib 1995, #2894). All are derived from the root *baud- "to smell, perfume" > Young Avestan hqm baoS- "to smell"; Middle Persian (Manichean) bwyy-, (Buddhistic) bwd- /boy-/ "to smell", Parthian bwy- "to be fragrant", Old Khotanese bu(d)- "to be fragrant"; Sogdian J3w5- "to perfume, smell", Khwarezmian mfbw-zy- "to smell, sniff on"; New Persian boy "smell, scent", Baluchi bod "smell", Zazaki boy, Kurdish bo "smell", Ossetic Iron bud, Digor bodce "fragrance, incense, scent", Iron cembudyn, Digor cembodun "to smell", Yaghnobi vud "smell", Parachi b(u)ham "smell" (Abaev I, 264; Cheung 2007, 15-16; ESIJ 2, 138-45). 396 Chinese S bo "to dispose of, arrange, establish order" < Middle Chinese *pwät < Postclassic Chinese *pät < Han Chinese *pät < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *pät (Starostin; ChEDb). 397 Chinese 'M huän "to disperse, dissipate, dissolve; powerful (about the water-stream)" < Middle Chinese *xwän < Postclassic Chinese *hwan < Han Chinese *wänh < Classic Old Chinese *wänh < Preclassic Old Chinese *swans (Starostin; ChEDb). 182 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Hotan River / Khotan-Darya The Hotan River or Khotan-Darya (290/806 km, 43 600 km2) originates in confluence of the Yurungkash ("white jade") and Karakash ("black jade"), both rising in the Kunlun Mountains. The common stream, usually called according to the city or state of Khotan, empties into the Tarim River only after the snow-thawing in summer. Probable Iranian origin Hulu In the "New Book of Tang" (WiM * Xin Tdngshu), compiled by the team led by Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi, which completed the text in 1060, there was mentioned the river iftfM. hu39S lu399 in the territory of the state Khotan (cf. Chavannes 1903, 9). According to geographical description it could be the lower stream of the Hotan River (^PlUM Hetidn He). The record from the Tang era indicates Middle Chinese pronunciation, reconstructed by various scholars as follows: Early Middle Chinese *yoh (Pulleyblank) ~ Middle Chinese *yolo (Starostin) ~ *yuoluo (Schuessler) ~ *hulu (Baxter & Sagart). It is tempting to identify here the Khotanese word ggula "clay" < *grda, cf. Middle Persian gl /gil/, Persian gil "clay" etc. (Bailey 1979, 88; ESIJ 3, 284). I.e. the hydronym would mean a river bringing "clay" or with shores of "clay". Keriya River The Keriya River (today inVy^mr Keriya; ChinesejSH.il Keliya) is 519km long, with the basin 7 358 km2. Its source is located in the Kunlun Mountains, the river finishes in sands of the Tak-lamakan desert, approximately between the 39th and 40th latitudes. In the past it was a southern tributary of the Tarim River, for the last time from the 16th till the beginning of the 19th cent., and already in the Western Han era (Yang et al. 2002, 164). Keriya he/Keriya claryasi The contemporary Uyghurized name, in Chinese transcription jSH.il keliya, can represent a simplification of the hydronym Kelediya. But there are also other possibilities. The river may be called after the city of the same name, Keriya (Yutian). And a primary source could be Arabic qarya(t) & qirya(t) "village, hamlet, town" (Steingass 1988, 833), adopted also into Osman Turkish karjd "ein grosses Dorf' (Radloff II, c. 195; Rasanen 1969, 238). Alternatively, the city name may be motivated by New Uyghur qer'i"old" < Common Turkic *Kari (ESTJ 5,311-12; Clauson 1972, 644; TMEN3, 440). 398 Chinese SI hü "dewlap; interrogative adverb, why?; designation of northwest tribes" < Late Middle Chinese *xh~uz> < Early Middle Chinese *yo (Pulleyblank 1991, 126) ~ Middle Chinese *yo < Postclassic Chinese *yo < Han Chinese *yä < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *ghä (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0049 a'). Schuessler (2009, 46, §1-1 a): Middle Chinese *yuo < Late Han Chinese *go < Old Chinese *gä. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb, 2014): Middle Chinese *hu < Old Chinese *[g]'a "foreigners in the north". 399 Chinese jft lü "food vessel; hound; black; cottage, house; lance shaft" < Late Middle Chinese *lu3 < Early Middle Chinese *b (Pulleyblank 1991, 199) ~ Middle Chinese *lo < Postclassic Chinese *lä < Eastern Han Chinese *rä < Western Han Chinese *rä < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rä (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0069 d). Schuessler (2009, 56, §1-51 d): Middle Chinese *luo < Late Han Chinese *la < Old Chinese *ra. Baxter & Sagart (ChDb, 2014): Middle Chinese *lu < Old Chinese *[r](a. Comments: The meaning "vessel" is attested only since Han (although it is no doubt original and is given by Shuowen). For *r- cf. Min forms: Xiamen h2, Chaozhou lou2, Fu-zhou, Jianou lu2. During Zhou the character is attested only as a loan for several homonymous words: *rä "hound; black; cottage, house; lance shaft". HIB. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin 183 Kelediya First the form J^ttlJtSilM Kelediya he was recorded in the administrative history called "Comprehensive investigations of the imperial government based on literary and documentary sources" (Huangchao wenxian tongkao compiled under the supervision of Xi Huang (|£IJt) and Liu Yong (§ijtjf) between 1747 and 1784, i.e. during the Qing era. The river had to determine the east border of the old state Khotan (^P EH Hetidri). The western border was shared with the Yarkand state, the northernmost area was adjacent to the mouth of the Aksu River into the Tarim River, the southern border was formed by the Southern mountains. With respect to relative late record of the hydronym J^ttlJtSilM ke400 le401 di402ya403, it may be projected into the preceding phases of development of Chinese as follows: Late Middle Chinese *khddklddktiaj'?-ja: < Early Middle Chinese *khdktektef ?ai/?e: (Pulleyblank) ~ Middle Chinese *kht\klt\ktiej?a < Eastern Han Chinese *kh§kr§kt£j?ra (Starostin) ~ Middle Chinese *khskbktiei?a < Late Han Chinese *kh9khktei?a (Schuessler). The hydronym could consist of three components, all explainable from Khotanese and related languages: (i) *khdka- > Khotanese khdhd- "spring, fountain, well", Sogdian (Manichaean) x'x, (Buddhistic) fyyk, Yazghulami xex "water; river", Munji xuya "spring, source", Yidgha xuyo, Wakhi kok, kik, Sarikoli kauk, Ormuri xaks, Zoroastrian Pahlavi hh /xax/, besides Avestan xa-, Pashto warxa "field channel" < *fra-xd- (Bailey 1979, 74; £51/4, 215-16). (ii) Khotanese -laka- nominal suffix (Bailey 1979, 370) (iii) Khotanese attqyd "unpolluted", Ossetic Iron tajyn, Digor tajun "to melt, to thaw", ?Pashto toy "spilt, overflowed" (if it is not derived from *tdka-l), Young Avestan tat.dp- "with flowing water" (Cheung 2007, 375: *taH- "to flow, stream, melt"). The primary semantics of the river-name probably could be "melting source" (or alternatively "polluted source"). The source of the Keriya River is really situated among the glaciated mountains. If still older (Han Chinese) reading of the character J| is applied, the last component jtSil should be reconstructed as *taj?rd < *taj?rd. It resembles Khotanese ttaira "peak" (Bailey 1979, 133). In this case the river-name would mean "{the river} with a spring on the peak". Man deli In "New Book of Tang" (ffiM * Xin Tdngshu), compiled under the leading of Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi (1044-1060), i.e. in the Song era, the river Keriya was called Itliy'j Jiandeli (cf. Chavannes 1903, 127, 311). Various scholars reconstruct the historical pronunciation of used 400 Chinese 5^ ke "to be capable, predominate; to conquer, vanquish; be able, can, be willing" < Late Middle Chinese VaSk < Early Middle Chinese *khak (Pulleyblank 1991, 173) ~ Middle Chinese *kliAk < Postclassic Chinese *khsk < Han Chinese *khsk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *kh§k (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0903 a-g). Schuessler (2009, 107, §5-1 a): Middle Chinese *khsk< Late Han Chinese *khak< Old Chinese *kht>k. 401 Chinese Mi le "reins; hip, flank, rib; to force; to bind; to cut in stone" < Late Middle Chinese *bäk < Early Middle Chinese *hk (Pulleyblank 1991, 184) ~ Middle Chinese *Uk < Postclassic Chinese *lsk < Han Chinese *rSk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rSk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0928 f-g). Comments: For *r cf. Xiamen lik8, Chaozhou lek8, Fuzhou lek8. Schuessler (2009, 110, §5-22 f): Middle Chinese *hk < Late Han Chinese *hk < Old Chinese *r§k. 402 Chinese JR rff'bottom, root, base, end" < Late Middle Chinese *tiaj' < Early Middle Chinese *tef (Pulleyblank 1991, 75) ~ Middle Chinese *tiej < Postclassic Chinese *taj < Han Chinese *taj < Classic Old Chinese *taj < Preclassic Old Chinese *tSj? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0590 c). Comments: Also used for a homonymous *tSj? "to stop, obstruct". Schuessler (2009, 278, §26-14 c): Middle Chinese *tieiB < Late Han Chinese *teiB < Old Chinese *ti?. Sino-Tibetan diSlH "bottom" > Old Chinese JR *tSj? "bottom", ffi *t§j? "root, base"; Tibetan mthil "bottom, floor"; Kiranti *dh[ä]lV (Coblin 1986, 47; CVSTII, 123). The Chinese form may be alternatively compared with Lushai täi "the lower part of abdomen, the waist", cf. also tai "the lower extremity of the bowels, the rectum". 403 Chinese St yä "crow" [Late Zhou] < Late Middle Chinese *?ja: < Early Middle Chinese *?ai/*?e: (Pulleyblank 1991, 354) ~ Middle Chinese *?a < Postclassic Chinese *?ä < Eastern Han Chinese *?rä < Western Han Chinese *?rä < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *?rä (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0037 h). Note: A -^--infixed variant of ,H *?ä "crow". Schuessler (2009, 52, §1-34 h): Middle Chinese *?a < Late Han Chinese *?a < Old Chinese *Pfä. 184 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia characters as follows: jE'iSyj jián404 dé405 li406 < Late Middle Chinese *kian tsšklišk < Early Middle Chinese *kianhtdklik (Pulleyblank) ~ Middle Chinese *kjmt3klj3k < Late Han Chinese *kiantsklik (Schuessler) ~ Middle Chinese *kěnti\klik < Han Chinese *kanht§krdk (Starostin) ~ Middle Chinese *kjonHtoklik (Baxter & Sagart). The hydronym probably consists of three components expainable with help of Khotanese and related languages: (a) Khotanese kaná- "drop (of water)" (Bailey 1979, 51); cf. Wanji kayn "spring", Pashto činá f. "spring, fountain" < *kanid, Kurdish & East Baluchi kaní "spring" (NEVP 20). (b) Khotanese *taha < *taxua, past participle passive from ttajs- "to flow" (Emmerick 1968, 38; Bailey 1979, 121; Cheung 2007, 372-74), expectable in analogy topaha "cooked, refined" < *paxua-, from pach- "to be cooked, refined" vs. pajs- "to cook" (Emmerick 1968, 63), similar to Sanskritpakvá- "cooked, roasted", formed frompácyate "is cooked" vs. pácati "cooks", or takvd-"quick", formed from tak- "to rush, hurry" (MW 575, 431). The following nominal derivatives of the Iranian verb *tak-/*tač- "to run, flow" designate the water-courses: Khotanese ttdja "stream, river" < *täci-, ttäkä- "place of flowing to" besides ttäka- < *täka-kä- (Bailey 1979,125), Avestan apö.taka- "water-course" [Yt. 10.38], tači.áp- "flowing water" [V. 6.26], Bactrianxayo "river valley", Sogdian obi. tyyh "stream", Ossetic tcex "fast flowing stream, rapid", Waziri töi, töi "mountain torrent", Parthian rwdysťg, Zoroastrian Pahlavi lw(t)sťk /röstäg/, Persian röstä "river-bed; district, province" (NEVP 84; Gharib 1995, #9566; Abaev III, 284; MacKenzie 1971, 72). (c) Khotanese Ilka- 'adjectival adjunct to participles' (Bailey 1979, 371). The compound could mean "quick {flowing} drops of water". Chärchän He / Cherchen Darya Length 500-600km, basin 6000-7000 km2. Source: Arka-tagh; mouth: Tarim in Karaboran, the southwest bay of the Lop Nur Lake (cf. ). Chärchän He /Cherchen Darya The hydronym is motivated by the name of the city of Chärchän. It was probably transformed from the name of the old state Shanshan (tt|l|| Shán shán), see Mallory & Mair 2000, 81. Schuessler (2009, 256-57, §24-25 a) reconstructs its predecessors in Late Han Chinese *džanc-džarř 'Cherchen' < *Jarjan. It could represent a transcription of the Prakrit compound jara- "old" & jana- "people" (cf. Turner 1966, ##5145.1 & 5098). A similar motive may be identified in the name of the city of ffiM Yúní (see below), only in an Iranian language. Alternatively, with respect to Starostin's reconstruction of reading of the sign # shán401, it could be explained as an adapta- 404 Chinese H jián "to establish, set up, erect" < Late Middle Chinese *kian < Early Middle Chinese *kianh (Pulleyblank 1991, 147; GSR 0249 a) ~ Middle Chinese *kěn < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *kěn < Early Postclassic Chinese *kan < Han Chinese *kanh < Classic Old Chinese *kanh < Preclassic Old Chinese *kars (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0249 a). Schuessler (2009, 253, §24-8 a): Middle Chinese kjmc < Late Han Chinese *kian < Old Chinese *kans. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 274): Middle Chinese *kjonH < Old Chinese *[k]a[n]-s. Comments: During Late Zhou era used also for a homonymous name of a constellation (Sagittarius). 405 Chinese 'i% dé "inner strength, virtue, quality: character, personality, personal ability, authority, good/bad intentions" < Late Middle Chinese *tašk < Early Middle Chinese *tak (Pulleyblank 1991, 74) ~ Middle Chinese *tAk < Postclassic Chinese *tsk < Han Chinese *tsk < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *tsk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0919 k-1). Schuessler (2009, 109, §5-12 k-1): Middle Chinese *tak < Old Northwest Chinese *tak < Late Han Chinese *tak < Old Chinese *täk. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 10-11, 380, 385): Middle Chinese *tok < Old Chinese *fak. Note: Vietnamese reading: dú 'c. 406 Chinese j} li "sinew; strength, force, power" < Late Middle Chinese *liěk < Early Middle Chinese *lik (Pulleyblank 1991, 189; GSR 0928 a) ~ Middle Chinese *lik < Postclassic Chinese *lik < Han Chinese *rak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0928 a-b). Schuessler (2009, 110, §5-21): Middle Chinese *lj3k < Late Han Chinese *tik < Old Chinese *rak. Baxter & Sagart (2014, 91, 163, 230): Middle Chinese *lik < Old Chinese *krak. Comments: Vietnamese reading: lu 'c. In Vietnamese cf. also an earlier colloquial loan: sú c "strength, force". For *r- cf. Min forms: Xiamen lať, Chaozhou laic, Fuzhou lik8, Jianou li8. 407 Chinese # shán "to be good, be good at, do well" < Middle Chinese *jén < Postclassic Chinese *j(h)én < Eastern HIB. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin 185 tion of the hypothetical compound *jharadhdrd- "flowing spring", cf. Sanskrit jharant- "flowing down" & dhara- "stream", Prakrit jharai "drops, falls" & dhdra- "spring water" (Turner 1966, ##5347, 5346, 6788). This solution more or less corresponds with interpretation of another name of this river, Pnjfffilt dndudd, on the basis of the verb anud- "to wet along" (see the following section). Anouda In his "Commentary to the Water Classic (/KiUi Shuijingzhu) the geographer Li Daoyuan Li Daoyuan; 427/469-527 CE) mentioned the river MMm a408 ndum ddm. Chavannes (1905, 537, 566) identified it with the river Charchan He / Cherchen Darya. The Postclassic Chinese reconstruction by Starostin is *?dn3wd(h)dt < Late Han Chinese *?anwdhd(h)dt, while Schuessler reconstructs Old Northwest Chinese [c. 400 CE] *?anaukdat, Late Han Chinese *?anoda or *?anoukdat. It could be an adaptation of Sanskrit anudakd- "waterless" [RV 7.50.4] or anudaka- "aridity" [Ramayana 1.20.16], maybe in the abl. in -at, or a derivative of the verb anud- "to wet along" [Kath], i.e. anu "along" &^lud- "to wet, spring (water), flow", e.g. the participle unddt [RV 2.3.2] (MW 41, 183). At first sight both interpretations seem contradictory, but both could be true. The river Charchan He / Cherchen Darya does not flow all year round and its condition is very arid. On the other hand, when flowing it moistens the whole area along its shores. Let us mention that the river flowed in the territory of the Kroraina (today Kroran) state, in Chinese transcription Louldn411, later called as Shanshan (tt]l# Shdnshdn). The city of Lou-Ian was its easternmost border, to the west was the city of Niya (MfPimiit Niya Yizhi), known as |f^§ Jingjue412 in the Han era and Cadota in the local Middle Indie language, called Niya Prakrit. It was written in the Kharosti-script and used for administrative purposes. Khaidu River Length 560km. Mouth: Lake Bostan / Baghrash; Source: Tian Shan. Han Chinese *j(h)än < Western Han Chinese *d(h)än < Classic Old Chinese *d(h)än < Preclassic Old Chinese *d(h)ar?(Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0205 a-c). Comments: Vietnamese reading: thien. Sino-Tibetan: ?Tibetanmchor "pretty, beautiful". 408 Chinese M e, ä, ä "slope, hill, shore, angle" < Middle Chinese *?ä < Postclassic Chinese *?ä < Eastern Han Chinese *?ä < Western Han Chinese *?äj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *?äj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0001 m). Comments: Also read he and ä (he as a loan for |5j, ä as a transcription syllable) in Modern Chinese. During Late Zhou used also for a homonymous *?äj "pillar, ridge-pole". Shijing occurrences: 54.3, 56.2. Schuessler (2009, 211, §18-1 m): Middle Chinese *?ä < Late Han Chinese *?a < Old Chinese *?äi. 409 Chinese W nöu "to hoe, to weed" [Late Zhou] < Middle Chinese *nkw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *naw < Early Postclassic Chinese *nöw < Han Chinese *nwäh < Classic Old Chinese *noh < Preclassic Old Chinese *noks (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1223 f). Comments: For *n cf. Xiamen no6, Chaozhou nou6, Fuzhou naii6, Jianou ne6. Schuessler (2009, 159, §11-17 f): Middle Chinese *muc < Late Han Chinese *noc < Old Chinese *nokh, while the variant of this character, # nöu "hoe" (GSR 1223 e), is reconstructed as Middle Chinese *nuok < Old Northwest Chinese *nouk or *nauk < Late Han Chinese *nouk < Old Chinese *nuk by Schuessler (2009, 159, §11-17 e). Pulleyblank (1991, 227) reconstructs the Early Middle Chinese pronunciation *n3wh, but admits the variant *nawk too. 410 Chinese ill da "to break through (as growing grain); penetrate, come through; be born; communicate; come forward, become prominent" < Middle Chinese *dät < Postclassic Chinese *d(h)ät < Han Chinese *d(h)ät < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *d(h)ät (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0271 b-c). Comments: Also read tä "to go to and fro" < Middle Chinese that < Old Chinese *thät. Schuessler (2009, 233, §21-14 b): Middle Chinese *dät < Late Han Chinese *dat < Old Chinese *dät. 411 Eastern Han Chinese *rwärän (Starostin). 412 Eastern Han Chinese *cjenj(h)jwat < Western Han Chinese *cenj(h)wat (Starostin). It seems to be the Han Chinese transcription of the Middle Indie city name. 186 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Mongolic origin Khaidu Xaidu-gol "isolated river", cf. Kalmyk xdd°g gol, identified as 'ein Fluss im Tienschangebiete', consisting of xäd°g "immer nur derselbe, immer nur einer, allein" & gol "Fluss, Flusstal, Flussbett; Mitte, mittlere Teil; innere" (Ramstedt 1935, 179, 149); further Written Mongol qay-idag "lone, single, isolated" & goul "river, river bed; valley; large lake", Khalkha xajda & gol id. (Lessing 1960, 912 & 362; Hedin 1967, 45); in modern Chinese transcription JfffßM KäidüHe. Chinese origin Liusha According to the popular novel "Journey to the West" (MMt&XTyöu ji) from Wu Cheng'en, first printed in 1592 and inspired by travels of Xuanzang (602-664), the river was called "flowing sands river" (fftLiP'M LiushdHe). Iranian origin Dan In the "New Book of Tang" (fir/H * Xin Tdngshu), compiled by the team led by Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi, which completed the text in 1060, the river was called dan413 (cf. Chavannes 1903, 6, 362). If the Middle Chinese pronunciation of the hydronym is taken in account, i.e. *damh (Pulleyblank) ~ *ddm (Starostin) ~ *ddm (Schuessler) ~ *damX (Baxter & Sagart), it is possible to think about one of two Iranian etymologies: (a) Iranian *ddmd- "net" > Sogdian: Manichaean <5'ot', Buddhist S'm'y, Christian d'my / ddm(d)/ "net"; Khotanese ddma- "bond", dima- "tie, knot"; Zoroastrian Middle Persian dm I dam/ "net, snare, trap", etc.; further Vedic daman- "string, cord, rope, fetter", from the verb dd-"to bind" = Avestan da- id. (Cheung 2007, 47; ESIJ2, 444^15; Gharib 1995, #3395; MacKenzie 1971, 24; MW 475). Along the lower stream of the river there are really several branches and parallel streams (e.g. Höhrin Hebran), so that the term "net" is quite adequate. (b) Iranian *damH- "to swell, blow" > Avestan ddSma'niia- "blowing (up)"; Buddhist Sogdian Sm's "to swell"; Khwarezmian Sm's- "to become fat, strong", Khotanese dam- "to blow", uys-dem- "to cool, extinguish"; Parthian dm- "to blow, breathe", 'dm's "to swell up" etc.; further cf. Vedic dharri- "to blow" (Cheung 2007, 55-56; ESIJ2, 316-21; LIV153). The expression "swelling river" is natural for rivers fed from mountain snow and glaciers, whose level grows after the summer thaw. Kongque He / Könchi Darya Length 550km (or 786414 km). Mouth: {formerly} Lake Lop Nur and Tarim River; Source: Lake Bostan / Baghrash. 413 Chinese iiß dán "thin, bland, insipid; liquid, of sweet-water"< Late Middle Chinese *tfiam'< Early Middle Chinese *damh ~ Middle Chinese *däm < Postclassic Chinese *d(h)am < Han Chinese *l(h)am < Classic Old Chinese *l(h) am < Preclassic Old Chinese *l(h)äm?(Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0617 o). Schuessler (2009, 350, §36-14 o): Middle Chinese< *dämB Old Chinese iiß *läm? "insipid"; *lhěm "sweet"; Kachinphram' "to taste (of spices)"; Lushai Mum "sweet, taste sweet"; Lepcha kljam, khljam "to be sweet, be pleasant to the taste"; Kiranti *lěm; Manang lim (Benedict 1972, 75; Bodman 1980, 99). 414 https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Konqi_(Fluss). HIB. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin 187 Chinese form Kongque He The Chinese hydronym ?LíilM kdng*15 que416 hé means "Peacock River". It is probably only a phonetic reinterpretation of the Uyghur name Kónchi Darya (see below). Turkic form Konchi Darya The Uyghur name Konči Darya has been interpreted as "Tanner's River" (Hedin 1967, 49). It is formed by the suffix *-či of nomina agentis from the word attested e.g. in Middle Turkic kón "ungegerbte Haut", Turkmen kón, Kazakh kón "buntes Leder", Kazan Tatar kiln "Leder", Osman gón "gegerbtes Leder", Kumyk gón "Leder" (Rásánen 1969, 290). Tocharian origin? Both the Uyghur and Chinese hydronyms could reflect a reinterpreted pre-Turkic or pre-Chi-nese river-name. In Middle Chinese the hydronym should have been pronounced as *kh3wn,tsiak (Pulleyblank) ~ *khúncjak (Starostin). It is tempting to speculate about Tocharian B kents "goose" & cake "river" (Adams 2013, 207; 267), but the vowels in the first syllable seem incompatible. Alternatively, it is tempting to think about a derivative of the B verb kuk- "to tire, exhaust" or expressing "some kind of downward motion" (Malzahn 2010, 598; Adams 2013, 191) as the first member. Both the semantic motivations are acceptable for this river, flowing from the Bostan Lake with altitude 1048 m into the {former} Lop Nur Lake with altitude c. 770 m, whose arms connecting the Tarim may be rightfully designated as "exhausted". If it was the case, the derivative could be formed by the ra-sufnx, perhaps as yakne "way, manner" < *ueghno-. Thus the hypothetical Tocharian B compound *kukne-cake would be transcribed in Middle Chinese as *khuncjak. Lakes Lop Nur Lake The Lop Nur Lake (Chinese l^^íŮ Luobúbó), today practically a dried up salty depression, but during the 20th cent, a still existing lake of the area 3100 km2 in 1928, 2400 km2 in 1930-31. 415 Chinese ?L köng "to be great, much, very much, very; hollow, hole, cavity" < Late Middle Chinese *kh3wn' < Middle Chinese *kh3wn' (Pulleyblank 1991, 174) ~ Middle Chinese *khun < Late Postclassic Chinese *khw6n < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *kh6n < Han Chinese *khön < Classic Old Chinese *kh6n < Preclassic Old Chinese *khön? (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1174 a-b). Notes: A later meaning (attested since Han and apparently reflected in colloquial Vietnamese ho'ng) is ,hollow, hole, cavity' (cf. 3! *khön). Regular Sino-Vietnamese is khong. Vietnamese reading: ho'ng. Shijing occurrences: 10.3. Sino-Tibetan: *Karj (~ *Q-) "like, be satisfied" > Tibetan skaij "satisfaction"; Burmese khan "to be attached to, like"; Lepcha kuij "to agree, to accord with; to be proper"; ?01d Chinese ?L *khön?"to be great, much, very". 416 Chinese que "sparrow / Passer montanus" < Middle Chinese *tsiak< Middle Chinese *tsiak (Pulleyblank 1991, 263) ~ Middle Chinese *cjak < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *cjak < Early Postclassic Chinese *cjauk < Han Chinese *cjauk < Classic Old Chinese *ceuk < Preclassic Old Chinese *cek" (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1122 a-b). Schuessler (2009, 208, §17-13 a): Middle Chinese *tsjak< Later Han Chinese *tsiak< Old Chinese *tsiauk. Comments: Shijing occurrences: 17.2. For Old Chinese *c- and -a- can also be reconstructed (there are no rhymes and hsieh-sheng connections for the word) - but the reconstruction *cekw seems preferable because the word is written as H (*cek") in Late Zhou. Initial q- in Mandarin is unclear. The regular Sino-Vietnamese reflex is tu 'ö 'c; chöc is used in the compound chim choc "birds" (note that iS is also used as a general name for all small birds in Early Chinese). Vietnamese reading: choc. Sino-Tibetan *cek" "sparrow, small bird" > Old Chinese *cek" "sparrow"; ?Burmese chak-rak"starling"; Kiranti *cik; Trungpi-ci?, Anong cha "bird", etc. 188 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Nafubo The oldest known form for the Lop Nur area was probably mediated by the traveller Xu-angzang (602-664) who used the name ilft Mifknd4" fu4X% bo419 for the kingdom Lou-Ian (U M lou420 Ian421; see Stein 1921, 321). In the Middle Chinese reconstruction of Pulleyblank the toponym should look as *napbuakpa and according to Starostin *riApbwakpwd, both representing the time around 600 CE. The interpretation of this place-name is difficult. Very probably it is a corrupted compound or a whole syntagm, whose components could be perhaps identified in the following concrete Iranian lexemes: *nab- (cf. Pashto naw "moisture, humidity", Sogdian nftfk, nfityy "moist" - see Cheung 2007, 276) + *apa- "without" (cf. Bactrian a|3aPyo "waterless"; see Davary 1982, 146; Sims-Williams 2007, 181) + *apaka- "water" (Sogdian "pyka&y "of water", Ormuri wok "water", Wakhi Mxm)i yowga, Ishkashimi vek, Sanglechi vek id.; ESIJ I, 312). The whole formation together perhaps meant "marsh without water" in a Middle Iranian language close to Bactrian or to some partial protolanguage of a part of the Pamir languages. Note: Matsuda (apud Christopoulos 2012, 20-21) tried to explain the toponym Nafubo as transliteration of Sogdian Navapa "new water" (nwyy/nw'y/nw'k(w)/nwc "new" & 'p "water"). But he did not take in account that the place name recoreded in the 6th cent. CE should be read in adequate, i.e. Early Middle Chinese, pronuciation. Puchang In Hanshu422 finished in 111 CE the lake was called Jjf H M Pu^chang424 hai425 " Sea of abundant reeds" and its size was estimated from 300 to 400 //', i.e. 120-160km, in length and breadth (cf. Bicurin 1953, 34), indicating the area overcoming 10 000 km2. The authors (and their readers) believed the lake was joined with the Yellow River through an underground channel. Thus, for long time the Tarim River was taken to be one of the sources of the JtM Huang He, i.e. the 417 Chinese tŮ na "bring in, take in, put into; bring in tribute; bring in reports; receive, accept" < Late Middle Chinese *mp < Early Middle Chinese *nap/*nap (Pulleyblank 1991, 221) ~ Middle Chinese *n\p < Postclassic Chinese *nSp < Han Chinese *nSp < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *nSp (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0695 h). Comments: For *n cf. Xiamen lap8, Chaozhou nap8, Fuzhou nak8, Meixian nap8. Vietnamese reading: nap. 418 Chinese fi "to fasten, tie, wrap, bind" [Late Zhou] < Late Middle Chinese *ßjyak/*ßak < Early Middle Chinese *buak (Pulleyblank 1991, 98)-Middle Chinese *bwak < Postclassic Chinese *bwak < Eastern Han Chinese *bwak < Western Han Chinese *bak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *bak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0771 m). Comments: For *b cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou pak8, Fuzhou puok8. Regular Sino-Vietnamese is phoc. Besides Vietnamese, cf. other Austric data: South Bahnaric *po:k .bundle', Mon bulk .encircle, put around', Taiphu:k ,tie' which suggest the Austric origin of the Chinese word. Vietnamese reading: budc. 419 Chinese É bo "wave" < Late Middle Chinese *pua < Early Middle Chinese *pa (Pulleyblank 1991, 40) ~ Middle Chinese *pwä < Postclassic Chinese *pä < Eastern Han Chinese *pä < Western Han Chinese *päj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *paj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 00251) ~ Old Chinese *praj (Baxter & Sagart 2014,197,269, 381). Sino-Tibetan parallels: Tibetan rba "wave". 420 Chinese ÍM lóu "to pull, drag; search out" [Late Zhou] < Middle Chinese *kw < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *lSw < Early Postclassic Chinese How < Han Chinese *rwä < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rö (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0123 d). 421 Chinese M lán "orchid" < Middle Chinese *län < Postclassic Chinese *lán < Han Chinese *rän < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *rän (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0185 n). Comments: In East Zhou attested only within the compound JIB! *wän-rän 'Metaplexis stauntoni'. For *r- cf. Xiamen Ian2, Chaozhou, Fuzhou Ian2, Jianou luitf. The meaning "orchid" is attested since Late Zhou. Vietnamese reading: Ian. 422 ülS Hanshu "Book of Han" or "History of the Former Han", is a history of China finished in AD 111, covering the Western, or Former Han Dynasty (plus the short Xin Dynasty) from 206 BC to 23 AD. The work was composed by Ban Gu, a court official, with the help of his twin brother Ban Chao and their sister Ban Zhao, continuing the work of their father, Ban Biao. 423 Chinese M pu "cattail / Typha latifolia; reed" < Middle Chinese *bo < Postclassic Chinese *bhö < Han Chinese *bhä < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *bhä (Starostin; ChEDb). 424 Chinese H chäng "to be splendid, prosperous" < Middle Chinese *čhaij < Postclassic Chinese *čhaij < Eastern Han Chinese *čhan < Western Han Chinese *than < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *than (Starostin; ChEDb). Schuessler (2007, 180) reconstructs Easter Han Chinese *tšhan < Old Chinese *tharj. 425 Chinese !M häi "sea" < Middle Chinese *xÁj < Late Postclassic Chinese *hwaj < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *hwá < Han Chinese *ms < Classic Old Chinese *ms < Preclassic Old Chinese *sm§? (Starostin; ChEDb). HIB. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin 189 Yellow River. In the time of recording, the Eastern Han era, the lake-name should have been pronounced as *bhdchan. It is tempting to speculate about adaptation of some formation based on Tocharian A pats, B patsa "bottom" (Adams 2013, 387), more or less corresponding to the interpretation of Western Han name Hamldk ~ A lydm-lak "lake bottom" (see below), e.g. A pats sne-ak "bottom without end"426 (on the syntagm sne-ak - see DTA 23), or a derivative of the same type as A stank, B stank "palace" (Adams 2013, 776), if it was formed from the verb *steH2- "to stand" as Sanskrit sthana- "house, dwelling", besides "standing, staying; place, room" etc. from the verb stha- "to stand, stay, remain" (MW 1262-63). The present name Lop Nur has also its fascinating history, which was mapped by Stein (1921, 320-21). The word nur means "lake, pond" in the language of Xinjiang Oirats (Indjieva 2009, 160). It is the Common Mongolic lexeme427. Mirza Haidar (1500-1551) in his description of the deeds of Vais Khan, a Moghul, from the 16th cent, mentioned ruins of two large towns, Lob and Katak (cf. Stein 1921, 319-20). In the time of Marco Polo's travels, i.e. 13th cent., the town of Lop was still a flourishing city. Marco Polo also wrote about the Province of Lop and Desert of Lop428. Stein judged that the town of Lop is identical with the present city of Charkilik / Ruoqiang. In the time of Tibetan dominion of this area, i.e. from the last third of the 8th cent, to the second half of the 9th cent., the place-name Nob appeared relatively frequently. Stein (1921, 322) thought that it represented the same geographical term. There were two localities called Nob-tshed 'Great Nob' and Nob-tsung 'Little Nob', corresponding to present Charkilik and Miran respectively. In the earlier Chinese texts they were called B/fj? yi xin "new city" and ffiM yu419 ni430 respectively, the latter one also known as jft"S" ftic donggu cheng431 "eastern old city" (Stein, 1921, 322, 326). The city name ffiM Yiini gives no sense in Chinese ("muddy cup"?!). More probably it is the pre-Chinese place-name. Its Middle Chinese reconstruction by Starostin, *huniej, resembles the Iranian word for "old", attested in Young Avestan hana- m., hand- f. (Bartholomae 1904, 1769). Other traces of this term in Iranian appear only in onomastics, e.g. Old Persian *Hana-ma6a- "old-great" in the Elamite transcription an-na-ma-sa or *Hana-jlrauka "seit alters lebhaft, rasch" (cf. Avestan Jlra- "lebhaft") in the Assyrian transcription ha-na-zl-ru-ka (Hinz 1975, 114-15), and 'Sarmatian' or 'Scythian' man's and woman's names from Panticapaeum (east Crimea by the Kerch Strait) XavctKnt; and XavtKct respectively (Zgusta 1955, 167, §250; 207, §337). 426 In "Book of Han" (SUS Hänshü) there was used a similar expression probably for the Aral Sea: JZ'MMiM: da ze wüyä "the great marsh without a (further) shore" (Hulsewe 1979, 130, fn. 318). 427 Common Mongolic *nayur > Written Mongol nayur, Middle Mongol na 'ur, näwur "lake", now or "sea", Khalkha nur, Buriat nur, Kalmyk nur, Ordos nur, Dagur naur, naure, Monguor nur, nor "lake" (Poppe 1955, 163), Oirat nur "lake, pond" (Indjieva 2009, 160). 428 "And there is nothing which doesto mention in our book; so we will go forward and will tell you of a province which has Lop to name. And at end of these five days marches one finds a city also, which is named Lop, which is at the end of the great desert,.......Lop is a great city which is at the end of the desert, from which when one departs one enters into the very great desert which is called the desert of Lop, and it is between sun-rising and the Greek wind. And this city belongs to the rule of the great Kaan, ..." (Moule & Pelliot 1938, 148). 429 Chinese ft1 yü "bath tub; big cup, large vessel" [Late Zhou] < Late Middle Chinese *ya < Early Middle Chinese *wuä (Pulleyblank 1991, 381) ~ Middle Chinese */iii < Late Postclassic Chinese *who < Han Chinese *wha < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *wha (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0097 i). 430 Chinese M ni "mire, mud, clay; to plaster" < Late Middle Chinese *niaj < Early Middle Chinese *nej (Pulleyblank 1991, 223) ~ Middle Chinese *niej < Postclassic Chinese *nSj < Han Chinese *nSj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *nSj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0563 d) ~ Old Chinese *näi or *nt (Schuessler 2007, 398) ~ Old Chinese *C.n'[dj] (Baxter & Sagart, ChDb 2014). Comments: For *n- cf. Min forms: Xiamen, Chaozhou ni2, Fuzhou nä2, Jianou nai2. Also read *n(h)Sj?, Middle Chinese niej, Mandarin ni "be plentiful, numerous". Standard Sino-Viet-namese is ne. Vietnamese reading: ni. 431 Translated as "wall; city wall; city; to fortify" (Pulleyblank 1991, 54; GSR 0818 e). 190 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia Yanze According to the Han Chinese historical text Shiji432 finished in the end of the 2nd cent. BCE, the lake was named M# yan433 ze434 "Salt Marsh". Although "Salt Marsh" is undoubtedly an adequate description, it is tempting to analyze the form *lamldk reconstructible for the Western Han era, when it was recorded for the first time. It resembles Tocharian A lycim, B lyam "lake" and Tocharian A lak "bottom (of a river)", B leke "bed" (Adams 2013, 614, 607-08), together "lake bottom" in the language preceding Tocharian A, appositely describing the drying lake, whose bottom has been denuded. Bostan (Bagrash) Lake Surface area: 886.5 km2 -1380 km2; depth: 16m. Turkic origin Baghrash New Uyghur Baghrash Koli. Cf. Chaghatai bayur-dak, Mamluk Turkish (Abu Hayyan al-Ghar-nati: Kitdb al-Idrak li-Lisdn al-Atrdk) bakurdak "throat, gullet" (Rasanen 1969, 55). The final -as may be identified with Taranchi asa "to eat", Chaghatai as-la "to eat and drink", asa-t "to feed" etc. (Rasanen 1969, 29; Clauson 1972, 253, 256). The compound could designate "fed through a throat". The throat may again represent the mouth of the Kaidu river (JfffPM KaiduHe; Mongol Xaidu-gol). If this is the case, both limnonyms, Bositeng and Baghrash, express more or less the same fact - the lake is fed by its main tributary. Iranian origin Bositeng The lake was localized by Chinese already in the Tang era, but probably without its local name (Chavannes 1903, 112, fn. 4; 312). The geographer Xu Song 1781-1848) in his compendium "Waterways of the Western Regions"435 (H±«$7JCilti!E Xiyu shuidao ji) collected in 1815-1816, had recorded ff MMM bo436 si431 teng43* hit (Maljavkin 1989, 184, fn. 296), cf. also 432 5tsB Shiji "Scribe's records", originally JKiL'&iE Tdishigöng shü "Records of the Grand Historian", is a monumental history of ancient China and the world finished around 109 BC by the Han dynasty official Sima Qian after having been started by his father, Sima Tan, Grand Astrologer to the imperial court. The work covers the world as it was then known to the Chinese and a 2500-year period from the age of the legendary Yellow Emperor to the reign of Emperor Wu of Han in the author's own time. 433 Chinese W.ydn "salt" < Middle Chinese *jem < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *jem < Early Postclassic Chinese *iem < Eastern Han Chinese *iam < Western Han Chinese *lam < Classic Old Chinese *lam < Preclassic Old Chinese *Iam (~ *-em) (Starostin, ChEDb). Baxter & Sagart (2014, 107; 386, fn. 31) reconstruct Old Chinese *[ar] [o]m. 434 Chinese 'M zé "a marsh; to enrich, benefit; lake, water surface; to irrigate, wet" < Middle Chinese *ddik < Post-classic Chinese *d(h)äk < Eastern Han Chinese *läk (~ *Ih-) < Western Han Chinese *läk (~ *lh-) < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *L(h)äk (Starostin, ChEDb). Baxter & Sagart (2014, 109) reconstruct Old Chinese *Frak. 435 http://idp.bl.uk/pages/collections_ch.a4d 436 Chinese W- bó "to be wide, broad" < Late Middle Chinese *pak < Early Middle Chinese *pak ~ Middle Chinese *pdk < Postclassic Chinese *päk < Han Chinese *pak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *päk (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0771 a-c). Sino-Tibetan: Tibetan dphag "to rise, be raised; to grow longer, biggeť'; Burmese pan? "to lift, raise"; Kuki-Chin *pak-; Thankurpak "to be broad", Bodo bo "to stretch, spread" (Luce 1981, 74; CVST I, 50-51). 437 Chinese Wi s7"a near demonstrative: this, he, she, it, they" < Late Middle Chinese *sz < Early Middle Chinese *siš/*si ~ Middle Chinese *sje < Postclassic Chinese *sje < Eastern Han Chinese *sje < Western Han Chinese *se < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *se (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0869 a-b). The basic meaning of the character was "to lop off" (Shijing 141,1), but it is more commonly used for the homonymous pronoun *se "this"; later also for si "completely" < Middle Chinese sjě < Old Chinese *se-s. Sino-Tibetan: Burmese saň "this, that", Kachini///2 "thus orthis"; ši' "he, she, it" (CVSTIV, 115-16). 438 Chinese IS téng "to rise, overcome" < Late Middle Chinese *t/i3§n < Early Middle Chinese *dan (Pulleyblank HIB. Central Asiatic Hydronyms II: Tarim Basin 191 Chaghatai Bostang. The (Early) Middle Chinese reconstruction leads to *paksiddt)/*paksiMdt) by Pulleyblank and *pdksjedMj by Starostin. This form is interpretable on the basis of Alanic, continuing in Ossetic: Digor faxs "side, hip, slope of mountain" and dongon "by the river", where -gon is the grammaticalized word kom "mouth, opening" (Abaev I, 426; 369; 598), originally perhaps "on the side of the mouth of the river". The most probable river would be the dominant tributary of this lake, the Kaidu He or Khaidu Gol (see above), long 560 km, or the 550 long river Kongque He (?LiÜM Köngque He "Peacock River"; probably only a sound reinterpretation of the Uyghur name Könchi Darya "Tanner's River" - see Hedin 1967, 49), which leads the waters of the lake through the Iron Gate Pass (HH Hi Tiemen Gudri) to the south into the {former} Lake Lop Nur, and by one arm also into {the river-bed of} the Tarim River. Barköl Lake Surface area: 140 km2. The lake is located on the southeastern edge of the Dzungarian Basin, far east of the Tarim Basin. It is included here for the possibility of the Tocharian etymology of its name from the Later Han Dynasty. Pulei First the name of this lake located north of Hami (Kumul) appeared in "Book of the Later Han" (tH'/fl 1=t Hdu Hdnshu) in the history of the Eastern Han dynasty from 6 to 189 CE, which was compiled by Fan Ye et alii during the Liu Song dynasty in the 5th cent. The lake-name mentioned in the year 123 CE was written with the characters fifll pu439 lei440 (Chavannes 1907, 162). With respect to the first attestation of this limnonym in 123 CE it is necessary to take in account its reconstruction in Han Chinese, *bhä-rwds, or even Classic Old Chinese *bhä-rwdc (both according to Starostin). Seeking a source of this place-name in some of languages spoken in the beginning of the first mill. CE in this region, it seems, Tocharian B wrdtstse "having water" (cf. Adams 2013, 627) could be a good candidate. The adj. form wrdtstse was syncopated from *wdrdtstse, cf. B war "water", pi. wranta < *wäräntä (Pinault 2008, 440). The common Tocharian *wdrd "water" has been derived from *udr°. The adj. *wdrdtstse is immediately derivable from *wdrutstse and further from *udrutio-. The presumption of existence of the w-stem explains better the correspondence of A war vs. B war, since the protoform +udrom proposed by Adams (2013, 628) would lead to B +ware. The w-stem in the word-family *ued- "water" with the r-extension was recognized in Hittite watt(a)ru- "spring, source" < *uodru- (Irslinger, NIL 706, 708, referring finally to Eich-ner441). The substitution of *w by Chinese *b(h) is attested e.g. in the Chinese transcription of the name of country called Wakhan: bu442 he443 'country situated on the southern bank of the 1991, 304) ~ Middle Chinese *d\n < Postclassic Chinese *dhSrj < Eastern Han Chinese *lhSrj < Western Han Chinese *LhSrj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *LhSrj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0893 v). Comments: The word can be connected etymologically with jf§ *Larj "to lift, raise". For *Lh- cf. Xiamen thin2, Chaozhou then1. 439 Chinese 5if pü "cattail (Typha latifolia), reed" < Middle Chinese *bo < Postclassic Chinese *bhö < Han Chinese *bhä < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *bhä (Starostin, ChEDb; Pulleyblank 1991, 242; GSR 0102 n*; Schuessler 2007, 418 reconstructs East Han Chinese *ba < Old Chinese *ba). Comments: For *bh cf. Chaozhou phu2; Vietnamese reading: bo. 440 Chinese Ü lei "be up to standards, good; class, category" < Middle Chinese < *lwi < Late & Middle Postclassic Chinese *lwij < Early Postclassic Chinese *lwis < Han Chinese *rwas < Classic Old Chinese *ncac < Preclassic Old Chinese *ruts (Starostin, ChEDb; Pulleyblank 1991,186; GSR 0529 a; Schuessler 2007, 347 reconstructs East Han Chinese *luis < Old Chinese *rus). 441 In his letter from Sept 10, 2016, Prof. Heiner Eichner kindly explained his present position: Hittite wattaru- was adopted from Luvian, where the development from *uodru- was quite regular. The vowel a between the dental and r is an anaptyctic vowel, similarly as in Luvian immari- "field" vs. Hittite gemra- etc. 442 Chinese If bü "to seize" [Late Zhou] < Middle Chinese *bd < Postclassic Chinese *b(h)ö < Han Chinese *b(h) äh < Classic Old Chinese *b(h)äh < Preclassic Old Chinese *b(h)äs (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0102 j'). Comments: Modern 3rd tone is irregular. For *b cf. Xiamen pj6, Fuzhou puo6, Chaozhou pu*. 443 Chinese B§ he "to yell, shout, cry (angrily)" [Late Zhou] < Middle Chinese *xät < Postclassic Chinese *hät < Han Chinese *hät < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *hät (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0313 k). Comments: Regular 192 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia river Wu-hu (Oxus, today Amu Darya)' according to Xu Song, referring to f/f/Ü* Xin Tdngshu, i.e. 'New Tang history'444, §221B.2a (Hulsewe 1979, 131, fn. 323). Note: Pulleyblank (1962-63, 219) reconstructed the Old Chinese form of the lake-name as *baß-lw9(t)s and speculated about possibility that it reflected Common Turkic *bars "tiger, panther". C. Central Asiatic oronyms: Qilian, Kunlun, Pamir Mountains From the point of view of stability of place-names the following empirically established sequence is roughly valid: river-names > mountain-names > ethnical names > names of places of settlement and of countries. This is natural, since rivers and mountains were always important for orientation, but the shores of rivers were usually inhabited, while mountains were not as attractive. Central Asia is rather exceptional in regard to the height above sea level where permanent settlements exist. On the Tibetan upland plain, bordered by the Qilian and Kunlun mountain ranges in the north, just as in the Hindukush and Pamir, people live on a level equal to the highest peaks of the Alps. Continuity of settlement, independent of language replacements, is conditio sine qua non for preservation of place-names in general. In this section three oronyms are analyzed, the Qilian and Kunlun, originally probably designating the same mountain range on the border of the Chinese provinces Gansu and Qinghai, and the Pamir, separating the Turanian lowland with great endorheic lakes like the {former} Aral Sea and Lake Balkhash, and, from another endorheic area, the Tarim Basin with streams directed to the {former} lake Lop Nur. It is significant that all these oronyms (or alternative names in the case of the Pamir) can be etymologized as Indo-European, namely Tocharian, Iranian, perhaps also Indo-Aryan. In the case of the Qilian / Kunlun it is probably the easternmost known border of pre-modern presence of Indo-Europeans, in this case both Iranians and Tocharians. Qilian The Qilian Mountain Range (Chinese ?P Jit ill Qilian Shan; Wade-Giles: Ch 'i2-lien2 Shan1) is also known as 1% ill Nan Shan, i.e. "Southern Mountains", since they lie south of the Hexi Corridor. The Qilian Range is a northeastern outlier of the Kunlun Mountains, forming the border between the Qinghai and Gansu provinces of northern China445. This oronym is attested in two Han historical texts, Shiji446 [110.0246.2, 123.0267.2], finished around 109 BCE, and Hanshu447 [§§ 94A.0597.2, 96B.0607.2], finished in 111 CE. We are informed here that the meaning of this oronym is connected with "heaven" in the language of Xiongnu, the steppe tribal confederation. Sino-Viet. is hat, Vietnamese reading het. The earliest attested usage of the character (Han) is for *?rats, Middle Chinese. ?aj, Mandarin ye "to cry (with a constrained voice)". 444 Finished during the Song Dynasty in 1060 CE. 445 446 iiH Shiji, i.e. "Scribe's records", or ^i^lS, Tdishigong shu, i.e. "Records of the Grand Historian", is a monumental history of ancient China and the world, finished around 109 BC by the Han dynasty official Sima Qian after having been started by his father, Sima Tan, Grand Astrologer to the imperial court. 447 Hanshu, i.e. "The Book of Han", also known as "History of the Former Han", is a history of China finished in 111 CE, covering the Western, or Former Han dynasty from the first emperor in 206 BCE to the fall of Wang Mang in 23 CE. It is also called the "Book of Former Han". The work was composed by Ban Gu, a court official, with the help of his sister Ban Zhao, continuing the work of their father, Ban Biao. III.C. Central Asiatic oronyms 193 Etymology: (a) Pulleyblank (1966, 20) thought about the Yuezhi origin of this name, seeking a Tocharian etymology for his Middle Chinese reading *giilien or the variant ffiM. *gidylien, but without any positive result. He ascribed this to the absence of a Tocharian word for "heaven" in the known lexicon. But such terms are known: Tocharian A ákáš, B akáše < Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit ákáša-; andAeprer, B e(p)prer -iprer < *mbhro- + coll. *-r (Adams 2013, 2; 70). But apparently neither of these can be connected with *giilien. (b) Mair (1991, 932) proposed a connection between the hypothetical Tocharian antecedent of Qílián and Latin caelum "heaven". The Latin word is not isolated, since there are probable cognates in Welsh coel "presage, omen", Old Breton coel "priest", Gothic hailag "holy", Prussian kailustiskan "health", Old Church Slavonic cělh "whole, healthy" (de Vaan 2008, 81), all from *kH2eil- or *keH2il-. The expected Tocharian counterpart is reconstructible as A +kel° ~ B +kail°, cf. Awe, B wai "2" f. < *dueHj (Van Windekens 1976, 50). (c) Lin (1998, 478-80) tries to identify the sought after source in Tocharian A klyom, B klyomo "noble", which is derivable only from *kleumon- (Adams 2013, 250). This would mean, however, that the anlaut +M° necessary for palatalization in Chinese proposed by Lin, is excluded. And vice versa, the initial *kil° would have caused palatalization in Tocharian, and this is not the case either. His examples illustrate the really dropped vowels, A tpar "high" vs. B tapre, 'Kroraina' tipara id. < *ďubro-, or A ktsets "finished", B ktsaitstse "old", 'Kroraina' kitsaits "old" < *katsaits°, cf. Sanskrit ksinati "destroys", Greek cpOivco "perish" (Adams 2013, 296, 263). (d) None of these attempts are convincing enough to be accepted without new questions. A more promising key was offered by Anna Dybo (2007, 95), who had recognized here Iranian traces, if chronologically deeper levels of Chinese are taken in account. The Chinese record ?P M. qi44t lián449, projected in Middle Chinese *gjilen, in Han Chinese as *gj9jran and in Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese as *gijran according to Starostin (ChEDb) and as *[g]rij[r]a[n] by Baxter & Sagart (2014, 137). The variant lif450ii, also qílián in Modern Mandarin, reflects Middle Chinese *gylen < Han & Classic Old Chinese *gdnran < Preclassic Old Chinese *gdrran. Dybo (2007, 95) mentions the similarity of Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *gijran and the Iranian word for "mountain", namely Avestan gairi- "mountain(s), mountain range", Khotanese g(g)ara-, ggari- "mountain", etc. This is indeed an attractive idea, to identify the oronym with the appellative "mountain(s)", although at first sight there is nothing heavenly. Let us first summarize the Iranian data: Old Iranian: Young Avestan gairi- "mountain(s), mountain range" (Bartholomae 1904, 513-14): nom.sg. gairiS, acc.sg. gairim, abl.sg. garoit, loc.sg. gara; nom.pl. garaiio, acc. pi. gains, gen.pl. gairinqm, dat.pl. gairibiid (Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 133-35). Middle Iranian: Bactrian yapo, geiro, adj. yapvyo "of the {region} Gar = mountains", compound yapotyo-oxav "land of the mountaineers" < *gari-čiia-ka- (Sims-Williams 2007, 207; NEVP 32); Khotanese g(g)ara-, ggari- "mountain", loc.sg. gira, nom.pl. ggari, gen.pl. ggarinu, garanu, garam, loc.pl. ggaruvo & garva, instr.pl. garya, cf. [ga]ranu rrunda "king of mountains" ~ Buddhist Sanskrit giri-indra (Bailey 1979, 80); Sogdian BMCyr- /jar/ "mountain", nom. sg. -y/-w, acc.sg. -w, abl.sg. -', loc.sg. -y\ obl.sg. -y(h), nom.pl. -/', -//', -th, gen.pl. Byr"n ywťw 448 Chinese Iß qi "to be great, large, numerous" < Middle Chinese *_/'/ < Late Postclassic Chinese *_/'/ < Middle & Early Postclassic Chinese *gjij < Han Chinese *gj3j < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *gij (ChEDb; GSR 0553 i). Note: For *g- cf. Xiamen, Fuzhou ki1 (Chaozhou khi1 is secondary). 449 Chinese it lián "to go one after another; troop" < Middle Chinese *len < Postclassic Chinese *len < Han Chinese *ran < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *ran (ChEDb; GSR 0213 a) = *[r]a[n] "connect in a row" by Baxter & Sagart (ChDb, 2014). Comments: Also written as SI (with a narrowed meaning: "to be dripping continuously"). Standard Sino-Vietnamese is lién. For *r- cf. Xiamen IT2, Chaozhou, Fuzhou lien2, Jianou litf. The original reading of the character was *ran? "a kind of carriage" (—» lián < Middle Chinese *lérí), attested in Later Zhou. 450 Chinese iff qi "to pray, wish" < Middle Chinese *gij < Postclassic Chinese *gin < Han Chinese *gan < Classic Old Chinese *gan < Preclassic Old Chinese *gar. For *g- cf. Xiamen, Fuzhou ki2 (Chaozhou khi2 is secondary). (ChEDb; cf. GSR 0443 o on the variant of the character). 194 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia /yran-xutaw/ "god of mountains", cf. Bywťw "king, master, lord", Byrcyk /yarčik/"of mountain, mountaineer" (Gharib 1995, ##4168, 4171, 4244, 4464; Gershevitch 1961, 180, §1189: "king of mountains"); Khwarezmian yrycyk, pi. yrycyc "mountain" (Benzing 1983, 293); Parthian yr/yar/, Middle Persian glz /gar/ (MacKenzie 1971, 35). Modern Iranian: Yaghnobi yar "mountain; pass"; Pashto yar "mountain", pi. yrd & yrúna, adj. yaranáy "of the hills, mountain-" (NEVP 32); Ormuri of Logar girt, Kaniguram grt"mountain", Parachi gir /ger "stone"; Munji yar "stone, hill, pass", Yidgha yar "hill, mountain", Yazghulami yár, pi. yardO "stone, rock, rocky top of a mountain", Shughni žír, Khufi žcer, Rushani, Bartangi žer, Oroshori žír, Sarikoli žer "stone", Sanglechijer, y'ir, yir "stone", Wakhi far id.; Luri, Bahtiari gar "mountain", Kurdish gir, girik "hill, hillock, elevation", Gurani gir "hill" (ESIJ 3, 191; Cab-olov 1, 384). It seems that both variants of the Han & pre-Han Chinese transcription are closest to the form of the gen.pl., known from Avestan gairinqm, Khotanese ggarinu, garánu, garám, Sogdian Byr"n / yrán/. There are no traces of the Avestan final -am and Khotanese -u in the Chinese transcriptions. The hypothetical Iranian predecessor of the Chinese transcriptions ffiM. and ffiM. should look like *gsran or *gijran, respectively. The form *gsran resembles Sogdian Byr"n /yrán/, earlier probably /ydrán/. The form *gijran could reflect an archetype close to Khotanese ggarin\u, but with a metathesis of the vowels, caused perhaps in the process of adaptation. It remains to answer, why just the gen.pl. was adopted in Chinese? It seems to have been shortened from a longer syntagm of the type Khotanese [ga]ránu rrundá451 "of king of mountains" ~ Buddhist Sanskrit giri-indra (Bailey 1979, 80) or Buddhist Sogdian yr"n ywťw /yrán-xutáw/ "god of mountains", cf. ywťw "king, master, lord", (Gharib 1995, ## 4171, 4244, 4464; Gershevitch 1961,180, §1189: "king of mountains"). If "king of mountains" was the name of a mountain, e.g. the eponymous Qilian Shan peak (at 5547m the highest peak of the main range), which was an object of worship, e.g. as a residence of gods (a textbook example is the Greek Olympus), the heavenly connotation of this enigmatic oronym is understandable. Kunlun In the pre-Qin Chinese sources452 the the Qilian Range was called W53m454 Kunlún455 or Slil Kúnshán (Lin 1998, 481). This oronym may be projected into pre-Han time as Classic Old Chinese *kw§nrw§n. 451 Khotanese rre "king, lord, possessing power", acc.sg. rrumdu/rrundu, gen.sg. rrundä, abl.sg. rrundänu, nom.pl. rrunde, gen.pl. rrundänu / rrundinu / rrundunu, instr.pl. rrundyau, in later language nom.sg. r(r)e, rai, gen.sg. rrudi/räda/rüda/rüda, instr.sg. rrumdä, nom.pl. rrumdi, gen.pl. rrumdäm/rrumdänä/rrämdänä, instr.pl. raudyäm; Tumshuquese ride "king" (Bailey 1979, 368: nom.sg. rre < Huänh < *uränh, obi. rund < Huanf < *uranf; concerning etymology cf. Khotanese vara- "strong, excellent"). 452 In the letter addressed to Zhao Huiwen-wang (ffilS5:i; 299-266 BCE), king of the Zhao State, known from 'Chronicles of the Zhao State' of the si$.SMji, finished 109 BCE, there is written: 'The jade of the Kun mountains could not be obtained any longer by the king of the Zhao State, if the Qin State sent its army across the Gouju mountains to occupy the area near the Hengshan mountains' (see Lin 1998, 481). Cf. also 453 The sign ft, variant is a combination of ill shän "mountain" and iL Mn "elder brother; 1) CTapnfflii öpar; 2) noTOMOK, noTOMCTBo; 3) Macca, Tonna; BinecTe; 4) BnocjieflCTBiiii, noTOiu; 5) noxoaciiii" < Middle Chinese *kon < Postclassic Chinese *kwSn < Han Chinese *kwSn < Classic Old Chinese *kwSn < Preclassic Old Chinese *kün (Starostin, ChEDb; Pulleyblank 1991, 179; GSR 0417 a-b; c: ft-g- 'the Kunlun mountain range'). 454 Chinese Ir tun in ftlr 'the Kunlun mountain ridge' < Middle Chinese Hon < Postclassic Chinese HwSn < Han Chinese *rwSn < Classic Old Chinese HwSn < Preclassic Old Chinese Hün; For *r cf. Xiamen lun2, Chaozhou, Fuzhou lun2. (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0470 h-i). A more primitive, although recorded later, form of the character is ~m lün "to think, ponder" [Han] < Middle Chinese Hwin < Postclassic Chinese Hwin < Han Chinese *rwsn < Classic Old Chinese *rwan < Preclassic Old Chinese *run (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0470 a). 455 Now this oronym is used for 3000 km long mountain range extending from the Pamir in the west to Qinghai in the east. The Qilian Range is a part of this mountain chain. III.C. Central Asiatic oronyms 195 Etymology: It is tempting to identify the components with Tocharian A *kärwan "rock, stone", attested in the loc.pl. kärwamsam "on the rocks" (DTA 135), B kärwene "stone", coll. "rock" (Adams 2013, 176), and Tocharian A wäl, obi. länt, B walo, gen. länte ~ länti, acc. länt "king" (Adams 2013, 631). Their predecessors would have looked like *kdrwcen° & *w3lön456. In the process of adaptation to the Chinese monosyllabic word-pattern this compound would have been shortened to *krwcenwlön and further simplified457 to *kwcenRwön, and finally with following ö-umlaut458 to *kwönRwön. The primary semantics "king of rocks" as a name of some holy mountain, maybe a residence of gods, is compatible with the hypothetical Iranian follower "king of mountains" and preserves the heavenly connection of this mountain. Concerning syntax, the word order in Tocharian was the same as in Khotanese: Tocharian B ylamts walo "king of the gazelles" (Adams 2013, 631). This conclusion agrees with the heavenly connotation of stones or rocks preserved in several Indo-European traditions (cf. Reichelt 1913, developing the idea of 'stony heaven'): Vedic ásman- usually means "stone" or "rock" (MW 114). In some contexts this word represents a thunderbolt (i.e. meteoritic stone or iron?) thrown from heaven: tvám áyasám práti vartayo gór divá ášmdnam úpariitam fbhá [RV 1.121.9] "Ingenious, you {Indra} rolled back from the cow the metallic stone of heaven, which had been brought nearby" [translated by Jamison & Brereton] índrdsomd vartáyatam divás páry agnitaptébHr yuvám ášmahanmabHh [RV VIL 104.5] "Indra and Soma, make it roll from heaven. With fire-heated (weapons) that smite like stones" [translated by Jamison & Brereton] At least in one case the interpretation "heaven" seems more probable than "rock" (cf. Mayrhofer, EWAI I, 137), although "rock" is preferred in all modern translations: sváryádášmann adHpa u ándho ,bhímá vápur dršáye niniyát [RV VIL88.2] "So might he bring-Lord also of the darkness-the light in heaven that I may see its beauty!" (Griffith) "Die Sonne, die im Felsverschluß ist und die Finsternis möge mir der Oberaufseher vorführen, um das Schauspiel zu sehen." (Geldner) "Couraje, KOTopoe b CKajie, h vrpaic nycTb BepxoBHbiö 3amHTmnc npHBe/ieT ko MHe, htoö a yBH^eji ny/io." (Elizarenkova) 456 Cf. Lubotsky 1994, 69. He concludes this innovative form replaced older *w 'alan (p. 71). Pinault (2008, 512) reconstructs *w 'älän on the basis of A wlain- and B *yälai-, used in compounds. 457 The loss of -r- in sequence of r...r is not expectable in Tocharian, cf. e.g. AB krämär "weight", but Malzahn (2014, 90) assumes the dissimilation r...r> r...n in development of A sorki "fear". Similarly B kronkse "bee" may perhaps be derived from the compound *krH^ru-knH]ien-, lit. "hornet (of) honey" (Adams 2013, 235 proposes the internal reconstruction *krH^nukuken-). From history of Chinese the simplification of the initial cluster *krw- is known from the post-Han era: JÜ, variant B, jün "waterdeer" < Middle Chinese *kwin < Postclassic Chinese *kwin < Han Chinese *krwan < Classic Old Chinese *krwan < Preclassic Old Chinese *krun (ChEDb; Pulley-blank 1991, 169; GSR 0485 d-e) or im guän "kind of turban" < Middle Chinese *kwän < Postclassic Old Chinese *kwan < Han Chinese *krwan < Classic Old Chinese *krwSn < Preclassic Old Chinese *krün (Starostin 1989, 710; Pulleyblank 1991,113; GSR 0470e). On the other hand, -r- could be lost already in Tocharian B, cf. the form käwansa, nom.sg.f. of the adj. in -sse from kärwene "stone, rock" in the text PK NS 95 b4: vairudissa wmerssa pilkessa läntassa käwansa • orssa • wi ... (Pinault 2000, 82, 94-95). 458 Cf. Hilmarsson 1986, 42-50. A good illustration is his example in Tocharian A sokyo "very (much), extremely" < Common Tocharian *scekwo < instr.sg. *sek>5 orabl.sg. *sek>5d (p. 49). 196 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia "When the sun is in the rock and darkness is master, may he lead me to see his wondrous form" [Jamison & Brereton] In the Iranian languages the situation is symmetrically opposite. The meaning "heaven" is almost universal, while the meaning "stone" is preserved only fragmentarily: Young Avestan asman- "heaven" vs. asmana- "stony, of stone" (Bartholomae 1904, 207-08, 220-21): asmansm yazamaide \ zqm huöänhsm yazamaide [Yasna 16.6]: "den Himmel verehren wir; die guttätige Erde verehren wir" [Wolff 1910, 45] zqmcd asmansmcä yazamaide \ vätsmcä darsim mazdadätsm yazamaide taersmcä haraWiid bsrszö yazamaide | bümimcä vispäcä vohüyazamaide. [Yasna 42.3] "Die Erde und den Himmel verehren wir; und den kühnen mazdähgeschaSen Wind verehren wir; und den Gipfel des i/ara/'/F-Gebirges verehren wir; die Erde und alles Gute verehren wir" [Wolff 1910, 71] viödraem zaraSustra \ aom asmansm | yö usca raoxsnö frädsrssrö yö imqm zqm dca pairica buuduua \ mqnaiidn ahe \ ya9a vis +aem yö histaite maniiu stdtö \ handraxtö düraekaranö \ aiiatjhö kshrpa xvaenahe raocahinö aoi Srisuua [Yast 13.2] "Durch ihre Pracht und Herrlichkeit stütze ich, o Zarathustra, den Himmel dort, der in der Höhe licht, strahlend (ist), der die Erde hier von allen Seiten, man könnte meisen wie ein Haus, umgibt, fernbegrenzt, anzusehen wie lohendes Metall, nach (allen) Dritteln (der Erde) leuchtend." [Wolff 1910, 230] nizbaiiemi zqm ahuraSdtqm \ äpsm mazdaSdtqm \ uruuarqm asaonim nizbaiiemi zraiiö vourukassm | nizbaiiemi asmansm xvanuuantsm [Videvdät. 19.35] "Ich rufe herab die a/zwrageschaffene Erde, das mazdähgeschaffme Wasser, die araheilige Pflanze; ich rufe herab das Meer Vouru.kasa; ich rufe herab den lichten Himmel, .." [Wolff 1910, 431] asmanaca hduuana äiieseyesti \ aiiatjhaenaca hduuana äiieseyesti [Yasna 22.2] "und zu verehren hole ich her die steinerne Kelterpresse; und zu verehren hole ich her die metallene Kelterpresse." (Wolff 1910, 54) Old Persian asman- "heaven": baga vazqrka Auramazdd haya avam asmänam adadd [DSe, i.e. Darius' empire list from Susa] "a great god is Ahuramazdä, who put in its place yonder sky" [see Skjaervo 2002, 64; http://www.livius.org/aa-ac/achaemenians/DSe.htrnl] baga vazqrka Auramazdd haya imam bümim add haya avam asmänam add haya martiyam add haya siydtim add martiyahqyd haya Därayavaum xsäyaOiyam akunaus aivam parünäm xsdyaOiyam aivam parünäm framätäram [DE 1-11, i.e. Darius' inscription from Gandj Nameh] "Ahuramazdä is the great god, who put in its place this earth, who put in its place that heaven, who put in his place man, who put in its place happiness for man, who made Darius king, one king over many, one commander of many." [see Skjaervo 2002, 80; http://www.livius.org/ga-gh/gandj nameh/gandj nameh_darius.html] III.C. Central Asiatic oronyms 197 Middle Persian 'sm'n, "sm'n asnutn . Parthian 'sm'n, "sm'n asnutn . Sogdian sm'n /(a)smán/, Khwarezmian 'sm, 'sym "heaven, sky". Classical Persian äsmän "heaven" is probably a source of numerous modern West Iranian forms and some counterparts in Pamir languages of the same meaning. An importan exception may be Wakhi s(d)mdn "pyramid of stones", preserving the 'stony'-meaning (ESU 1, 239^10). In Greek there is known the cognate cÍKutov which usually means "anvil" (e.g. II. 18.274, Od. 8.274; Hdt. 1.68). In his Theogony [720-725] Hesiod apparently described the meteoritic stone or iron: 720xóooov ěvepO' ráo yr\q, öoov or)pavó<_ éox' b.%6 yaín<_: 721xóooov yáp x' b.%6 yr\q éq Tápxapov ňepóevxa. 722éwéa yáp ví>Kxa<_ xe Kaiříuaxa xálKsoq áKutov 723or)pavó0ev Kaxicbv SeKáxn k' éq yaíav íkoixo: 724éwéa 5' ar) vť>Kxa<_ xe Kai říuaxa xóXKsoq áKutov 725ěk yaín<_ Kaxicbv SeKáxn k' éq Tápxapov íkol "..as far beneath the earth as heaven is above earth; for so far is it from earth to Tartarus. For a brazen anvil falling down from heaven nine nights and days would reach the earth upon the tenth: and again, a brazen anvil falling from earth nine nights and days would reach Tartarus upon the tenth." [edited and translated by Hugh G. Evelyn-White, 1914] This interpretation is confirmed by Hesychius, who collected the alternative explanations: áKutov • or)pavó<_. ř) oíSnpov, i.e. "heaven; iron" (cf. Beekes 2010, 52). Reichelt (1913, 26) added the witness of Eustathius: ó xof) Kpóvorj 7iaxf)p ÄKutov éKaleíxo, miö xfj<_ xof) ofjpavof) cpaoiv áKauáxorj cpi)oeco<_. Germanic *hemina- > Gothic himins, Old Norse himinn m. "heaven" vs. *hamara- > Old Norse hamarr m. "crag, precipice; hammer" (Kroonen 2013, 220, 206-07; Reichelt 1913, 25). Another example may be the name of the Slavic 'Thunder-god', attested in Old Bulgarian Po-rum> - a counterpart of Zeus in the Old Bulgarian version of Alexandreis, added to the translation of Chronographia of Ioannis Malalas (Niederle 1924, 99); Slovak Pawn, Parom "devil" (in curses), cf. the expression Perónová střela ho zabila "Perun's arrow killed him" (Niederle 1924, 97), Polabian perěndan "Thursday" < *perunjb dbnb "Perun's day" = German Donnerstag, cf. also Old Bavarian pherintag 'Friday' (Lehr-Splawiňski & Polaňski 1962, 502-503), Kashubian parón "evil ghost" (SEK4, 23-24); Old Russian Perunh (Vasmer 3, 246). There are corresponding appelative counterparts: Slovak perún, Czech dial. (Lašsko) pěrun "thunder", Upper Sor-bian pjerun 'Piorunowa strzalka' = "Perun's arrow", i.e. "lightning", Polish piorun "thunder", dial, pierun "lightning", Kashubianp 'orun, p 'oren, Belorussianpjarun, Ukrainianpérún, pérům, périm "thunder", Russian arch. dial. (Lomonosov, Deržavin, Batjuškov) perún "lightning" (Vasmer 3, 246; Machek 1968, 445; Lehr-Splawiňski & Polaňski 1962, 502-503; SEK4, 167; ESUM 4, 357). Gamkrelidze & Ivanov (1984, 614-15) connect the Slavic forms with Albanian Peren-di "heaven; god" and the words for "rock" or "mountain" in some other Indo-European branches: Hittite peru, obi. perun" "rock, cliff, boulder"459 < *perur // *perun° / *perun° (Eichner 1973, 75; Kloekhorst 2008, 668-69), plus the deified 'Rock' Perunas who gave birth to a son of the god Kumarbi in the Song about Ullikummi; Vedic pdrvata- m. "mountain(-range), height, hill, rock" [RV], parvati- f. "rock, stone" [TS], Parvati- 'name of the daughter of Himavat and wife of Siva' [Up]; Young Avestanpauruuatd- f. "mountain-range, mountains" < *pérun-f (EWAIII, 99). Janda (1997, 24-39) supplements the Avestan material, reinterpreting the syntagm druca pauruuqnca [Yašt 19.85, 19.99] as "Gehölz und Gestein". He reconstructs the hypothetical nom. 459 Hittite ntr. NMpé-e-ru nom.-acc., com. NMpé-(e-)ru-na-aš nom., NMpé-ru-na-an ace, NMpé-ru-na-aš gen., NMpé-e-ru-ni dat.-loa, etc. (CHD II, 314). 198 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia sg. as *pauruuara and assumes the adj. pauruuaniia- [hapax attested only in Yast 9.26] is of the same origin. Pamir Pamir & Pamer The oronym Pamir was probably used for the first time already by the Chinese traveller and Buddhist monk Xuanzang ("2C^ Xuänzäng; 602-664) in his report "Great Tang Records on the Western Regions" (^j^ffl^lS Da Tang Xiyii Ji) describing his journey to India (629-645), namely in the record MÜH bö460 mi461 lud462 (Chavannes 1903, 163; de Humboldt 1843, 18,374; on p. 402 he mentioned the record Pamer of Marco Polo from 1277). It reflects Early Middle Chinese *pamejhla (Pulleyblank) ~ Postclassic Chinese *pämiejlä < Eastern Han Chinese *pämi§jrä (Starostin) ~ Old Northwest Chinese *pameila < Late Han Chinese *paimeila(i) (Schuessler). The oronym should be connected with the forms Pamir, Pämer, ascribed to Wakhi and Shughni and translated as "Eisfeld, öde und Frostwinden ausgesetzte Hochebene" by Tomaschek (1880, 755). The same origin is apparent for Burushaski: phamer "Hochweide mit sehr viel Gras; Pamir" (Berger 1998, 322) ~ pt\m 'er, pwne r "upland pasture; Pamir" (Lorimer 1938, 284). Etymology: Any deeper etymology remains unclear. The idea of Eugene Burnouf (1801 - 1852) about the Sanskrit syntagm upaMeru "under the {holy mountain} Meru", popularized by Alexander von Humboldt (de Humboldt 1843, 390, fn. 1), remains practically the only attempt to etymologize this oronym. The Pamir Mountains are located on the trajectory of the spread of Buddhism into China. Let us mention that e.g. in Mahäbhärata the oronym Meru was used to designate the highland in the north of the Himalaya (MW 833). Jiyi According to "New Book of Tang" (ffiM * Xin Tängshu), compiled by the team led by Ouy-ang Xiu and Song Qi, who completed the text in 1060, there was also an alternative name of the "Onion Range", namely ji463 yi464. 460 Chinese j& bö "wave" < Late Middle Chinese *pua < Early Middle Chinese *pa (Pulleyblank 1991, 40) ~ Middle Chinese *pwä < Postclassic Chinese *pä < Eastern Han Chinese *pä < Western Han Chinese *päj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *pqj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0025 1). Schuessler (2009, 217, §18-6 1): Middle Chinese *pwä < Old Northwest Chinese *pa < Late Han Chinese *pai < Old Chinese *päi. Sino-Tibetan *Päj "wave" > Old Chinese j& *päj "wave, surge"; Tibetanrba "wave" (Gong 1995, 62; CVSTl, 93-94). 461 Chinese 1$ mi "riddle, enigma" [Tang] < Late Middle Chinese *mjiaj'< Early Middle Chinese *mef (Pulleyblank 1991, 213) - Middle Chinese *miej < Postclassic Chinese *miej < Han Chinese *miSj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *mij (Starostin, ChEDb). Schuessler (2009, 285, §26-39): Middle Chinese *mief < Old Northwest Chinese *mei < Late Han Chinese *mef < Old Chinese *mth. Comments: For *m- cf. Xiamen me2; most Min forms (Chaozhou mi4, Fuzhou me6, Jianou mi6) reflect *my-s. 462 Chinese H lud "bird-net; to collect, gather; spread" < Late Middle Chinese *la < Early Middle Chinese *la (Pulleyblank 1991, 203) - Middle Chinese *lä < Postclassic Chinese *lä < Eastern Han Chinese *rä < Western Han Chinese *räj < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *räj (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0006 a). Schuessler (2009, 215, §18-10 4): Middle Chinese *lä < Northwest Chinese *la < Later Han Chinese *la(i) < Old Chinese *räi. Comments: Vietnamese reading: la. Regular Sino-Vietnamese is la; Vietnamese la is a colloquial loan with the meaning ,fine silk' (one of the meanings of the word in later periods in Chinese is "silk woven like a net, thinly woven silk"). An older loan from the same source is Vietnamese lu '6 7 "net". For *r cf. Xiamen, Chaozhou lo2, Fuzhou, Jianou h2. 463 Chinese ji "to reach the end, come to, attain; highest point, ridge-pole, limit; extremity, extremely, exceedingly; attainment, center, middle point, correctness" < Late Middle Chinese *kfiiSk < Early Middle Chinese *gik (Pulleyblank 1991, 139) - Middle Chinese *gik < Postclassic Chinese *gik < Han Chinese *gak < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *gak (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0910 e-f). Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *gik < Old Chinese *[g](r)sk. Comments: For *g cf. Xiamen, Fuzhou kit?, Chaozhou keli, Jianou kf. Shijing occurrences: 54.4, 58.4. Vietnamese reading: cu 'c. Sino-Tibetan: cf. Lolo-Burmese *khak "reaching its peak; expensive (in price)"; Manipuri kok "head" (CVSTV, 43). 464 Chinese Wyl "to be suspicious, doubt" < Late Middle Chinese *rji < Early Middle Chinese *ni (Pulleyblank 1991, 366) - Middle Chinese *ni < Postclassic Chinese *ni < Han Chinese *i)3 < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *i)3 III.C. Central Asiatic oronyms 199 Etymology: (a) Chavannes (1903, 124, 335) kept the literal interpretation "{montagnes} du doute extreme". This seems to be atypical Volksetymologie or Gelehrtetymologic (b) Taking in account the deepest reconstruction by Baxter and Sagart, namely *[g](r)9k[n](r)9, in its maximum, i.e. *grdknrd, it is possible to think about a Chinese transcription of a compound consisting of components close to Khotanese ggri "held, raised", from grih- "to lift", and g(g) ara- "mountain", loc.sg. gira "in the mountain", nom.pl. ggari & ggare (Bailey 1979, 80, 83, 92). The hypothetical compound *grih-gari "raised mountains" could be transformed via *grihgri into *grinri vel sim. Interesting is that among meanings of the character ji there are "highest point, limit; extremity, extremely, exceedingly". It could correspond with Khotanese ggri "raised". (c) Less probable, although more atractive, is the hypothetical Sogdian compound consisting of yry "mountain" + kflrSh "leeks" (Gharib ##4168, 4695), i.e. "mountain of leeks", corresponding to Chinese M.^A cong ling "onion range". It remains to be demonstrated whether or not Sogdian *yarika/3arS° could have been transformed into *grsknr3. (d) Finally, there is also a non-Indo-European alternative, Burushaski of Nagir ydyar, pi. ydyarin "a bitter plant, probably nettle". In Burushaski "nettle" and "onion" are perceived as very close, cf. Burushaski of Hunza yam "onion", in pi. also "nettles", Yasin yam "onion" vs. yasusi "nettle" (Berger 1998, 165, 173). Congling & Kdoia 5pt| The Chinese designation of the Pamir Mountains, M^A cong*65 ling466, i.e. "Onion range", is known already from the era of the Later Han, documented in "Book of the Later Han" (fH'/fl llf Hdu Hanshu), compiled by Fan Ye in the 5th cent. (cf. Chavannes 1907, 168-69). It is quite natural to suppose the Chinese designation of this mountain range is more or less a caique on the pre-Chinese oronym, recorded by Ptolemy as Kama opn [6.16.]: Aiappeorjoa 5e 5i3o ualioxa 7toxauoi to %olx> xfjg Lnpucfjt;, 6 xe OixdpSnt;, or) f| u£v 7tp6<; xdk, Arj^aidou; 7inyf) eKxeOevxai, i] 5e 7tp6<; xoii; Aouipaiou; opeorv 87iexei uoipag poo" u"^ L' Two rivers flow through the greater part of Serica: the Oechardes, a source of which in the Auzaciis mountains has been described, and another in the Asmiraeis mountains in 174° 47° 30' f| 5e (he, efti xd Kdoia opn 8Kxpo7if) pi; (iB L' one from the Casius mountains flows into it in 160° 49° 30' f| 5e ev xouxok; 7inyf) p^a \IB 5' the source of which in these mountains is in 161° 44° 15 Kai 6 KaXorjusvot; Boroxioot; noxa\ibq, (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 0956 a). Baxter & Sagart (ChDb 2014): Middle Chinese *ngi < Old Chinese *[tj](r)3. Comments: For *ij cf. Xiamengi2, Chaozhou ni2, gi2, Fuzhou ni2. Vietnamese reading: nghi. Vietnamese also has a more archaic loanword from the same source: ngö'. Also read Middle Chinese *ijik "to fix on, settle, stand firm" < Old Chinese *ij(h)ak. Sino-Tibetan *ijik "to stand, stick up" > Old Chinese it *ij(h)ak "to fix on, settle; stand still, stop, SI *ij(h)3k"to stand firmly"; Burmese ijauk "to project, stick up or out" (CVSTV, 141). 465 Chinese M. cong "onion" < Middle Chinese *chun < Late Postclassic Chinese *shwön < Middle & Early Postc-lassic Chinese *shön < Han Chinese *shön < Classic & Preclassic Old Chinese *shön (Starostin, ChEDb; GSR 1199 g-h). 466 Chinese Is ling "mountain ridge" [Han] < Middle Chinese *len < Postclassic Chinese *lhen < Han Chinese *rhen < Classic Old Chinese *rhen < Preclassic Old Chinese *rhen? (Starostin, ChEDb; Pulleyblank 1991, 197). 200 III. Indo-European place-names in Central Asia of) Kai arjxorj f| usv 7tpo<_ Tdiq Kaoioig öpeoi 7inyf) 87iexei uoipag pl_ uy and the river Bautisus, as it is called, the source of which is in the Casius mountains, in 160° 43° Edition by C.F.A. Nobbe (1966) and Humbach & Ziegler (1998). Translated by Edward Luther Stevenson (1932) and Humbach & Ziegler (1998). Etymology: (a) A meaningful solution can be found in the Iranian languages of the Pamir: Yazghulami gams "wild onion without a bulb {/thkhh jiyic 6e3 jiyKOBHirBi}", Tajik dial, of Darwaz kamc "Allium rubiginosum" (Steblin-Kamenskij 1982, 73). The predecessor of Kdoia could have been the adj. *kamsia-, assimilated to *ka(s)sia-. On the other hand, Paxalina (1983, 124) derived the Yazghulami word from the protoform *krmsä, but the alternative *karmsä is also thinkable. They should have been derived from proto-Iranian *krmusä or *karmusä respectively (with -s- < *-s- following -u- according to the RUKI-law) < IE *kremHus, gen. *krmHous "wild onion / garlic" (Adams & Mallory, EIEC 620; Pokorny 1959, 580-81: *kerm(u)s- / *krem(u)s-; in both sources the Iranian data are omitted - see Blazek 2003, 192 on details). Although the internal Iranian evidence is limited to the only Pamir language, Yazghulami, plus the Pamir substratum in Tajik, there is external evidence bearing witness that the phytonym was originally more widespread in Iranian, if it was borrowed into Fenno-Ugric: Udmurt S kumiz "Knoblauch / Allium sativum", URS kumiz "wild garlic"; Komi P komij "Lauch / Allium", PO kumic "nepo jiyica, 3enem>iH jryic" | Mansi P kosdm "eine zwiebelartige wildwachsende Pflanze, deren Stengel und Wurzel als Suppenwürze gebraucht werden; Zwiebel", LO xösman id.; Hungarian hagyma, dial. hajma "Zwiebel, Lauch", fok-hagyma "garlic / Allium sativum" (Collinder 1960, 142, 411; UEW 164: *kocm3 ~ *kacm3 "zwiebelartige Pflanze", but for Permian the protoform *kom(V)c3 should be reconstructed, which corresponds to the Iranian counterparts better than the reconstruction of Collinder and Redei). One of the first Europeans crossing the Pamir mountains (1857), the Russian traveller Semi-onov, described the broad glades on the south slopes, where grew an unclassified kind of onion, later named Allium semenovi461. (b) Substratal origin cannot be excluded either. The Burushaski language from the Hindukush was a substratum in the Iranian languages from the Pamir too, especially of Wakhi. A good candidate may be Burushaski of Hunza yasü "onion", in pi. also "nettles", Yasin yasü "onion" vs. yasüsi "nettle", plus the substrate form kasü in the Dardic language Shina (Berger 1998, 173). 467 201 IV. On internal and external classification of Tocharian and Iranian A. Position of the Tocharian and Indo-Iranian within the Indo-European language family The following six diagrams represent various models of classification of the Indo-European language family, published in the last c. 35 years. The first three models are qualitative, based on more or less intuitive evaluations of phonological, morphological and lexical isoglosses. The latter three models are quantitative, based on lexicostatistical tests applied to specifically chosen wordlists. The diagrams are ranked chronologically according to the year of publication, documenting views of distinguished Indo-Europeanists on development and mutual relations of Indo-European languages: 1. Qualitative models Tree-Diagram 2: Indo-European classification according to Georgiev (1981,363) Indo-European Northern Western Central Eastern I Southern = Aegean \~ Southeastern = = Anatolian ■ Tocharian ■ Balto-Slavic ■ Germanic ■ Celtic ■ Liguric ■ Italic & Venetic ■ Illyrian ■ Messapic ■ Siculic ■ Greek & Macedonian ■ Phrygian ■ Armenian ■ Daco-Mysian & Albanian ■ Indo-Iranian ■ Thracian ■ Pelasgic ■ Palaic ■ Hittite; Lydian; Etrascan-Rhethic; Elymian ■ Luvian; Lycian; Carian); Eteocretan 202 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Tree-Diagram 3: Indo-European classification according to Gamkrelidze & Ivanov (1984, 415) _I-Greek I-Armenian 1-Indo- - Iranian I-Balto- |_ -Slavic - 1-German _I-Italic - |_ '-Celtic 1-Tocharian 1-Anatolian Tree-Diagram 4: Indo-European classification according to Hamp (1990) Indo- -Hittite Anatolian Indo- -European Asiatic Indo-European Residual Indo-European Pontic South Indo-European Northwestern Indo-European ■ Luwian ■ Hittite ■ Indo-Aryan ■ Nuristani ■ Iranian Armenian ■ Greek Macedonian ■ Slavic ■ Baltic ■ Thracian Dacian Albanian Pre-Helenic Pelasgic ■ Germanic ■ Tocharian ■ Illyrian Messapic ■ Phrygian ■ Venetic Italic Celtic IVA. Position of the Tocharian and Indo-Iranian 203 2. Quantitative models Tree-Diagram 5: Indo-European classification according to Ringe, Warnow & Taylor (2002, 87) -Anatolian „ I-Tocharian IE I-Celtic '- '-Italic I-German 1-Albanian I-Armenian 1-Greek 1- I-Indo-Aryan 1-Iranian I-Slavic '-Baltic Tree-Diagram 6: Indo-European classification according to Starostin (2004). I— -5000 T —1— -4000 T ~~1— -3000 T T T T T T BCE IE -2000 -1000 Hittite -4670 -20 -3810 Celtic -1000 -3350 -2500 -3020 -2860 -2590 T -1210 -2710 -2000 Tocharian A Tocharian B Brittonic Goidelic Latin Germanic Baltic Slavic Iranian Indo-Aryan Armenian Greek Albanian 204 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Tree-Diagram 7: Indo-European classification according to G. Starostin & A. Kassian (p.c, 2010), published by G. Starostin 2015,568-69. I I I I I I I I I I I I -5000 -4000 -3000 -2000 -1000 0 BCE I-Hittite Indo-European -4340 -3900 -3000 -3200 -3500 -2450 -3200 -1700 -3000 -2450 -2800 ■ Tocharian B ■ Greek ■ Albanian ■ Armenian ■ Indo-Aryan ■ Iranian ■ Slavic ■ Baltic ■ Germanic ■ Latin ■ Celtic 3. Discussion of results Fifty percent of the Indo-Europeanists cited (5, 6, 7) agree in the conclusion that Tocharian is a branch separated from the Indo-European dialect continuum as the second after the separation of the Anatolian branch. It is symptomatic that all these models are based on the quantitative approach. In principle, the result of Gamkrelidze & Ivanov (3) may be interpreted in the same way. Georgiev (2) ranked Tocharian in the so-called Northern Bloc, represented by Germanic and Bal-to-Slavic languages. Hamp (3) accents the vicinity of Germanic and Tocharian. Two models (5, 6) out of six find the closest relatives of Indo-Iranian in Balto-Slavic, in one case it is a common node connecting Balto-Slavic with Western European branches (7). Thus again the quantitative models prefer to classify Indo-Iranian together with Balto-Slavic, while other models are quite incompatible in this regard. B. On separation of Tocharian A and B in perspective of chronology 1. Methodological base A purpose of the present section is to estimate a chronology of disintegration of both literary Tocharian languages, eastern A and western B. For this reason the so-called 'recalibrated glot-tochronology' developed by Sergei Starostin (1989a, 1999) is applied. The procedure consists in careful etymological analysis of the standard 100-word-list defined already by Morris Swadesh IV.B. On separation of Tocharian A and B 205 (1952, 1955). After elimination of borrowings the proportion of inherited cognates to all unborrowed word-pairs from both the languages is established. The final figure will be projected into the chronological scale, recalibrated by Sergei Starostin. Wordlist 1: Tocharian A B Etymology 1. all pont- & pu-k po, pont- *pon(k)ts; cf. Gr. jiai;, Jtavxo- id. 2a. ashes tor taur < Tk. *tor dust; cf. also Yakut tor smut (LS 259; EDAL 1465); comparison with R. dur fatuity, Br. dura stagger (*ďouro-) is se-mantically not persuasive 2b. ashes twe tweye *ďuo(H)io- from IE ďeu(H)-to blow, smoke, cf. Lit. dujd fine dust, Kh. duya- dusty 3. bark enmetre *Hfi-tm(HJ-o-tro- *material for cutting in; cf. Gr. évxéuvco I engrave 4. belly kats kátso *g9ot-ion-; cf. Goth, qipus abdomen, bosom 5a. big šáw- cf. A saw-, B say- live (#64b; problematic is the comparation with 01. sdvas- power) 5b. big tsopats *dhěubo-tio- deep; cf. Goth, diups id.; zero grade is in A tpdr high < *dhubro- 5c. big orotstse/wr0 *uru-(e)H-tio-, cf. CLuv. ura- great, HLuv. MAGNUS-ra//- 5d. big trekte *dhrogh-to- (original possibly "firm"); cf. 01. dfhyati he makes firm 6. bird Iwása slyamňa-na cf. luw o animal 7. bite tsák- *děnk-(ná-), cf. Gr. SáKvco I bite, 01. ddsati he bites 8. black arkant- erkant- *Hrg>-ont-, cf. 01. rdjarii- night, Arm. erek evening, Goth, riqis darkness 9. blood ysár yasar *HlésHpr, cf. Hit. ěšhar id. 10a. bone ay ay *H vlést-jo-7 lOaa. bone pi. ásta *H2/3ést-á; cf. Hit. hastái- bone 11. breast páššám pášcane *psteno-, cf. 01. stáná breast, Av.fstána-, Arm. stin, Gr. axnviov • oxfjSoi; 12a. burn tsák-/tsak- tsak-/tsek- *(řeg-h-; cf. 01. dáhati he burns, Alb. djek, Lit. degú I burn 12b. burn palk- palk- *bhlg-; cf. Lat. fulgeo I blaze, Gr. cp^éyco I burn 13. claw maku pl. mekwa *sm-H3noghuá; cf. Hit. sankuwai- < *sananku-, Arm. etowngn id. < *enong- < *sem-H3ongh-, Gr. utovui; single-hoofed < *sm-H^nog^-u- 14. cloud tarkar tarkar *dhrgru-, Cf. Lit. dárga rainy weather, OR. padoroga stormy weather 15. cold k raš/krošš-u krošce *kruston, acc. *krustén-m, cf. Gr. KpuoxáHoi; ice, OHG. hroso id. 16. come kum- kam- *g?em-; cf. 01. gámati he walks, Goth, qiman come, Lit. gemu : gimti be born 17a. die wal-/wal- *weIH -; cf. Hit. walahzi he beats, HLuv. wa/i-la- decease 17b. die sruk-/srauk- *streug-, cf. ON. strjuka go away, Gr. axpeůyoum I am exhausted 18. dog ku ku *kuuon; cf. Hit. kuwan-/kun- id., Gr. rcúcov, gen. kvjvói; id. 19a. drink yok- yok- *i/,ěg*w-, cf. Hit. eku-/aku- id. 20. dry ásar asáre AB ás- dry, cf. Lat. areo I am dry, áridus dry < *H7ěs- 21. ear Mots klautso *klouti-Hpn-; cf. 01. sruti- hearing, Olr. cluas ear 22. earth tkam kem *dhghom-; cf. Hit. těkán, dat.-loc. takril id., Gr. x9ó>v id. 23a. eat šwá- šwá- *gieuH- chew; cf. F.jávidan, OHG. kiuwan, OCS. žbvati id. 23b.eat táp- tápp- *dap-u-á-; cf. Latv. daps banquet 24. egg 25. eye ak, du. osám ek *Hpk>, du. *-iHr cf. Lit. akis, pi. aki, OCS. oko, du. oči 206 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian A B Etymology 26. fat n. sdlyp salype/salywe *sélpo-, cf. Gr. zknoc, (Hes.) oil, Alb. gjalpe butter, OHG. salba salve 27. feather pi. paruwa *p(e)ruá, cf. OCS. pero id. : perq I fly 28. fire por puwar *peH7ur ntr. : *peH7uôr coll.; cf. Hit.pahhu(wa)r, Gr. jtOp id. 29. fish laks loksi-; cf. ON. lax, Lit. läsis, R. losos, Os. Digor Icesceg salmon 30a. fly v. plu- plu- *pleu- swim, soar; cf. Gr. Aé(f)co I float, OCS. plujg I swim 30b. fly v. sdl- sdl- *sel- move fast; cf. Lat. saliô I leap 31. foot pe paiyye *pěds or *podio-; cf. Lat. pes or Av. paiôá, Gr. jié^a id. 32. full ypic/ywic ite A *y(n)-wic < acc. *en-uTtem; B *uito-; cf. OHG. wit, ON. widr wide 33a. give e- ai- *H ei-, cf. Hit. pái- give, Lyc. ije- buy, HLuv. iyasa- id., Gr. crivwum I take 33b. give Imp. pete *po-doH-; cf. Hit. pěda- bear 33c. give wds : PP wawu wasa he gave *us-(á-) < *ues-buy; cf. Hit. wási he sells (LIV693) 34a. good krant- krent- *g>rH -ont-; cf. Lit. gěras good; or *krH?ont-; cf. Olr. carae friend 34aa. good kartse *gwrH-to-; cf. Ol. gurtá-, Lit. girtas, Lat. grátus dear, all from *g?erH- praise 34b. good kasu *ko(m)-Hpu" *very good, cf. 01. sú kam, Hit. šu-uš-kan (LIPP 2, 300, 431) or *k,o-Hlsu° *that which is good (cf. DTA 122) 35. green motarci motartstse *modrtjo-; cf. Slavic *modrh blue, Hit. ántara- id. 36a. hair saku *děkuá; cf. Kh. cfasa- filament, 01. rfaia- thrum, Got. tagl hair 36b. hair yok (hair; colour) yok, pi. ydkwa (B: hair, wool; colour) < *iá/ěku; cf. 01.>>aró- pubic hair 36c. hair matsi *metio-, cf. Latv. mats, pi. mar/ hair(s) 37. hand tsar sar A: ^esěr; B: ^esér-m; cf. Hit. kissar- id. 38a. head spal (spálu excellent) *ghebh5l or *ghebhdlom; cf. OHG. gebal, Gr. K£(palf| id. 38b. head lap *lobho-; cf. Gr. Wxpoi; scruff of animal 38c. head ášce *H ekst-en-: *Hek- sharp, pointed; cf. Gr. áKif| headland, steap bank 39. hear klyos klyaus- *klěus-; cf. 01. šrósati he hears, OCS. slušati & slyšati, Lit. klausý-ti hear 40a. heart arinc araňce *H2eH2(e)ri-; cf. Hit. hahhari-, hahriš- lungs, midriff, Lat. reftěs kidneys, Celt. *áren- kidney > Welsh arenn, eirinn, Olr. ára, gen. 40b. heart (kri will) pi. käryáň *krdiá, cf. Gr. KapSia, Olr. cncfe heart 41. horn (kror crescent of moon) kroriyai *kreH2ur or *krH2sru-, cf. Hit. karáwar id. orMyc. ono-karaor = /oino-kráhôr/ unicorn 42.1 rids m. / acc. *Hlmege crossed with nom. *Hlegô > *yäku; ň- < *m(ä)ňä < nuki. < *ndku ňäš/ňiš gen. *mene; cf. Hit. : ammug, Goth. : 43a. kill ko- kau- *káu-; cf. OSaxon hauwan, Lit. faáwŕ/ beat, pound 43b. kill sruk- cf. B sruk-/srauk- die (#17b) 44. knee du. kanwem du. keni *gonu-; cf. Hit. genu-, Gr. yóvw id. 45a. know kna- (nán- appear) *gneH-; cf. 01. jánati he knows < *gnH-neH- 45b. know kdrs- kars-pres. šärsäsk- *krs-: ON. horskr, OEng. /zorac intelligent, OHG. /zorac quick, sharp in understanding, hurscan accelerate, Goth, and-hruskan to question; all from IE *kers- move quickly (cf. Cz. bystrý quick —> quick witted) 45c. know (es attendance) aik- *Heik- possess, cf. Goth, aih, aigum id., have, 01. Tše he is master (of something) 46. leaf pdlt pilta coll. *bhlH;5s, cf. OHG. blat id. 47a. lie klis-/kles- (klänts- sleep) *klmH-s-; cf. 01. klám(y)ati he is tired, klánta- tired 47b. lie (lake = B leki bed) lyäk- *legh-; cf. Got. //g AB ndk-destroy; be lost, disappear; cf. Lat. need : necdre kill 51b. man atal *at(i)-al-; cf. OHG adal noble 52a. many mak maka *mgH- (> *m3Ji-7): *megdHa cf. OI. maha-: mdhi n. big = Gr. \ieya id., Arm. mec id., Hit. mekki- plentiful, Alb. madh great 52b. many kdstdr *ks-tro-/-a; cf.Akas, B kes sum, count, number < *laescce < *kos-te(i) 53a. meat swdl sr. swa- eat (#23 a) 53b. meat pi. misa *memsa (pi. of ntr. *memsom); cf. Goth, mimz id. 54. moon man mene *meHlne(n/s/t?); cf. Goth, n-stemmena id. 55. sul sale *seluo-; cf. Lat. silva forest mountain 56. mouth ko, loc. koyam koym A sew-1B kdy- gape, open mouth < *gheHi(u)-/ ^oH^i)-; cf. Lat. hlsco I open mouth, OCS. zejg : zijati id. 57. name horn hem *H\nemn; cf. Arm. anown, Gr. ovoua, Alb. emer/emen 58a. neck khuk *gneugo-; cf. MHG. knock neck or *kneig-ho-\ cf. Goth, hneiwan bend 58b. neck kor *kuHr; cf. Gr. rcuap eye of needle, hole of ear; Av. siira-, Arm. sor hole 58c. neck krahi *krH2sniiom; cf. OI. sTrsdn- head, Gr. Kpaviov vertex 59. new hu h(u)we *neuo-; cf. Hit. new a-, Gr. veoi; id. 60a. night wse ysiye *uesid-Hlen- lit. "veiled", cf. Lat. vesper, Gr. eojtepoi; evening < *that, what is in shroud : Hit. wdspd- clothes; shroud (Katz 2000, 69-93) 60b. night kdstwer at night *g*sp-uor; cf. OI. ksdp-, Av. xsdp(dr)-, xsdfn-: xsdpdn-, Hit. ispdnt-night 61. nose pi. malan pi. meli *(s)melo-; cf. MEng. smell smell 62. not ma ma *me; cf. Arm. mi, Gr. un, Alb. mos id. 63. one sas m. / se m. / *sems / sdm f. sana & somo *srmd ; cf. Gr. zic, 1 \\m 64a. person napem < Iran.: Av. ndfdh- relationship, family, Sgd. Bud. n'fipeople, clan 64b. person (som youth) saumo iromsdw-/sdy- live < *g-jeH\-u-e/o-; cf. OI. jlvdti, Lat. vivere live 64c. person oni < *onkni ehkwahhe see #5 la 64d. person onolme *dn(H)-olmo-: *dn(H)- < *HenH- breathe, cf. B dndsk- id., inhale 65. rain n. swase swese *suH-oso-; cf. AB su- rain, Gr. fa it rains, Prus. soye rain 66. red rtdr ratre *Hlrudh6-; OI. rudhird-, Gr. epuSpoi; id. 67a. road yme ymiye *Hteimn-d-Hten- 67b. road ytar ytarye *Hlitor; cf. Hit. itdr, Lat. iter id. 68a. root tsmdr AB tsdm- grow < *dem(HJ-; cf. Lyd. tdm-build, Gr. 5eu WGmc. *lokojdn look 73a. seed sdrydm Saat *srjd-: AB sory- plant < *soH-r-, cf. Lat. serere : sero : sera/ de sdrm Same sdrm, sen id. pi. sdrmntu pi. sarmana *sora2{z° 208 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian A B Etymology 73b.seed šäktälyi šäktälye AB kát-(ná-) strew; cf. Lit. kesti: kečiú diffuse, dispel 73c.seed saiweňňa *seHJ-uon-ja : *seH- to sow, cf. Goth, saian id., OCS. sějq I sow 74a. sit l(y)äm- / lam l(y)äm-/l(y)äm- *lemb-; cf. Ol. lámbate he hangs (on), Eng. limp 74b. sit säm- säm- *sed-m- or *Hp-em- 75a. skin yats yetse *Hlěd-so-: Gmc. *ěsa- dead meat, bait (Kroonen 2013, 119) 75b. skin käc *kút-ě(i) : obi. -i-m; cf. ON. húd, Lat. cutis id. 75c. skin ewe *Hpu-es-: ^Hpu- clothe, shoe; cf. Hit. unu(wa)-decorate; OCS. ob-ujg I shoe 76. sleep klis- / kles- klänts- cf. #47 77a. small lykäly / lyäkly- lykaške *HJig-: Gr. óXíyoq small, few, Alb. ligbad, evil, poor 77b. small mkälto *maJdo-; cf. Hit. maklant- thin, Lat. macer : macilentus thin 78. smoke n. 79a. stand käly- käly- *klH,-ie/o-; cf. Lit. kélti raise up : kilti raise oneself up 79b. stand stäm- stäm- *stm-: *steH- stand as *g>m-: *g*eH- go // *stmbh- establish 80. star šre šcirye *H/H)ster-; cf. Hit. hasterza, Gr. áoxf|p id. 81a. stone kňa- *Kunia; cf. Hit. kunkunuzzi- sort of stone (diorit?) 81b. stone pärem, perl. "enä *por-en-; cf. Hit. ntr. peru, com. perunas rock, 01. párvata- mountain, Av. pauruuatá- mountain range < *perunt-, Olr. airne stone 81c. stone kärweňe *g*fHuon-en-: *g-reHuen- > 01. gravan- stone for pressing of soma 82. sun kom kaum < Tk. *gun sun, day, cf. Chuv. kon day (LS 257; EDAL 553), rather than from virtual IE. *kauni-; cf. Gr. KoOua burning heat (of sun) : Kcrico I burn < *kauio 83. swim näsk- *(s)neH-; cf. 01. snáti he baths; Lat. náre swim 84. tail päkä- *puká; cf. 01. puccha- id. < *puk-sko-, Goth, fauho fox (EIEC 563) 85a. that. som m. : säm f. su m. : sä f. A *sono- m. : *sá-m" f. /B *so+u m. : *sa+u 85b. that täm ntr. tu ntr. A *tu-m < *to(d)+u-m° /B *to(d)+u 86a. this säs m.: säs f. se m. / sä f. A *su-so < *so+u-so : *sá-s" 1B *so m. : *sa f. 86b. this sem B *so-n" 86b. this täs ntr. te ntr. A *tu-se < *to(d)+u-se 1B *tod 87. thou tu t(u)we *tuHóm; cf. 01. tfujvám 88. tongue käntu kantwo *dnghuá; cf. OLat. dingua, Goth, tuggo id. 89. tooth kam keme *gombho-; cf. 01. jámbha-, Gr. yóuolH-K-; cf. 01. cárati he moves : cáritum : curti- 92c. walk mäs- *mus-(a-J : AB mus- move < *meus-; cf. Hit. maus-: mu- fall 93a. warm om äl emalle *Hffl-ml-(i)o-; cf. Icel. molla be hot 93b. warm sät (satäsk-exspire) 94. water wär war *udrom (Adams) or loc. *udrn (Normier); cf. Alb. ujě id. < *udria; Gr. vjSpia bucket 95. we was wes *uos (from crossing of IE. nom. *uei- and obi. *nos); cf. Hit. wěs, Got. weis 96. what kuc k ce *k>u-tóm = acc. from Ms/^.se who (#98) 97. white ärki, pl. ärkyaňc m. / ärkyant ärkwi *H2erg-u-i-n°, pl. *H2erg-u-jon-t-; cf. Hit. harki- id. 98. who kus, acc. kuc k se, acc. k ce *kwu-só; cf. Alb. id.; acc. *kwu-tóm IVB. On Separation of Tocharian A and B 209 A B Etymology 99. woman kli klfyjiye *gleHjui-H\en- *daughter-in-law/spouse; cf. CS. zhhva, Gr. yahsx; husband's sister 100. yellow tute *dhuto-; cf. 01. dhuta- stirred, P. dud fume; OEng. dyp fuel, tinder (Ho 82), Cz. doutnat smoulder: IE. *dheuH- fume; to semantics cf. 01. dhumrd- & dhumala- fume's coloured, russet: dhumd-fume (Pok 261-62) Note: The underlined words indicate identified loanwords. 2. Lexicostatistical analysis and its discussion Missing items A: 3, 6, 7, 24, 27, 29, 41, 48, 50, 78, 83, 84, 100. B: 24, 69, 78. Loanwords: 2a, 50, 64b, 68b, 82. K = Number of the incomplete or quite missing pairs and semantic units attested only as loans: 3, 6, 7, 24, 27, 29, 41, 48, 50, 69, 78, 82, 83, 84, 100; in all 15. L = Number of complete unborrowed pairs: L= 100 - K = 85. M = Number of the semantic units, if the A and B counterparts are etymologicaly distinct ('non-cognates'): ## 5, 17, 38, 47, 53, 58, 75, 81; in all 8. N = Number of lexical correspondences: N = L - M = 77 R = Share of preserved lexical correspondences due to all complete pairs: R = N/ L = 77/85 = 0.906. If Tocharian A and B were contemporary living languages, we could conclude that they diverged about 1050 years ago, i.e. they should have separated during the 10th century CE. But these languages are dead and known only from literary - even asychronic - tradition. It is difficult to express the age of Tocharian texts by a single date. It can be only a statistical average: Tocharian A to 700 CE and Tocharian B to 600 CE. Then there are two strategies of calculation of the time of their divergence. According to Swadesh's method we subtract the time of divergence (i.e. 1050 years) from an arithmetic mean of dates of recording of both languages, i.e. from the fictive average 650 CE. The result 400 BC seems quite realistic. Starostin's approach is different. Starostin uses the projection of historically documented languages to the present. The time space of 1300 years separates language A (700 CE) from the present and 1400 years separates language B (600 CE). The corresponding coefficients of preservation are p: pA = 0.925; pB = 0.913. In relation to the present, the proto-language common to A and B would have the following share of preservation of the basic lexicon c = R • pA • pB= 0.906 • 0.913 • 0.925 = 0.765 (about the method see Burlak & Starostin 2005, 163). This result corresponds to the date c. 200 CE (thus just before the end of the Han dynasty, 220 CE, when the Chinese influence spread to the area of the Tocharian people). We can add that according to Starostin's calculation, Tocharian A and B diferentiated about 20 BCE (Dybo 2006, 782-83). But details of this calculation were not published. Let us compare these results with estimations of other scholars, which were summarized by Mallory (2015, 7): Lane (1966, 232): The period of independent development of Tocharian A and B should be on the order of 500 to 1000 years. Schmidt (1985, 765): '... die Spaltung des Gemeintocharischen in die beiden uns bekannten Dialekte West- und Osttocharischen mit den Mitteln der Glottochronologie - bei aller gebotenen Vorsicht - etwa in das erste nachchristliche Jahrhundert datieren läßt Ringe (1995, 439): The period of Common Tocharian is estimated at about 'a millennium or so before the date of earliest documents'. 210 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Lubotsky (1998, 380): 'Even by reconstructing Proto-Tocharian, we presumably cannot reach beyond the 4th century BCE.' Pinault (2002, 245): The phonetic and morphological differences between Tocharian A and Tocharian B 'presupposes separate development during at least five centuries, which would take us back to approximately the beginning of our era for the Common Tocharian stage.' Carling (2006, 60): Tocharian A and B were still not separate in the time of adoption of earliest Bactrian and Khotanese borrowings, dated by the author to the beginning of the 1st cent. CE. Adams (2006, 388): The dissolution of Proto-Tocharian might have occurred 'in the mid to late second millennium BCE'. Summing up, there are three chronological estimations for the Tocharian disintegration: (a) Long - 1500 - 1100 BCE (Adams). (b) Middle - 5th - 4th cent. BCE (Lane, Ringe, Lubotsky, Blažek & Schwarz). (c) Short - around the year 0 (Schmidt, Pinault, Starostin, Carling). Let us mention that Schmidt's reference to application of glottochronology means the traditional method developed by Morris Swadesh. Its results are systematically younger than the expected results, confirmed by historical data, if they are at our disposal. For comparison, the results of Čejka (1972) and Vollmer (apud Tischler 1973) lead to the dating the disintegration of Common Slavic to c. 1000 and 1050 CE respectively. Applying the recalibrated glottochronology, the dating is shifted to the 6th cent. CE (Novotná & Blažek 2007, 194-96, 201). Using an analogical time span to correct Schmidt's dating, we also come to the 'middle chronology'. It also allows us to explain Tocharian Byentuke "Indian", adj. yentukaňňe, from Late Akhaemenid *hinduka-. The 'short' chronology assumed by Carling and Pinault (he said 'at least five centuries') is based especially on analysis of Iranian and Indo-Aryan borrowings. We do not know the exact chronology of adoptions of these loans, on the one hand, and of phonetic laws, when they operated. Let us mention the adoption of the name of Charlemagne (or of his grandfather Charles Martel) into Slavic as *korljb "king" during the 8th century CE (Pronk-Tiethoff 2013, 111-12). The fact that the word is used in all Slavic languages does not imply its adoption before disintegration of Common Slavic. It only implies that sound rules, namely metathesis of liquids in Southwest Slavic vs. pleophony in East Slavic, were still living. Concerning the chronology of adoption of the name Buddha- into Tocharian (A ptáňkdt, B pa(ň)ňdkte/pudňdkte), it is useful to mention the words of Kim (1999, 118, 120): '... Buddha lived from c. 563 -c. 483 BCE, the speakers of pre-Proto-To-charian must have first heard his name no earlier than the 5th or 4th cent. BCE' and '... we can with great probability also assign {its} borrowing to sometime after the 5th cent. BCE.' We may add that the adoption of this name could have been realized a long time before the first Buddhist missions were sent into the Tarim Basin. On the other hand, Adams' arguments leading to the very deep dating of the separation of the ancestors of Tocharian A and B, are based on the example of small differences between Albanian from the Balkans and from Southern Italy, separated c. 500 years ago. But this should be supplemented by more adequate examples from the point of view of the time interval of disintegration, e.g. very conservative Icelandic vs. modern continental Scandinavian languages, separated c. 1100 years ago. Summing up, the 'mean value' leading to the 'middle chronology' dating the separation of ancestors of Tocharian A and B to c. 400 BCE seems to be satisfactory. IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 211 C. On classification of the Iranian languages The genealogical classification of related languages implies arranging them in a hierarchic structure that expresses their mutual interrelationship. The easier and more frequent approach operates with a conclusion that languages A and B are more closely related than languages A and C. It is based on shared phonological and morphological features, inherited from a common protolan-guage, and it is even applicable to fragmentarily described or relic languages. Relatively frequently geographical distribution plays a supplementary role in this qualitative approach, although this offers no unambiguous information about relationship of languages. The second, quantitative, approach usually operates with statistical evaluation of the inherited lexicon; it has been called lexicostatistics. Still more ambitious is the method called glottochronology. On the basis of lex-icostatistic analysis it aims to correlate its results with absolute chronology. Naturally, both approaches may be combined. Let us first introduce the main models of classification of the Iranian languages, obtained by all the approaches described above. 1. Qualitative models 1.1. The modern Iranian languages have been traditionally classified into west and east branches, both with north and south subbranches (see e.g. Ethnologue^, depicted in Tree-diagram 8: Northeast Ossetic Yaghnobi East Southeast Pamir group Sarikoli Shughni Yazghulami Sanglechi- Ishkashimi Munji Yidgha Wakhi Pashto-Wanetsi Iranian Northwest West Caspian group group of Ormuri-Parachi Gilaki Mazenderani Shahmirzadi Semnani Central Iran Baluchi Kurdish Zaza-Gorani Talysh Southeast Tati Persian-Tajik Luri, Bahtiari, Kumzari Lari 212 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian 1.2. This arrangement is in principle kept even in the most recent compendium on the Iranian languages (Windfuhr 2010, 12-15), whose three sequential models of classification for old, middle and modem stages of development of the Iranian languages are summarized in Tree-diagram 9: Northeast Iranian Central Northwest Southwest Old Iranian Scythian/Saka Avestan Median Old Persian Middle East Iranian Middle West Iranian Middle Iranian Middle Scythian, Sarmatian Khotanese & Tumshuqese Bactrian Khwarezmian Sogdian Parthian Middle Persian IVB. On Separation of Tocharian A and B 213 1.3. Classification of the New Iranian languages (Windfulir 2010, 12-15) in Tree-diagram 10: - Ossetic Northeast East Iranian Southeast West Northwest 2 Northwest 1 Southwest North Pamir area Pashto Caspian group Semnani area Tatic transitional group of Central Iran Upper Zagros & Central Plateau South Zagros &Fars Persian Larestani &Gulf Yaghnobi Shughni, Sarikoli, Khufi, Roshani... Yazghulami Sanglechi-Zebaki -Ishkashimi Wakhi Munji Yidgha Pashto-Wanetsi Ormuri-Parachi Gilaki Mazenderan Shahmirzadi Sangisari Semnani Sorkhe'i, Aftari, Lasgerdi Talyshi Tati = Azari, Vafsi, Ashtiani, Alviri-Vidari. Kahaki Natanzi, Khunsari. Nayini, Gazi Baluchi, Khuri Kurdish Zaza(ki) = Dimili Go rani, Awromani Lori Fars Sivandi Davani Shushtari, Dezfiili Tat Persian Persian & Dari Tajik Larestani Bandari, Kumzari, Bashkardi, Minabi 214 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian 1.4. Jost Gippert468 develops the traditional model of classification of the Iranian languages, where Old and Middle Iranian languages form an integral part of his Tree-diagram 11: -550 -200 +1000 Parthian NW West Median Old SW Persian Old East Young Avestan SE NE Scythian Middle Persian Saka Bactrian Khwarezmian Sogdian Alanic Zaza Go rani Caspian dialects South Tati Talyshi Balochi Kurdish Tati New Persian Dari Tajiki Parachi Ormuri Pashto Pamir dial. Yaghnobi Ossetic 1.5. Combining phonological and morphological isoglosses in his dissertation, Novak (2013, 32) divides the Eastern Iranian languages into five more or less parallel subbranches. Very important is his consideration about hypothetical secondary 'Pamirization' of Wakhi, originally perhaps more closely connected with the Saka dialects, and Munji-Yidgha, originally perhaps more closely related to Pashto. His model of the East Iranian classification also rejects the Northeast vs. 468 IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 215 Southeast dichotomy, see Tree-diagram 12: Northern or Scythian Northeastern or Saka East Central or Pamir Iranian South or Pathan Southeast Scytho-Sarmatian dialects, Ossetic, Sogdian, Yaghnobi Saka dialects, maybe Wakhl YazghulamI, Shughnl-RoshanI, Ishkashml-SanglechI, ?MunjI-Yidgha, ?WakhI Pashto & WanetsI; maybe MunjI-Yidgha & SarghulamI ^rmurl & ParachI 1.6. The attractive question of descendants of the Middle Iranian languages among the modern languages is not answered unambiguously. It seems that Modern Persian is safely a continuant of Middle Persian (Skjasrvo 2010, 196). Less secure is an analogous role of Baluchi as a descendant of Parthian (Korn 2005, 323-330 prefers a transitional position between Northwest and Southwest Iranian), Yaghnobi as a descendant of Sogdian (cf. Yoshida 2010, 327 about differences) or Wakhi as a continuant of Khotanese & Tumshuqese Saka. Quite hypothetical is a similar relation between Sangesari and Khwarezmian (Windfuhr 2010, 15). 2. Quantitative models Traditional models of classification of the Iranian languages are based on qualitative observation of common features in phonology and morphology, combined with geographical distribution of languages. If the quantitative approach based on lexicostatistics is applied, the results are different. First of all, the west vs. east dichotomy must be abandoned (recently Korn 2016 formulates an attracrive idea on Central Iranian subbranch represented by Bactrian, Parthian and Sogdian; it is compatible with our final model, where these language lines are neighbours). In all quantitative models the so-called western branch is apparently younger than the eastern one, and even its existence is doubtful. 2.1. According to Jaxontov (2006) operating with the lexical data summarized in pioneering works of Sokolova (1967, 1973), the western branch was one of several coordinate branches: Tree-diagram 13 Iranian North Pamir West Southwest Ossetic Yaghnobi Pashto Wakhi Ishkashim Munji Yazghulam Shughni-Rushani Parachi Ormuri Baluchi Kurdic Talysh Persian & Tajik Gilaki 216 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian 2.2. The classification of the Pamir languages (without Yidgha) by Sokolova (1967, 124 & 1973, 208-239) was also based especially on lexicostatistics: Tree-diagram 14 Pamir lang. cluster Wakhi Shughni Bajuwi Khufi Rushani Bartangi Oroshori Sarikoli Yazghulami - Munji 2.3. On the basis of phonological and morphological isoglosses, Wendtland (2009, 186) classifies the Pamir languages themselves and within the modern East Iranian languages in a way similar to Sokolova and Jaxontov respectively: IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 217 Tree-diagram 15 East Iranian Pamir group Shughni Shughni-Yazgulami group group Shughni Bajuwi Roshani Khufi Bartangi Roshorvi Sarikoli Yazgulami Ishkashimi Zebaki Sanglechi Munji Yidgha Wakhi Yaghnobi Ossetic Pashto Parachi Orniuri 218 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian 2.4. In his dissertation, Cathcart (2015, 52) presents a lexicostatistic classification of the 27 old, middle and modern Iranian languages, if loans are coded (Tree-diagram 16): Iranian Avestan Old Persian Khotanese Bactrian Ossetic Khwarezmian Sogdian Ishkashim Zebaki Yaghnobi Yazghulam Shughni Parachi Orniuri Pashto Waziri Parthian Middle Persian Wakhi Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki New Persian Larestani Kumzari Bandari Bashkardi The most important result of Cathcart is the conclusion that only the West Iranian languages represent a coherent genealogical unit, while the so-called East Iranian languages are significantly more diverse. IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 219 2.5. The first attempt to classify the Iranian languages, applying recalibrated glottochronology, was realized by the team headed by Sergei Starostin (2004). It is important that Avestan and two Middle Iranian languages, Sogdian and Khotan Saka, were included (Tree-diagram 17). I—I—I—I—I—I—I—I—I—I—I—T "I -1000 -500 500 1000 1500 Avestan Iranian -1240 -790 180 -450 Khotan Saka -310 180 -620 320 1 Sogdian 840 1 120 620 1 270 420 Wakhi Ishkashim Munjan Shughni Ossetic Orniuri Parachi Pashto Yaghnobi Gilaki Modern Persian Tati Talysh Kurdish Baluchi 3. Anew model of classification of the Iranian languages The following new attempt at the genealogical classification of the Iranian languages consists of six partial lexicostatistical studies, concentrated on selected groups of the (Indo-)Iranian languages and their mutual relations: 3.1. East Iranian I: Pashto, Parachi, Ormuri, Yaghnobi, Ossetic (Iron & Digor). 3.2. East Iranian II - Pamir languages: Munji, Yidgha, Yazghulami, Shughni, Ishkashim, Wakhi. 3.3. West Iranian: Persian (& Tajik), Sangisari, Baluchi, Kurmanji Kurdish, Zazaki. 3.4. Mutual relations of the groups I-III. 3.5. Middle Iranian: Middle Persian, Parthian, Sogdian, Khwarezmian, Khotanese, Bactrian, and their relations to modern Iranian languages and Avestan. 3.6. Avestan versus Sanskrit and Avestan versus Nuristani. Ad 3.1. Statistics of results of the lexicostatistic comparison of five selected East Iranian languages: 3.1.1. Loanwords and missing items (underlined): Pashto: 7, 10, 52; 13. Parachi: 3, 5, 6, 8, 10, 29, 34, 35, 52, 55, 56, 58, 69, 73, 75, 77, 83; 2 17. Ormuri: 4, 6, 7, 11, 27, 30, 32, 46, 52, 53, 64, 69, 73, 77, 78, 83, 90; 117. Yaghnobi: 2,3, 5, 6,11,14,20,27,29,30,41,46,48, 52, 54,65, 69, 70,75, 80, 83,90,100; 123. Ossetic Iron & Digor: 3 bark, 15 cold, 32 full, 35 green, 37 hand; I 5. 220 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian 3.1.2. Survey of mutual cognates: Pashto vs. Parachi: cognates: 4, 9, 13/2, 14, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 30, 33, 37, 28, 39, 40, 41, 42/2, 43, 44, 45, 46, 49, 50, 54, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 65, 68, 70, 74, 76, 78, 80, 84/2, 86, 87, 88, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 99, 100; share of cognates: 51.5/82 = 62.80%. Pashto vs. Ormuri: cognates: 5, 9, 13/2, 14, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 31/2, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43. 44. 45, 47, 48, 50, 51, 53/2. 54. 55, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63. 65. 66. 67, 70, 72, 74, 79, 80. 82, 85, 86, 87. 88. 91, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98. 100; share of cognates: 52.5/82 = 64.00%. Pashto vs. Yaghnobi: cognates: 4, 9, 13/2. 14, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 26, 32. 37, 38, 42/2, 44, 47, 49, 50, 55, 57, 59. 60, 62, 63, 67, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 79, 81/2, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 94, 95, 97, 98; share of cognates: 40.5/75 = 54.00%. Pashto vs. Ossetic Iron: cognates: 2/2, 5, 6, 12, 13/2, 14, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 28, 29, 33, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 48, 50, 54, 57, 59, 60, 61/2, 62, 63, 65, 66, 68, 72, 74, 75. 76, 80, 82, 84, 86, 87, 88, 91, 85, 98, 99: share of cognates: 45.5/92 = 49.46%. Pashto vs. Ossetic Digor: cognates: 2/2, 5, 6, 12, 13/2, 14, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 28, 29, 33, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 48, 50, 54, 57, 59, 60, 61/2, 62, 63, 65, 66, 68, 72, 74, 75. 76. 79, 80, 82, 84, 86, 87. 88. 91, 85, 98, 99; share of cognates: 46.5/92 = 50.54%. Parachi vs. Ormuri: cognates: 1, 9, 13. 14. 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24. 28. 31/2, 33, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42/2, 43, 44. 45, 50, 54, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63. 70, 72, 74, 80, 86, 87, 88. 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 100; share of cognates: 43/72 = 59.72%. Parachi vs. Yaghnobi: cognates: 9, 13, 18, 21, 23, 25/2, 31, 37, 38, 42, 44, 49, 50, 51, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 74, 76, 84/2, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 82, 94, 95, 96, 98; share of cognates: 33/67 = 49.25%. Parachi vs. Ossetic Iron: cognates: 13, 14, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 31, 33, 36, 38, 40, 41, 42/2, 43, 44, 45, 50, 54, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 67, 74, 76, 80, 84/2, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: 39/79 = 49.37%. Parachi vs. Ossetic Digor: cognates: 13. 14. 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 31. 33. 36, 38, 40, 41, 42/2, 43. 44, 45, 50, 54. 57. 59, 60, 62, 63, 67, 74. 76. 80, 84/2, 85, 86, 87, 88. 89. 91, 92, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: 39/79 = 49.37%. Ormuri vs. Yaghnobi: cognates: 9, 10, 13, 17, 21, 23, 25/2, 31/2, 36, 37. 38, 42/2, 44, 47, 50, 55, 57, 58/2, 59, 60, 62, 63, 67, 72, 74, 76, 79. 86, 87, 88, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98; share of cognates: 35/69 = 50.72%. Ormuri vs. Ossetic Iron: cognates: 10, 13, 14, 17, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 31/2, 33, 36, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 48, 50, 54, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 65, 66, 72, 74, 80, 86, 87, 88, 91, 92. 95, 96, 98; share of cognates: 38.5/79 = 48.73%. Ormuri vs. Ossetic Digor: cognates: 10, 13, 14, 17, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 31/2, 33, 36, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44. 45. 48. 50, 54, 57, 59, 60, 62. 63. 65, 66, 72, 74, 79, 80. 86. 87. 88, 91, 92, 95, 96, 98; share of cognates: 39.5/79 = 50.00%. Yaghnobi vs. Ossetic Iron: cognates: 8, 10. 12, 13,17, 18,21,23, 25/2.31.33, 36,38,39, 42/2, 44, 50, 57, 59, 60. 62, 63, 72, 74, 76, 78, 82, 84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93. 95, 96, 98; share of cognates: 37/73 = 50.68%. Yaghnobi vs. Ossetic Digor : cognates: 8, 10, 12, 13, 17, 18, 21, 23, 25/2, 31, 33, 36, 38, 39, 42/2, 44, 50, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 72, 74, 76, 78, 79, 82, 84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98; share of cognates: 38/73 = 52.05%. Ossetic Iron vs. Ossetic Digor: non-cognates: 77 small, 83 swim; share of cognates: 93/95 = 97.50%. IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages Table 5: Mutual percentages of common cognates between six languages of East Iranian I 221 Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Ossetic Iron Ossetic Digor Pashto 51.5/82 = 62.80% 52.5/82 = 64.02% 40.5/75 = 54.00% 45.5/92 = 49.46% 46.5/92 = 50.54% Parachi 43/72 = 59.72% 33/67 = 49.25% 39/79 = 49.37% 39/79 = 49.37% Ormuri 35/69 = 50.72% 38.5/79 = 48.73% 39.5/79 = 50.00% Yaghnobi 37/73 = 50.68% 38/73 = 52.05% Ossetic Iron 93/95 = 97.5% Tree-diagram 18: Results of the glottochronological analysis applied to East Iranian I Diagram 18a is a result of the standard cladistic procedure: 50 60 70 80 90 ~l 100 61.2% 50.6% -1150 -560 64.0% -410 97.5% 1450 Parachi Pashto Ormuri Yaghnobi Ossetic Digor Ossetic Iron Diagram 18b approximates the Parachi, Pashto and Ormuri results into the same mean value: ~r 50 ~r 60 62.2% 70 80 ~r 90 ~l 100 50.6% -1150 -500 97.5% 1450 Parachi Pashto Ormuri Yaghnobi Ossetic Digor Ossetic Iron Ad 3.2. Statistics of results of the lexicostatistic comparison of six selected Pamir Iranian languages: 3.2.1. Missing items and loanwords (underlined) Munji: 3. bark, 6. bird, 13. claw, 15. cold, 46. leaf, 48. liver, 52. many, 64. person, 65. rain, 66. red; 69. round: 2 11. Yidgha: 3. bark, 15. cold, 32. full, 52. many, 64. person 66. red, 69. round, 77. small, 93. warm; 2 9. Yazghulami: 2. ashes, 3. bark, 5. big, 11. breast, 15. cold, 24. egg, 29. fish, 32. full, 38. head, 46. leaf. 47. l_e, 53. meat, 60. night, 64. person, 68. root. 70. sand. 71. say, 73. seed, 97. white; 2 19. 222 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Shughni: 3. bark, 5. big, 7. bite, 10. bone, 11. breast, 13. claw, 14. cloud, 20. dry, 24. egg, 29. fish, 32. full, 34. good, 38. head, 53. meat, 55. mountain, 60. night, 64. person, 65. rain, 71. say, 75. skin, 97. white; 2 21. Ishkashim: 5. big, 6. bird, 7. bite. 11. breast, 14. cloud, 15. cold, 22. earth, 26. fat, 27. feather, 28. fire, 29. fish, 38. head, 41. horn, 46. leaf, 47. lie, 48. liver, 54. moon, 60. night, 64. person, 65. rain, 66. red, 69. round, 70. sand, 77. small, 81 stone, 83. swim, 93. warm, 97. white; 2 27. Wakhi: 3. bark, 6. bird, 28. fire, 32. full, 38. head, 48. liver, 55. mountain, 61. nose, 64. person, 75. skin, 83. swim. 90. tree, 95. we, 96. what; 2 14. 3.2.2. Survey of mutual cognates: Muniivs. Yidgha: 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100; share of cognates: n = 81/86 = 94.19%. Munii vs. Yazghulam: 7, 9, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 31, 33, 34, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 49, 50, ?54, 55, 57, 59, 63, 67, 72, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100; share of cognates: n= 47.5/74 = 64.19%. Munii vs. Shughni: 2, 9, 17, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26/2, 27, 28, 31, 33, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47, 49, 50, ?54, 57, 59, 63, 67, 68, 72, 73, 74, 78, 79, 80, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98, 99/2, 100; share of cognates: n= 47.5/72 = 65.98%. Munji vs. Ishkashim: 2, 4, 9, 10, 16, 17, 21, 23, 24/2, 25, 31, 33, 36, 37, 40, 42, 44, 45, 49, 50, 51, 57, 59, 63, 72, 73, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100; share of cognates: n = 44,5/70 = 63.57%. Munji vs. Wakhi: 4, 7, 9, 10, 11, 17, 20, 21, 25, 29, 31, 33, 36, 37, 40, 41, 42, 49, 50, 54, 57, 63, 67, 68, 72, 73, 74, 78, 79, 80, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 98, 100; share of cognates: n= 40/79 = 50.63%. Yidgha vs. Yazghulam: 7, 9, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28, 31, 33, 34, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 49, 50, ?54, 55, 57, 59, 63, 67, 72, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100; share of cognates: n= 47.5/76 = 62.50%. Yidgha vs. Shughni: 2, 9, 17, 21, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28, 31, 33, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 69, 50, ?54, 57, 59, 63, 67, 69, 72, 73, 74, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 95, 96, 98, 99/2, 100; share of cognates: n= 47/73 = 64.38%. Yidgha vs. Ishkashim: 2, 4, 9, 10, 13, 16, 17, 21, 23, 24/2, 25, 31, 33, 36, 37, 40, 42, 44, 46, 49, 50, 51, 57, 59, 63, 72, 73, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99,100; share of cognates: n = 46.5/70 = 66.43%. Yidgha vs. Wakhi: 4, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 17, 20, 21, 25, 26, 29, 31, 33, 36, 37, 40, 41, 42, 46, 49, 50, 54, 57, 63, 65, 67, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80, 81, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 98, 100; share of cognates: n = 46/79 = 58.45%. Yazghulam vs. Shughni: 9, 16, 17, 18, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26/2, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 50, 52, 54, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 66, 67, 69, 72, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98, 99/2, 100; share of cognates: n= 62/72 = 86.11%. Yazghulam vs. Ishkashim: 9, 17, 18, 19, 21, 23, 25, 30, 31, 33, 37, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 50, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 72, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100; share of cognates: n= 45/65 = 69.23%. Yazghulam vs. Wakhi: 7, 9, 16, 17, 20, 21, 25, 30, 31, 33, 37, 40, 41, 42, 49, 50, ?54, 56, 57, 58, 62, 63, 67, 72, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 98, 100; share of cognates: n= 41.5/71 = 58.45%. Shughni vs. Ishkashim: 2, 9, 12, 17, 18, 21, 23, 25, 30, 33, 36, 37, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 49, 50, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 72, 73, 74, 76, 78, 79, 80, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 95, 96, 98, 99/2, 100; share of cognates: n= 45.5/62 = 73.39%. Shughni vs. Wakhi: 9, 12, 17, 21, 25, 30, 33, 36, 37, 40, 41, 42, 43, 46, 49, 50, ?54, 57, 58, 62, 67, 68, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 98, 100; share of cognates: n= 40.5/71 = 57.04%. IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 223 Ishkashimvs. Wakhi: 4, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 17, 19, 21, 25, 30, 31, 33, 36, 37, 40, 42, 46, 49, 50, ?54, 57, 58, 62, 63, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 98, 100; share of cognates: n = 43.5/65 = 66.92%. Table 6: Mutual percentages of common cognates between six Pamir languages % Yidgha Yazghulam Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi Munji 81/86 = 94.19% 47.5/74 = 64.19% 47.5/72 = 65.98% 44.5/70 = 63.57% 40/79 = 50.63% Yidgha 47.5/76 = 62.50% 47/73 = 64.38% 46.5/70 = 66.43% 46/79 = 58.23% Yazghulam 62/72 = 86.11% 45/65 = 69.23% 41.5/71 = 58.45% Shughni 45.5/62 = 73.39% 40.5/71 = 57.04% Ishkashim 43.5/65 = 66.92% Tree-diagram 19: Results of the glottochronological analysis applied to the Pamir languages (Table 6) 65 T 75 T 85 T 95 % 58.2 -720 64.5 -380 71.3 -60 86.1 +670 94.2 h!160 Munji Yidgha Yazghulam Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi Ad 3.3. Statistics of results of the lexicostatistic comparison of six chosen selected Iranian languages: 3.3.1. Missing items (underlined) and loanwords Persian: 44, 50, 81, 88, 97, 100; 16. Taiik: 22, 44, 50, 81, 88, 97, 100; I 7. Sangisari: 4, 6, 35, 40, 52; 15. Baluchi: 9, 10, 13, 27, 29, 30, 32, 33,35, 41, 48, 54, 55, 56, 63, 64, 67, 69, 83, 93, 97, 100; 122. Kurdish: 4, 40, 44, 56, 63, 79; I 6. Zazaki: 3, 7, 8, 14, 48, 70; 16. 5.3.2. Survey of mutual non-cognates: Persian vs. Tajik: non-cognates: 26, 77; share of cognates: n = 91/93 = 97.84%. Persian vs. Sangisari: cognates: 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42/2, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 48, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 66, 67, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: n = 73.5/89 = 82.58%. 224 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Persian vs. Baluchi: cognates: 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 31, 36, 37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 45, 47, 49, 51, 53, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 65, 66, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90/2, 91, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: n = 55.5/74 = 75.00%. Persian vs. Kurdish: cognates: 1, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, ?30, 31, 33, 36, 37, 38, 42/2, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 51, 53, 54, 57, 59, 60, 62, 66, 67, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 80, 82, 84, 85/2, 86/2. 87, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: n = 61/89 = 68.54%. Persian vs. Zazaki: cognates: 1, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42/2, 43, 45, 46, 49/2, 51, 53, 54/2, 55, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85/2, 86, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94,95, 96,98, 99; share of cognates: n = 62/88 = 70.45%. Taiik vs. Sangisari: cognates: 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42/2, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: n = 74.5/88 = 84.66%. Taiik vs. Baluchi: cognates: 7, 8, 11, 12, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 26, 28, 31, 36, 37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 45, 47, 49, 51, 53, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 65, 66, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90/2, 91, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: n = 54.5/73 = 74.66%. Taiik vs. Kurdish: cognates: 1, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, ?30, 31, 33, 36, 37, 38, 42/2, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 51, 53, 54, 57, 59, 60, 62, 66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 82, 84, 85/2, 86/2, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: n = 63/88 = 71.59%. Taiik vs. Zazaki: cognates: 1, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42/2, 43, 45, 46, 49/2, 51, 53, 54/2, 55, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85/2, 86, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: n = 62/87 = 72.41%. Sangisari vs. Baluchi: cognates: 7, 8, 11, 12, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 31, 36, 37, 38, 42/2, 43, 44, 45, 49, 50, 51, 54, 57, 59, 60, 61, 66, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: n = 55.5/74 = 75.00%. Sangisari vs. Kurdish: cognates: 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24/2, 25, 27, 29, 30/2, 31, 33, 36, 37, 38, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 57, 59, 60, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85/2, 86/2, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100; share of cognates: n = 65/90 = 72.22%. Sangisari vs. Zazaki: cognates: 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 23, 24/2, 25, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33, 36, 37, 38, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 49/2, 50, 51, 53, 54/2, 55, 57, 59, 60, 63, 66, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, ?77, 78, 80, 85/2, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100; share of cognates: n = 58.5/89 = 65.73%. Baluchi vs. Kurdish: cognates: 5, 7, 11, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24/2, 25, 28, 31, 36, 37, 38, 42/2, 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 53, 57, 59, 60, 62, 66, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85/2, 86/2, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: n = 54/74 = 72.97%. Baluchi vs. Zazaki: cognates: 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 23, 24/2, 25, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33, 36, 37, 38, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 49/2, 50, 51, 53, 54/2, 55, 57, 59, 60, 63, 66, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, ?77, 78, 80, 85/2, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100; share of cognates: n = 52.5/73 = 71.92%. Kurdish vs. Zazaki: cognates: 1, 2, 5, 9, 11, 13, 15, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, ?30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 49/2, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54/2, 57, 59, 60, 62, 64, 66, 67, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 82, ?84, 85, 86/2, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100; share of cognates: n = 67.5/88 = 76.70%. IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 225 Table 7: Mutual percentages of common cognates between six West Iranian languages % Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki Persian 91/92 = 97.84% 73.5/89 = 82.58% 55.5/74 = 75.00% 61/89 = 68.54% 62/88 = 70.45% Tajik 74.5/88 = 84.66% 54.5/73 = 74.66% 63/88 = 71.59% 62/87 = 72.41% Sangisari 55.5/74 = 75.00% 65/90 = 72.22% 58.5/89 = 65.73% Baluchi 54/74 = 72.97% 52.5/73 = 71.92% Kurdish 67.5/88 = 76.70% Tree-diagram 20: Results of the glottochronological analysis applied to the West Iranian languages (a) If the gradual cladistic procedure based on averages of percentages of common cognates is applied, the result is depicted in diagram a: Tree-diagram 20a -1-1-1-1-1-1-1 70% 80% 90% 100% (a) 1480 97.8 -90 70.7 130 74.9 550 83.6 210 76.7 Tajik Persian Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki (b) But with respect to the high number of loanwords in the 100-word-list (22%), the Baluchi percentage of cognates shared with Persian (plus Tajik and Sangisari) could be higher than the real value. The percentages 70.7% and 74.9%, expressing the shares of common isoglosses for all studied West Iranian languages and for the Baluchi with Sangisari-Persian-Tajik respectively, differ only by 2.1% from the mean value 72.8%. This 2.1% represents 1-2 items among cognates, which is why the projection of chronology of the West Iranian dialect continuum in this mid level may represent an acceptable approximation (b): Tree-diagram 20b ~~I-1-1-1-1-1-1 70% 80% 90% 100% (b) 20 72.8 210 76.7 1480 550 83.6 97.8 Tajik Persian Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki 226 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Ad 3.4. Mutual relations between modern Iranian languages of the §§ 3.1., 3.2., 3.3. Table 8: Mutual percentages of common cognates between 16 selected modern Iranian languages % 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 1. Munji 94.2 64.2 66.0 63.6 50.6 58.6 57.8 51.9 49.3 50.0 54.2 52.3 54.2 53.6 53.5 2. Yidgha 62.5 64.4 66.4 58.2 62.2 58.9 53.8 52.9 50.0 51.8 51.7 54.9 53.5 54.0 3. Yazgh. 86.1 69.2 58.4 51.3 61.8 51.1 51.6 49.4 44.7 49.3 53.2 49.3 50.6 4. Shughni 73.4 57.0 55.1 67.4 49.3 53.1 52.0 50.0 50.7 60.0 53.4 51.3 5. Ishkash. 66.9 59.1 72.1 59.7 60.9 54.4 54.4 61.8 62.5 62.1 61.4 6. Wakhi 49.4 50.0 45.9 45.6 40.9 45.6 45.0 47.8 46.8 45.7 7. Pashto 62.8 64.0 54.0 50.5 56.0 51.1 50.7 56.6 51.6 8. Parachi 59.7 49.3 49.4 55.8 51.2 56.7 57.0 54.4 9. Ormuri 50.7 50.0 56.5 52.7 50.8 55.8 52.6 10. Yaghn. 52.1 56.9 52.7 53.2 59.9 50.7 11. OssetD. 53.4 47.2 55.3 46.6 47.2 12. Persian 82.6 75.0 68.5 70.4 13. Sangis. 75.0 72.2 65.7 14. Baluchi 73.0 71.9 15. Kurdish 76.7 16. Zazaki IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 227 Tree-diagram 21: Classification of 18 modern Iranian languages based on percentages of common cognates 50 60 70 80 90 100% Iranian 58.2 56.5 51.5 71.3 64.5 61.2 64.0 86.1 74.9 70.7 83.6 76.7 94.2 97.5 97.8 - Wakhi - Ishkashim - Yazghulam - Shughni - Munji - Yidgha - Parachi - Pashto - Ormuri - Yaghnobi — Ossetic Digor — Ossetic Iron — Tajik — Persian - Sangisari - Baluchi - Kurdish - Zazaki 228 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Tree-diagram 22: Classification of 18 modern Iranian languages projected in the time scale -1200 -800 -400 1 I I I I I 0 +400 +800 +1200 +1600 +2000 -720 -810 Iranian -1100 -60 -380 +670 +1160 -560 -410 +1450 +1480 +550 +130 -90 +210 Wakhi Ishkashim Yazghulam Shughni Munji Yidgha Parachi Pashto Ormuri Yaghnobi Ossetic Digor Ossetic Iron Tajik Persian Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki Ad 3.5. Statistics of results of the present glottochronological comparison of five well-described Middle Iranian languages, plus Bactrian (first version was discussed in Blažek 2013): Note: Only the lexical correspondences conforming to the sound rules are taken in account as cognates. Namely, the following Middle Persian lexemes do not agree with phonetic laws established for this language: IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 229 1. wyspM, wspz/wisp/ „all", 22. zmyg™, zmykz /zamig/dearth", 35. zlgwnz/zargon/, hwzrgwnM/hu-zargon/„green", 44. 'snwgu/isnug/, f nwkz /zdnug/„knee", 50. 'spysu/ispis/, spysz /spis/„louse", 56. zplz daev. /zafar/„mouth", 81. sng2 „stone", 82. myhru, mtrz/mihr/„sun", 88. 'zw'«M/zzw<5«/, 'wzw'rF/uzwan/„tongae", 97. ' spy cf*, spy tz /(i) sped/ „white", 100. z//z/zara,/„yellow". 3.5.1. Missing items and loans Middle Persian: 44, 50, 88, 100; 14. Parthian: 2, 3, 11, 13, 24, 26, 27, 41, 48, 50, 66, 69, 100; 113. Sogdian: 3. 41. 48. 70; I 4. Khwarezmian: 48, 64, 68, 79; I 4. Khotanese: 7, 30, 50, 83; I 4. Bactrian: 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 43, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 53, 56, 61, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 83, 84, 88, 89, 90, 93,96, 97, 100; I 57. 3.5.2. Survey of shared cognates Middle Persian vs. Parthian: 1, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42/2, 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99; share of cognates: n = 77.5/85 = 91.18%. Middle Persian vs. Sogdian: 1, 2, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42/2, 45, 46, 47, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98; share of cognates: n= 75.5/92 = 82.07%. Middle Persian vs. Khwarezmian: 1, 2, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42/2, 45, 46, 47, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98; share of cognates: n= 57.5/92 = 62.50%. Middle Persian vs. Khotanese: 1, 2, 6, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 31, 32, 33, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42/2, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 65, 67, ?69, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 84, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98; share of cognates: n = 68/93 = 73.12%. Middle Persian vs. Bactrian: 1, 5, 16, 17, 23, 28, 32, 33, 33, 34, 39, 42/2, 45, 51, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 67, 71, 72, 73, 77, 82, 85/2, 86, 87, 91, 92, 94, 95, 98, 99; n = 34/43 = 80.95%. Parthian vs. Sogdian: 1, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 23, 25, 28, 30, 31, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93,94, 95, 96, 97, 98; share of cognates: n = 70/86 = 81.40%. Parthian vs. Khwarezmian: 1, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 28, 31, 34, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 51, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 67, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75, 78, 80, 81, 84, 87, 88, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98; share of cognates: n= 58/84 = 69.04%. Parthian vs. Khotanese: 1, 6, 9, 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 31, 32, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 53, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98; share of cognates: n = 64/84 = 76.19%. Parthian vs. Bactrian: 1, 5, 16, 17, 22, 23, 28, 32, 33, 39, 42, 44, 45, 51, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 67, 72, 73, 81, 82, 85/2, 86, 87, 91, 92, 94, 95, 98, 99; n= 34.5/42 = 82.14%. Sogdian vs. Khwarezmian: 1, 2, 4/2, 6, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 44, 45, 47, 49, 50, 51, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 72, 73, 74, 75, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85/2, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100; share of cognates: n = 70.5/93 = 75.81%. Sogdian vs. Khotanese: 1, 2, 4/2, 6, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22/2,23, 25, 26, 27, 29, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 68, ?69, 72, 230 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100; share of cognates: n = 71.5/92 = 77.72%. Soadianvs. Bactrian: 1, 5, 16, 17, 18, 23, 28, 32, 34, 39, 42, 44, 45, 51, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 72, 73, 77, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 91, 92, 94, 95, 98; n= 34/43 = 79.07% Khwarezmianvs. Khotanese: 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, 31, 33, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 49, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, ?69, 70, 72, 74, 75, 80, 81, 84, 87, 88, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100; share of cognates: n = 63.5/92 = 69.02%. Khwarezmianvs. Bactrian: 1, 11, 13, 16, 17, 18, 22, 23, 28, 34, 39, 42, 44, 45, 51, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 67, 72, 81, 86, 87, 91, 94, 95, 98; n = 31/43 = 72.09%. Khotanese vs. Bactrian: 1, 16, 17, 22, 23, 32, ?34, 39, 42, 44, 45, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 67, 72, 73, 81, 86, 87, 91, 92, 94, 95, 98; n = 28.5/43 = 66.28%. Table 9: Mutual percentages of common cognates between six Middle Iranian languages % Parthian Sogdian Khwarezmian Khotanese Bactrian Middle Persian 77.5/85 = 91.18% 75.5/92 = 82.07% 57.5/92 = 62.50% 68/93 = 73.12% 34/42 80.95% Parthian 70/86 = 81.40% 58/84 = 69.04% 64/84 = 76.19% 34.5/42 = 82.14% Sogdian 70/93 = 75.27% 71.5/92 = 77.72% 34/43 = 79.07% Khwarezmian 63.5/92 = 69.02% 31/43 = 72.09% Khotanese 29.5/43 = 66.28% 3.5.3. Chronology of epigraphic or literary documents of studied languages Middle Persian: 3rd - 7st cent. & 9st - lOst cent. CE; mid: 600 CE (Sundermann 1989a, 138-39). Parthian: 2nd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. CE (Arsakids) & 3rd - 4 st cent. CE (Sassanids); mid: 100 CE (Sundermann 1989b, 116). Sogdian: 4st - lOst cent. CE; mid: 600 CE (Yoshida 2010, 280-81). Khwarezmian: list - 14stcent. CE; mid: 1200 CE (Durkin-Meisterernst 2010, 336-38). Khotanese: 7st - lOst cent. CE; mid: 800 CE (Emmerick 2010, 378). Bactrian: 2nd - 3rd cent. CE; mid: 200 CE (Sims-Williams 1989, 231). 3.5.4. Results of the glottochronological analysis In the case of asynchronically attested languages it is necessary to modify the calculations of partial disintegrations. Morris Swadesh offered a virtual chronological level, determinable as an arithmetical average of the chronological levels of the compared languages. This easy correction gives the following virtual chronological levels (without Bactrian): Middle Persian & Parthian: (600 + 100)/2 = 350 CE, minus 990 years of divergence = 640 BCE. {Middle Persian & Parthian} & Sogdian: (350 + 600)/2 = 475 (480rtmndoff) CE, minus 1500 years of divergence = 1020 BCE. {Middle Persian & Parthian & Sogdian} & Khotanese: (480+800)/2 = 640 CE, minus 1790 years of divergence =1150 BCE. {Middle Persian & Parthian & Sogdian & Khotanese} & Khwarezmian: (640 + 1200)/2 = 920 CE, minus 2110 years of divergence = 1190 BCE. IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 231 If the incomplete Bactrian lexical data are not taken in account, these results lead to Tree-diagram 23: 70% T 80% T 90% T —I— 100% 75.7% 69.0% -1190 -1150 81.7% -1020 91.2% -640 Middle Persian Parthian Sogdian Khotanese Khwarezmian If Bactrian is included, the topology of Tree-diagram 24 based on percentages is in principle the same, only the Bactrian branch is added: 70% T 80% T 90% "1-1- 100% 73.9% 69.6% 81.6% 91.2% Bactrian Middle Persian Parthian Sogdian Khotanese Khwarezmian 3.5.5. Discussion of results in the chronological perspective Quite different are results and topology of the diagram including Bactrian, if the results are projected in the time scale: Middle Persian & Parthian: (600 + 100)/2 = 350 CE, minus 990 years of divergence = 640 BCE. {Middle Persian & Parthian} & Sogdian: (350 + 600)/2 = 475 (480roundoff) CE, minus 1500 years of divergence = 1020 BCE. {Middle Persian & Parthian & Sogdian} & Bactrian: (480+200)/2 = 340 CE, minus 1500 years of divergence = 1160 BCE. {Middle Persian & Parthian & Sogdian & Bactrian} & Khotanese: (340 + 800)/2 = 570 CE, minus 1870 years of divergence = 1340 BCE. {Middle Persian & Parthian & Sogdian & Bactrian & Khotanese} & Khwarezmian: (570 + 1200)/2 = 885 (880rtmndofi) CE, minus 2080 years of divergence = 1200 BCE. If Khotanese and Khwarezmian change their positions in the chain, the results are more or less symmetrically opposite: 232 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian {Middle Persian & Parthian & Sogdian & Bactrian} & Khwarezmian: (340 + 1200)/2 = 770 CE, minus 2080 years of divergence = 1310 BC. {Middle Persian & Parthian & Sogdian & Bactrian & Khwarezmian} & Khotanese: (770 + 800)/2 = 785 (780roundofi) CE, minus 1950 years of divergence = 1170 BC. Uncertainty in positions of Khotanese and Khwarezmian may be solved by approximation, as the arithmetical average of the four final results for both languages: (1200 + 1340 + 1310 + 1170)/4 = 1255 = 1250rouIldofBCE, or simply the 13th century. After this step the tree diagram projected in the time scale may be depicted as follows: Tree-diagram 25 -1- 1200 BCE -1- 1000 BCE -1- 800 BCE -1- 600 BCE -1160 -1250 -1020 -640 Middle Persian Parthian Sogdian Bactrian Khwarezmian Khotanese The dating separation of Parthian and Middle Persian to 640 BCE corresponds to the time when Median tribes were united under their rulers Deioces (700-647 BCE) and his son Phraortes (647-625 BCE) according to the witness of Herodotus469 [1.101-102]. The unification of some tribes meant their separation from other tribes, independently of their ethnic and linguistic relations. On the other hand, this conclusion should be compatible with chronology of disintegration of modern West Iranian languages, dated to the beginning of the 1st cent. BCE (see section C above). It is well-described that the Old Persian of royal inscriptions was quite saturated with Median features. During the Achaemenid Empire (549-330 BCE) the process of integration was undoubtedly even stronger, in the case of spoken languages, so that it was possible to speak about 'West Iranian koine' (Schmitt 1989, 83-84). Only a new territorial expansion during the Parthian Empire ruled by Arsacids (247 BCE - 224 CE) probably stimulated a new disintegration of the reintegrated West Iranian continuum in the 1st cent. BCE. 469 Aniorcni; uev vwv to MnStKov zBvoc, owveoxpe\|/e uowov ran xoftxov rip^e: eon 5e MnScov xoodSe yevea, Bowaca napnxaKnvoi £xpoi>xax£<; Api^avxoi BouStoi Mayor yevea uev 5f\ MnScov eoxi xoodSe. AnioKeco 5e ticoq yivexca cDpaopxni;, oq xelEDxnaavxoi; AnioKeco, paotlewoavxoi; xpia mi jtevxnKovxa exea, jtapeSe^axo xnv apxrfv, jtapa5ei;du£vo<; 5e owk cmexpaxo uowcov MnScov apxew, akXa oxpaxewoduevoi; ejii xoix; riepoco; jtpcbxoiai xe xowxotoi ejie9f|Kaxo ran jipcoxowi; MnScov winKoowi; ejioinoe. "Deioces, then, united the Median nation by itself and ruled it. The Median tribes are these: the Busae, the Pareta-ceni, the Struchates, the Arizanti, the Budii, the Magi. Their tribes are this many. Deioces had a son, Phraortes, who inherited the throne when Deioces died after a reign of fifty-three years. Having inherited it, he was not content to rule the Medes alone: marching against the Persians, he attacked them first, and they were the first whom he made subject to the Medes." Herodotus: The Histories, with an English translation by A. D. Godley. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1920. http://data.perseus.Org/citations/um:cts:greekLit:tlg0016.tlg001 .perseus-grc 1:1.101.1 & 102.1 http://data.perseus.Org/citations/um:cts:greekLit:tlg0016.tlg001.perseus-engl:l.101.l & 102.1 IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 233 3.6. The following step consists of comparison of the tested Middle and Modern Iranian languages. For completeness, Avestan was also included in this comparison. The first task is identification of the modern languages, which could be continuants of the concrete Middle Iranian languages. Above the following hypotheses were mentioned: Middle Persian —> Modern Persian (Skjasrva 2010, 196). Sogdian —> Yaghnobi (cf. Yoshida 2010, 327 about differences). Parthian —> Baluchi (Korn 2005,323-330: transitional position between Northwest and Southwest Iranian). Parthian —> Zazaki, Gorani, Caspian dialects (Gippert - see above). Khotanese & Tumshuqese Saka —> Wakhi (Windfuhr 2010, 15). Khwarezmian —> Sangisari (Windfuhr 2010, 15). From these cases only the continuants of Middle Persian and Sogdian in Modern Persian and Yaghnobi respectively can be confirmed. The result 93.62% between Middle Persian and Modern (Colloquial) Persian corresponds to c. 1200 years of development in the evolutionary line of one language. The lexical data used for Modern Colloquial Persian were collected around 1900 (Phillott 1914). The result 700 CE is very close to our arbitrary dating 600 CE of Middle Persian approximated in this study, and the first known texts in Early Modern Persian (in Hebrew script) are dated to the middle of the 8th cent. CE (Lazard 1989, 263). This means that this lexicosta-tistical test also confirms that Modern Persian is a direct continuation of Middle Persian. In the case of Sogdian and Yaghnobi the situation is rather different. The share 85.26% of the tested core lexicon corresponds to 1930 years of development in the line of one language, i.e. the ancestors of Yaghnobi and Sogdian should have separated around 20 CE, if the average date of Yaghnobi lexical data was approximated to 1950. Avery similar result is obtained, if Yaghnobi and Sogdian are analyzed as two separated languages. The share 85.26% corresponds to 1320 years of divergence of two languages. The virtual mid date for Sogdian and Yaghnobi is (600 + 1950)/2 = 1275 CE. Thus, this calculation leads to the dating to 45 BCE. It is possible to conclude that the ancestors of Yaghnobi and Sogdian separated around 10 BCE, if the arithmetical average of both sets of data is used. This separation immediately preceded the first Sogdian coin legends of the early centuries of CE and first real texts called 'Ancient Letters', written in the early 4th cent. CE (Yoshida 2010, 280). 3.7. Fundamental is the question of chronology of the hypothetical protolanguage common for Middle and Modern Iranian languages, and Avestan and Modern Iranian languages. Table 10: Middle Iranian & Avestan vs. Modern Iranian - chronological limits MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian Avestan t 600 CE 100 CE 600 CE 1200 CE 800 CE 200 CE 800Y/1100GBCE x = (t + 2000)/2 1300 CE 1050 CE 1300 CE 1600 CE 1400 CE 1100 CE 600/450 CE 0 61.9% 64.5% 63.2% 57.0% 59.9% 68.6% 68.1% A 2460 2330 2400 2730 2570 2130 2160 T = x-A 1160 BCE 1280 BCE 1100 BCE 1130 BCE 1170 BCE 1030 BCE 1560/1710 BCE Symbols: t... average date of attestation; x ... virtual mid-date approximating the asynchronical languages (2000 CE approximates the present); A ... time interval of divergence of two languages; T ... absolute chronology of disintegration; G ... Gatha /Y ... Young Avestan. 234 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian The average value is 1145 BCE (or 1118 BCE without the rather deviant Parthian), rounded off 1150 BCE, with the span ±130 years covering all values. This result excellently agrees with the chronology of disintegration of the Middle Iranian languages, estimated to 1250 BCE, including Bactrian, or to 1190 BCE without Bactrian. Table 11: Middle Iranian vs. Avestan - chronological limits MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian Avestan t 600 CE 100 CE 600 CE 1200 CE 800 CE 200 CE 800/1100 BCE 100 BCE 350 BCE 100 BCE 200 CE 0CE 300 BCE T2 = (t-1100)/2 250 BCE 500 BCE 250 BCE 50 CE 150 BCE 450 BCE 0 86.4% 84.1% 80.4% 69.6% 81.5% 81.4% A 1260 1380 1560 2090 1500 1510 0 [rounded off] T,=x,-A 1360 BCE 1730 BCE 1660 BCE 1890 BCE 1500 BCE 1810 BCE 1660 BCE T„ = t,-A 1510 BCE 1880 BCE 1810 BCE 2040 BCE 1650 BCE 1960 BCE 1810 BCE It is necessary to mention the high score common for Avestan and Middle Persian. It is explainable as a result of the literary influence of the Zoroastrian texts. If the Middle Persian data are excluded, the average values shift to 1718 & 1868 BCE for Young and Gatha Avestan respectively, rounded off 1720 & 1870 BCE. Table 12: New Iranian vs. Middle Iranian vs. Avestan - mutual percentages of cognates MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian Avestan Munji 51/85 = 60.00% 52/80 = 65.00% 57/87 = 65.52% 53.5/87 = 61.49% 53/85 = 62.35% 31.5/42 = 75.00% 57.5/85 = 67.65% Yidgha 54/87 = 62.07% 52/80 = 65.00% 57/88 = 64.77% 56.5/88 = 64.20% 56/87 = 64.37% 29.5/40 = 73.75% 58.5/87 = 67.24% Yazghulami 43/77 = 55.84% 43.5/72 = 60.42% 44.5/79 = 56.33% 45.5/79 = 57.59% 44/77 = 57.14% 28/37 = 75.68% 50/78 = 64.10% Shughni 42/75 = 56.00% 44/70 = 62.86% 46/76 = 60.53% 45.5/76 = 59.87% 46/76 = 60.53% 25.5/36 = 70.83% 48/75 = 64.00% Ishkashim 46/69 = 66.67% 45.5/65 = 70.00% 48/72 = 66.67% 42.5/71 = 59.86% 46.5/71 = 65.49% 24/35 = 68.57% 48/70 = 68.57% Wakhi1 40.5/82 = 49.39% 39/74 = 52.70% 44/83 = 53.01% 41/83 = 49.40% 44.5/82 = 54.27% 16.5/38 = 43.42% 47.5/82 = 57.93% Pashto 63/93 = 67.74% 56.5/84 = 67.26% 67/93 = 72.04% 57/93 = 61.29% 61.5/93 = 66.13% 25.5/42 = 60.71% 66.5/92 = 72.28% Parachi 51/79 = 64.56% 47.5/71 = 66.90% 50/80 = 62.50% 46.5/79 = 58.86% 47/80 = 58.75% 25.5/37 = 68.92% 51.5/81 = 63.58% Ormuri 50.5/79 = 63.92% 47.5/73 = 65.07% 47/79 = 59.49% 46.6/80 = 58.13% 49/82 = 59.76% 25.5/39 = 65.38% 54.5/80 = 68.13% Yaghnobi 47.5/75 = 63.33% 47/73 = 64.38% 66.5/78 = 85.26% 44.5/76 = 58.55% 43/75 = 57.33% 24.5/39 = 62.82% 50/75 = 66.67% Ossetic Digor 53.5/91 = 58.79% 48.5/83 = 58.43% 55/92 = 59.78% 49.5/91 = 54.40% 50.5/91 = 55.49% 26/42 = 61.90% 56.5/92 = 61.41% Persian 88/94 = 93.62% 65/82 = 79.27% 60.5/90 = 67.22% 45.5/90 = 50.56% 54/91 = 59.34% 27.5/41 = 67.07% 61.5/89 = 69.10% Sangisari 71.5/91 = 78.57% 59/82 = 71.95% 57/91 = 62.64% 46/91 = 50.55% 53/91 = 58.24% 28/42 = 66.47% 66/91 = 72.53% Baluchi 56.5/75 = 75.33% 51/71 = 71.83% 48/76 = 63.16% 40/76 = 52.63% 44/76 = 58.33% 28.5/37 = 77.03% 56/75 = 74.66% Kurdish 69.5/91 = 76.37% 54.5/81 = 67.28% 55.5/90 = 61.67% 46.5/91 = 51.10% 52.5/90 = 58.33% 29.5/42 = 70.24% 65.5/89 = 73.60% IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 235 MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian Avestan Zazaki 64.5/90 = 71.67% 57/83 = 68.67% 58.5/93 = 62.90% 50.5/91 = 55.49% 51.5/91 = 56.59% 27.5/43 = 63.95% 62.5/91 = 68.68% 0 618.9/102 = 61.9% 645.3/102 = 64.5% 885.2/143 = 63.2% 854/15 = 57.% 898/15 = 59.9% 1028.3/15 = 68.6% 1022.2/15 = 68.1% Avestan 79.5/92 = 86.41% 69/82 = 84.14% 74/92 = 80.43% 64/92 = 69.57% 75/92 = 81.52% 35/43 = 81.40% _ Notes: 1) Results of Wakhi are an average of 12.1% (9.5% without Bactrian) lower, that is why these figures are not taken in account. 2) Results of the Modern Western Iranian are not taken in account, because they represent a later unity. 3) Results of Yaghnobi are not taken in account for its common origin with Sogdian. 3.8. Position of Wakhi With the average score (58.2% with Ishkasim, 56.0% without Ishkashim, the southern neighbour of Wakhi) Wakhi is the weakest member of the 'Pamir club', where the Munji-Yidgha and Yaz-ghulami-Shughni-Ishkashim subbranches share an average of 64.5% of the tested 100-word-list. On the other hand, relations of Wakhi with non-Pamir modern Iranian languages vacillate around 46.3%. This result corresponds to the time of divergence 3370 years, i.e. 1370 BCE. Rather different results are obtained from a comparison of Wakhi and Middle Iranian, plus Avestan: Table 13: Wakhi vs. Middle Iranian & Avestan - chronological limits MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian Avestan t 600 CE 100 CE 600 CE 1200 CE 800 CE 200 CE 800/1100 BCE x = (t + 2000)/2 1300 CE 1050 CE 1300 CE 1600 CE 1400 CE 1100 CE 600 / 450 BCE 0 49.4% 52.7% 53.0% 49.4% 54.3% 43.4% 57.93% A 3170 2970 2950 3170 2800 3560 2680 T = x-A 1870 BCE 1920 BCE 1650 BCE 1570 BCE 1400 BCE 2460 BCE 2080/2230 BCE In spite of the big dispersion of partial figures, the average values give quite consistent results: Wakhi vs. Middle Iranian: 1811.67 BCE, rounded off 1810 BCE Wakhi vs. Middle Iranian + Young Avestan: 1850 BCE Wakhi vs. Middle Iranian + Gatha Avestan: 1871 BCE, rounded off 1870 BCE. 3.9. These results are most compatible with the dating of separation of Middle Iranian from Gatha Avestan to 1810 BCE. It is possible to conclude that the disintegration of known Iranian languages began in the 19th century BCE, when the ancestors of Avestan, proto-Wakhi470, and the mainstream represented by the later Middle Iranian languages, crystalized. It is probable that there were also other components of this earliest dialect continuum preceding the disintegration, which were later assimilated by other languages, e.g. Scythian, and maybe Cimmerian. In its development the hypothetical proto-Wakhi came geographically close to Khotanese and finally was 'Pamirized'. All these partial conclusions may be depicted in the same tree-diagram. The most difficult question, the mutual relations of the Middle Iranian languages in perspective of their relations to the modern Iranian languages, is solved as the 'strip of uncertainty', reflecting the time span 1200-1000 BCE (or more exactly 1250-1020 BCE), when most of divergencies should have been realized, but their hierarchy cannot be precisely determined. 470 The common Avestan-Wakhi score 57.9% is lower than the result 68.1% shared in average between Avestan and other Iranian languages. But there are remarkable common archaisms, e.g. Wakhi näfd "night" vs. Avestan upo. naxtar- "an die Nacht angrenzend", or Wakhi yirx, ysri vs. Avestan aurusa-, Ossetic Urs / ors "white". 236 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Tree-diagram 26: Hypothetical development of Old, Middle & Modern Iranian languages -2000 ~l- -1400 ~I -800 -200 —r~ 400 —r~ 1000 1600 Avestan Iranian -1850 -1200 Scythian -720 -50 -380 -810 -410 -560 Khotanese 670 1160 Khwarezmian Sarmatian Alanic Bactrian Sogdian Median -90 West Iranian -640 OPers. 210 f Parthian 130 MPersian 550 I ~ Wakhi Ishkashim Yazghulami Shughni Munji Yidgha Pashto Ormuri Parachi Ossetic Dig, Yaghnobi Kurdish Zazaki Baluchi Persian Sanmsari 4. External relations of Avestan: Nuristani versus Vedic The last task of this section is determination of the position of Iranian within Indo-Iranian, i.e. between Nuristani and Indo-Aryan, represented by their most archaic representatives: Vedic, dated to c. 1500-1200 BCE on the basis of the Rgveda (Witzel 1995, 91, 98), with the mid-value 1350 BCE, and Avestan dated to c. 1100 BCE in the case of Gathas and 900-700 BCE in the case of the Younger Avesta (Skj servo 1995, 160-62), the source of most of the lexical data, with the mid-value 950 BCE. These parameters give the following values (see also Blažek & Hegedús 2012, 42-43): (1) Vedic vs. (Old & Young) Avestan: 80.5% cognates within 100 semantic units, which means c. 1560 years of divergence. Taking in account the arithmetic average of the dating of Vedic and Avestan, 1350 BCE and 950 BCE respectively, as the starting point, we obtain (1350+950)/2 = 1150, i.e. 1150 BCE. Substracting 1560 years of divergence from the 'mean value' 1000 BC, we come to the dating to 2710 BCE of separation of the ancestors of Vedic and Avestan, i.e. Indo-Aryan and Iranian protolanguages. IV.D. Results of classification in correlation with archaeology 237 (2) Vedic vs. Nuristani (on average): 66.5% cognates within 100 semantic units, i.e. c. 2240 years of divergence. Subtracting 2240 years from the starting point c. 300 CE (arithmetic average of 1350 BCE for Vedic and c. 1950 CE for Nuristani), we come to the dating to 1940 BCE of separation of the ancestors of Vedic and Nuristani. (3) Avestan vs. Nuristani (on average): 48.5% cognates within 100 semantic units, i.e. 3230 years of divergence. Subtracting 3230 years from the starting point c. 500 CE (arithmetic average of 950 BCE for Young Avestan and c. 1950 CE for Nuristani), we come to the dating to 2730 BCE of separation of the ancestors of Avestan and Nuristani. The difference of only 20 years in the estimated date 2710 BCE of divergence of the ancestors of Vedic and Avestan and 2730 of divergence of ancestors of Avestan and Nuristani as compared to the 4700-year time interval to the present indicates c. 0.4% and is quite negligible. It is possible to conclude that the Iranian protolanguage left the Indo-Iranian dialect continuum around 2700 BCE (or at the end of the 28th cent. BCE). It could be useful to add the result of Anton Kogan (2005, 174) who compared 7 Da rdic languages with 11 modern Indo-Aryan languages in the lexicostatistical test. He found that the average share of common Dardic-Indo-Aryan cognates is 43.5%, which indicates that their divergence must have started around 1600 BCE. These results are depicted in Tree-diagram 27: -2700 -2200 -1700 -1200 Indo-Aryan Indo-Nuristani Indo-Iranian -2700 Iranian -1900 -1900 -1600 Vedic Dardic Nuristani Avestan Iranian mainstream D. Results of glottochronological classification in correlation with archaeological data The linguistically established events in glottogenesis of the Indo-Iranian languages before 1000 BCE may correlate with the following archaeological data: The Indo-Iranian disintegration (28th cent. BCE) corresponds to the beginning of the Poltavka culture (2800-2100 BCE) from the Mid-Volga and the Samara river valley. Its expansion to the east indicates its probable identification with ancestors of the Indo-Nuristani branch, while the proto-Iranian branch could be connected with the Culture of Early Catacomb Graves, dated to c. 2500-2100 BCE according to Parpola (2012, 138; ibid, he dated the Indo-Iranian disintegration to c. 2500 BCE, similarly G. Starostin: 2450 BCE - see below). Let us repeat the comments on the Poltavka culture from the best-informed archaeologists in this field: Anthony (2007, 306, 331, 386): "Poltavka herding groups moved east into the Ural-Tobol steppes probably between 2800 and 2600 BCE." Kuz'mina (2007, 350): "The sequence of cultures: Pit-grave {Yamnaya} —> Poltavka —> Timber-grave {Srubnaya} —> Scythian", referring to Russian archaeologists Krivcova-Grakova. Mallory (EIEC {1997} 439^140: ".. it is seen then as a culture ancestral to some of the earliest archaeological reflections of what are generally presumed to be early Indo-Iranian cultures." 238 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian The Mid-Volga location of the Indo-Iranian homeland may be supported by the role of the mythical river Rasa, known already from the Rgveda, and its Avestan counterpart Ranhá [Yašt 5.63, 5.81, 10.104, 14.29, 15.27; Viděvdat 1.19 etc.]. The form 'Pa recorded by Ptolemy [6.14.1-4] in the mid-2nd cent. CE very probably designated the Volga river in some of Iranian tribal dialects from the Pontic-Caspian steppes at the beginning of the first mill. CE. This identification is confirmed by the name of the biggest European river in Mordvinian, where in the dialect Erzya rav(o) means both "the Volga river", and "sea, big water, flood during the spring thawing", while in the dialect Moksha rav(a) means only "river". The internal reconstruction leads to proto-Mordvin *ravď*rayď*rana (Blažek 2005c, 171-72; the reconstruction *raya is based on development of intervocal -v- in Moksha pavaz ~pavas "god" < *payas < Indo-Iranian *bhagas; the alternative *rana may be supported by the parallel development in Moksha ovfo) "son-in-law" < Fenno-Vol-gaic *wane (see Keresztes 1986, 106, 103). The protoform *rana stands close to the Avestan hydronym Rarjha. Indo-Nuristani disintegration (20th cent. BCE) and Iranian disintegration (19th cent. BCE) may be correlated with the final phase of the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) (2100-1800 BCE), when domesticated horses were introduced more intensively than as a trade commodity, as in the beginning of this originally horse-less culture (Anthony 2007, 427, 435). Around 2000 BCE Parpola (2012a, 249) assumes a beginning of the strong migrational wave leaving the area of the Sintashta culture from the southeast Urals, which had to bring to the South the horse-drawn chariots and wheel-shaped forts. He calls it Proto-Indo-Aryan I, and it can be identified with the Indo-Nuristani language unity. It is probable that both the Indo-Nuristani and early Iranian speakers absorbed from creators of the BMAC some cultural, technological and architectonic inspirations before their concurrent assimilation of this culture and its people, which probably originally spoke a non-Indo-European language (cf. Lubotsky 2001, 308; Witzel 2015[2017]). Their coexistence could have caused the disintegration of proto-Avestan and perhaps proto-Wakhi from the remaining Iranian mainstream, and the briefly preceding separation of Nuristani from the Indo-Nuristani dialect continuum (cf. Degener 2002,116; Parpola 2012a, 249 sees here the influence of proto-Sakas). The time of the multiple disintegration of the remaining Iranian dialect continuum around 1150 BCE could be connected with more widespread use of iron, which probably was introduced by bearers of the Yaz culture (1500-1100 BCE) in its late phase (Mallory, EIEC 653-54). Parpola (2012a, 245) ascribes the dominant role in the circle of the Yaz I-related cultures to Sakas, but admits that the Old Avestan Gathas could have originated in this milieu too. With respect to our glottochronological model we prefer to identify the iron-makers of the Yaz culture with speakers of Early Avestan. IV.E.2. East Iranian I E. Iranian wordlists 239 Wordlist 2: East Iranian I Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments 1. all wära cf. Av. varsta- ball, lump (Mom92) hu ayěra *harua- (Mo19258, 388) drast < P. durust, P. Kabuli drast (Mo0323) harči (Mar Svan čxwari id.), maybe back-lw. of Os. car(m) (Bi 277-80) 4. belly léray (Mo0345) dára *udara-: Av. udara-, Khw. 'wdyr, Kh. ura-; cf. Sgd. kd'fk, qO'ry id. /kad/dárě/; Ol. kudara- (SK 151-52) geda xeta Xlt (MoM301) nash nos < Psh. cf. Av. nasu- corpse (Mo03 58) aštaf *sía/-, cf. Ol. stabh- (Mo29 237) škamba P. iškam(ba)/šikam id. Prt. lšk/qmb /iškamb/, MP. 'šk/qmbM/iškamb/; cf. Av. skamb- fasten, Ol. skambh-id., make firm (K 349) 240 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments dim < IA.: Khowar dim body, belly, Shina dim body, tree-trunk (Tu 5551) gwibin gubun (Al,528;Bil37) qcestce cf. Toch. Akats, B katso id.; Hu. has id. (A 2, 298; Bi. 262: contra) 5. big star "stur stir stur Av. stura-, Kh. stura- strong, Mnj. stur big, MP. sturg wild, P. sotorg strong (Bi 216;Mo0376) by cf. Av. hu-data- well-built? (Mo03 47 with doubts) ghand < IA.: Torwaligand great, Lhd. ghdn big, much (MoM 253) fertmdn < F.farawan, Kabuli ferimdn (MoM252) vulu < P. yuluw exceeding bounds šóy- : xíšásta *xsau-: Mnj. axsow-, Wkh. suw-, Ishk. ^aw- chew (AP 359; Ch454) xcecin xwcecun *huaf-, *huaxs-: Arm. xacnel bite, Av. pairis-xyax-ta-, 01. way- clasp (A 4, 152-54) 8. black tor (tóra dark) (tar dark) (tar dark) *tan9ra- < *tansra-: Av. tqOra-, Kh. ttara-, Sgd. r>'£ dark (Bi 221; Mom 82) paddo < IA.: Sindhipahdu whitish? (Tu8051) yräs (MoM396) šow sivóh saw saw Av. siiduua- dark, Sgd. s'w, svc /saw, sow/, Ygh sow, Khw. s'w, Os. sdu, Prt. sy'w /syavc/, MP. sy,wM/syaw/, syd'z/sya/, P. s/^a/z (Bi 209) IV.E.2. East Iranian I 241 Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments 9. blood wina hln xun ín wáxín xun *uahuna/i-: Av. vohuna-, Kh. huna-, Khw. hwny pi. /huní/, Sgd. ywxn- /yuxn/, yywn(w) /y(a)xun(u)/, Prt. gwxn /goxan/, MP. xwnM, hwnz /xon/, P. xun šun.sun < IA.: 01. šoná- id. : šona-red(Mo„408) tug tog *tauka-; 01. toka- progeny (Bi226;A3, 310) 10. bone had hadd cf. Pnj. haddfi), Sindhi hadu (Gi 78; Mom 35) stojan siták stceg stceg *astaka- > Av. ast-, MP 'st(k)z/ast(ag)/, 'sthfwj'n2 /astuxán/, P. hasta & ustux-wan (SK424;Bi215) 11. breast tayf. tay m. teat *taka- flowing (milk) (Mo03 84) Wn. ywalun (f.) cf. Av. gaodana- milk container^ 294, 399) bar Av. varah-, MP. wrM, wlz /war/, P. bar (H 44; K 99, 294, 399) siná1' siná MP. syn(k)z/sěn(ag)/, P. sina; cf. Av. saěni- top, peak (K384) sĺz f. (MoM289) cíkf. čič. čěč T. čuč, čoč,jij(AP 238), P. čučú, cf. Kati čuk (MoM 390) vúna b., udder cf. Khw. d'rk; 01. udhar, gen. udhnah udder (EWAI I, 240) riw rew *raiua-(Bi 207; A 2, 414f) 12. burn swdl suxs-: suxta sujin sojun Av. 01. iwc-(Bi 216-17; Mom 77) thí- *Gau-: Khw. 6»'w-,Kh. /7fl//z- id. (B 202; SK 374), parallel to *tap- to warm up, heat: Av. tap- be hot, Kh. ttav- id., Sgd. tjify /tafSdě/Xo burn, P. taftan, tábidan be hot, shine bras- in. braz- tr. *braHz- shine: Av. bráz-id., Khw. 'br'z- burn (Ch 21-22) 13. claw nuk (Mo03 56: to Sgd. rtwk, P. nauk) nórk < *naxar-, cf. 01. nakhara- naxk náxna nix nix P. náxun, MP. naxun, Prt. nl'hvn, Os. «/x, Kh. pi. náhune, Khw. «'x« (K 82, 294, 408; Bi 203-04) 14. cloud 5r3 aír yěwar ab\r abr cevray cevray Av. a/?ra-, MP. '/3rM, 'blz /afSr/, P. abr id., Kh. ora sky wryaj wriěj Wn. yarza tam cf. Av. tamah- darkness, Ku. tarn fog (Mo29294) 242 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments tira Av. ae- go, Kh. /zEs-come (MoM303; K 108-09, 142, 347; Ch 154-55) wou- cf. Sgd. P'w- reach, T. biyd (AP 349-50; Gh 2502 ) ccew'in ccewun *ciau- go: Av. siiauu-, OP. sfijyava-, Sgd. ivf-Xsovf/, Kh. tsa- tsv-, Tu. ccha-, Be.pao(i)-, Prt. ^w-Xsaw-/, MP. sw-(dn)M, swb-z/saw-/, P. sudan; OI. cyorv- (Ch 41; SK 139; R 125; Bi 271) 17. die mral mer- mr- mir- mar'in marun *mar-: YAv., Kh. ma?--, Prt. mir-/murd- (Ch 264; K 404) 18. dog m. spai f. spay Wn. spa 'spb, 'spay (,>spuk sp\k *«/a£/ (Mo03 75) *suacl: Wkh. rac *suaka-: Median ajtdica, Prt. 'spg/ispag/, MP. sg"-2 /sag/, P sag kucuk kut klj kui cf. Tkm. g«/m^ dog, puppy (D 3, 630), but Zazaki kutik leads to Ir. *kuta-/*kufi- (R 4, 413): Sgd. 'kwt-/(a)kut/, kwt/ qwt /kut/, Khw. 'kt, Be. ko<5o(K 188, 391; LNE 177) 19. drink casal *cos-(Mo0318) IV.E.2. East Iranian I 243 Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments šumal (Mo0379) *qam- swallow: Av. šam-swallow, Khw. 's'my- drink, P. äsäm id. (Ch 39-40) Wn. yoz- ter- tr- *tarš- be thirsty (Ch 383-84) šup kan- xr- *huar- (Ch 147^48) -> eat žav-: žáfta *íiau-: Psh. žowdl, T. jovidán, Bal. jäyag (AP 369) nfijwazin niwazun *ni-uäz-, cf. Av. niuuäzan-anziehend; Sgd. "w'zpond (BÍ203) 20. dry WUČ (Mo03 86) öskär hušku wökä wyök xůšk xwisk XUS xuskee Av. huška- & hifsjku-, Sgd. 'škw /(3)šku/, Kh. huska-; Prt. hwšk/hušk/, MP. hwšk-M-z/hušk/, P. xušk; Ol. šuska-(K7S, 414) spor tosand qoq < T. qöq < Uzb. qäq (AP 280; LNE 210) sür sor *šaura-: cf. MP. sör salzig, Prt. šwr-yn, P. šur versalzen (BÍ217) 21. ear ywaž gü gas göl JUS qüs JOS *gauša-: Av. gaoša-, OP. gauša-, P. goš, Sgd. ywš /yoš/, Khw. ywx, Kh. gw, 22. earth zmaka = mjékaL zamín zcexx zcenxce *zam-ka- (Bi 156): Av. zö/«-, Khw. z(y)m, Kh. uysmä, Be. Qzpiyo, Qxfiiio; MP. zmiyg", zmylč/zamTg/ xäwra cf. Sgd. xverm /xř-wra soil, earth, Av. pa-xruma- firm (Gh 10633, 10751; Bi 258) bhäy cf. ashes dharam < IA.: Ol. dharä- earth : dharmán- supporter (Tu 6749, 6758) bummä cf. Av. bümi-, P. burn (MoM 389; E 2, 134) xäk *ähaka-, cf. Ol. ösö- ashes or *äika-, cf. Av. äi (K 156) zoy Sgd. z'jY/iJ earth, ground (AP 369; Gh 11217, 11225) 23. eat xwaral xär- xr- xwar- / wxar- xcerin xwa?run *huar- eat, consume (Ch 147): Av. xvar-, Sgd. ywr- xwr- /xwar-/, Khw. x(w)r-, Kh. hvar-, Be. xoaP~ waijgěw- 24. egg hä, dim. hagáý-, Wn. Hoya Wz. yöwya ěx hanwalk, wulk, ölk < *äuja-laka- aik aikce *äiä > Khw. >>'£, Kh. ö/zö-, MP. x'ygMx'dfyjlc/xäyag/, P. xöyö; ?Av. oě/« (Mo03 3 5; Mo29411) 244 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments supäl cf. P. of Afgh. supäl the white of an egg (MoM 406) taxm tuxm cf. seed 25. eye starga = stargaL Wn. starga *str-kä- (Mom 77) -> star (lid-eyesight) dida (MoM248) < P. dlda Av. dita-, Prt. did, 01. dhitá-(K 79, 375) < *daih- (Ch 48;E 2, 293) tečh Itišm (Bi 270) cimi, com Itišm (Zaleman ->A1, 305) čašm (LN 24) ciest ccestce *ča(š)š-man- (R 2, 238) Av. čašman, P. čašm Orm. cimi, Sgd. cšm /čašm/, obi. cmýIcym-, Khw. cm, jm, Kh. tce, tcai & tceiman-(Bi 269-71; A 1, 304-05) yúrda cf. Av. garaôa- socket, hollow (AP 259) 26. fat a ywariL = ywar (Mo03 3 3) rúyén rúyin < *rwayn- < *rauyna-: Av. raoyna- butter, Sgd. rwyn /rôyn/, Khw. ryyn, Kh. rruna, P. rawyan (SK 297-98;R 106) corb (Mo0318) čärbi *čarp(aj- > Sgd. crp/čarp/, Kh. tcär(b)a-, P. čarb, Os. carv butter (E 2, 23 2f) čixat cxat (MoM392) jut cf. Psh. yut, Wz. yvľttŕ (MbM 396) (pay milk) (peň milk) fiw < *paiua- few < *paiua- Av. piuuah-, Kh. />/5, OI. /Hva,s-(K 103, 363; Bi 241) soi soince *šänja-: cf. Av. súmaŕ er stiegauf? (Bi 214) 27. feather bana (pana leaf - see Mo„,63) pan *parna-(ka-J: Av. parana-, Sgd. /ra, Kh. pärra-, Khw. /OT(Ch 295—96), MP./>ľM /parr/, P. />ŕ»r (H 293) paxa puxai < IA: Sindhi /äzää" id. (Mo27 62) bol < T. (AP 232) sis ses ? (Bi 213) 28. fire or Wn. auar ár art art *ätar-/*ä8r- (E 1, 318): Av. äfara, Sgd. "ŕ>/z, 'fr /ätar/, Khw. ' d(y)r/ädir/, Kh. fltoTO, aftšo, MP. 'fí-z /ädur/ & ,thšz/ätaxš/, P. rhtné run rowan cf. Av. raoxšna- (MoM 284) olóu < T. ôlôu (AP 298; LNE 201) zing zing (Bi 160-61) IV.E.2. East Iranian I 245 Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments 29. fish kab (Mo03 38) kief kief EIran. *kap Ge. kasaqi Hering; Hu. keszeg, Khanty kaseu, Mansi käsen, all from Iran. *kasäka-, cf. 01. kasaku-CoixBarbata(Bi 167-69) mähävL mal maso mahl mahi *matsia- (R 87): Av. masi-ia-, Prt. m 'sy'g /mäsyäg/, MP. m'hyg™, m'hyk1 /mähig/, P. mähi (LNE 176) 30. fly v. wurzedal (Mom92) *uraf-: Av. uruuaj- go forth; OL vray-togo (Ch 438) M-W3Z-/ -wat-al rhäz- *uaz-: Av. vaz- move, fly, Shug. wäz- swim : riväz- fly *fra-uaz-: Av.fra-uuaz-, Sgd. ßrwz-, frwz- /frawaz-/, Prt. frwz- /frawaz-/, MP. pr-wz-M/parwaz-/ (Ch 429-32; SK 303-04; Mo„3 94) parr- par(r)- T.par(r)idän (AP 302) < *parn- fly (Ch 297) tcexin tcexun *tac-: Av. tak- flow, walk (Ch 372-74) 31. foot psa Wn. spa 7päs *pärsnä (du.?) heel: Av. päsna-, Sgd./JOT-; OI. parsni- (Mom 67) pä, pi. pänän pari 7päs pal (Mo„403) poda fad fad *päd-: Av. päd-, OP. päda-, P. pay, Sgd. p'ö/päö/, Khw. p'S, b'ö, Kh. pai, pi. pä (R 113-14; Bi 237) zceng zcengce *zangä-: Av. zanga-Zzanga-Knöchel, MP. zang id., Ol. janghä- Unterschenkel (Bi 155) kax kax cf. Bats kok, Chech.-Ing. kog; Perm. *koki&. (Bi 172-74) 32. full pan (Mo0363) pün(n) *prna-: Av. parana-, Sgd. pwn /pün/,pwrn /purn/, Bc. porri, Prt. pwr /purr/, MP. pwrM, pwF /purr/, P. purr (Ch 295-96; AP 310) baspar *api-us-prta-, cf. Kh. hambada- full (Mom 16) thar (MoM293) dak' dak Av. dä-*da8a-/*däta- > Bc. Aafbj-/laöo, Prt. dh-/dah-/ d'd, MP. rfy(^-M/dö>>-/, tf7z-z /dW/z-/, d'tnz/dädan/(Ch 43f) 246 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments sandal baxš kan- baš- cf. Av. baxs- (Mo03 93) tifár- : tiráfta, cf. Sgd. ößr-Chr. tfr- leevcerd leevard pret. *fra-barf (Bi. 142) *6var- < *jvar- < *fra-ba-ra- (AP 334) 34. good S3 šir(r) sir cf. Av. srira-, comp. sraii-ah-, Prt. syr, 01. srira- (K 386;Mom 98) bakár Sgd. n(y)fws-/niyos/, Khw. (,)nyws- < *ni-gaus-, Be. viyav-/ vayav-, MP. ny(y)ws-M, n(y)dwhs-z, /niyofxjs-/, P. niyosidan : gosidan, Av. gus- hear < *gaus- (Ch 115-16) 40. heart zra zur zli dil zcerdce zcerdce *zrdaia- (Bi 155; R 110): Av. zaradaiia-, Khw. zrz, Kh. ysara-, Sgd. Srjy(y), Srzy /Sdrze/ < *Sryaza-< *zrdaya-Prt. zird, MP. dylM-z/dil/ 01. hfdaya- 41. horn skar Wn. sukar (Mo03 98) si (MoM 289) sukar s'ika siwee *sru-: Av. sra-, sruua-Khw. sw, Kh. sw, MP. srwyM/sruy/, slwbz/sru/, P. WHfnj (SK 350;Bi218) sax sax sox Av. gan-/fan-, Kh.jsan-*aua-jan- > Khw. wzn (Ch 224-25) mer- marin marun *maraya-: OI. mardyati (Bi 193) ur- cf. Av. arsdus- Verletzung, Hieb(Mo„236) kus- : kusta- *kaus-: Av. fe/s- fight, _/ra-^aos- kill, MP. ^ws- struggle, kill (SK 138; Ch. 251) 248 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments fxoy-: ťxásta cf. Sgd.ptyw'y-:ptywst-kill (AP 339; Gh7678, 7690) 44. knee zangun Wn. zutjg zánú zanf ak < *zánu-9ra-ka-zánú < P. zonk zunk zon'ig zonug *iánu-(ka-) (R 93): Av. žnu-/zánu-, Sgd. z'n'wk /zánúk/Jnwwq /žnukJ, Khw. z'nwk /zanuh', Kh. ysánú, Psh. zangún, MP. lšnwgM Ašnúg/, z'nwk2/zánúg/, P. zanú gěndi wcerag wcerag Kh. hurá, 01. iiru- thigh, úru-parvan- knee : Av. var- turn (A 4, 88; Ch419: *uar-) 45. know pežandélL pán- pazan- (bizón-recognize) zon'in zonun (*pati- +) *žanH- id.: Av. (paiti-)zán-, Sgd. (pt-)'z'n, z'n /(á)zán/, Be. Qxv-, I'll z'n-/zán-/MP. dn-MZ/dán-/, P. dánistan (Ch 466-68; Mo03 68) pohedél yiriv-: ylrifta *grabH-: Sgd. yrb- id., understand, Khw. yby- consider (Ch 120; AP 258) fcesmcerun cf. Sgd. srrír- think, Kh. sumář- count; Ol. smar- remember (Bi 240) 46. leaf pána pón *parna-(ka-J: Khw. pne pl. to *pnk, Kh.párra- id., feather, Psh. pana, pl.pani leaf, Prt. png /pannag/, Ol. parná- id., feather (Mo27 57; Mo„,63) paxa puxa < IA: Sindhi pakh" id. (Mo27 62) barg bars (LN 12) *uarka-: Av. varaka-, Sgd. wrfcr /warkar/, Kh. bágga-ra-, Prt. wřgr /toargar/, MP. w/g2 Arařg/, P. (H 47; R 107) sif sifce cf. Av. aifSi-sif- hinstreichen, Ol. šiphá- root, twig (Bi 221) toffee cf. Os. tcepcen flat or from Adygh tháp leaf? (Bi 227-28) 47. lie camlástal Wn. cemul-< *ha-ca-ni-pasta- nw(astak) nipid-: nipista cf. Av. ni-paidiia-, Sgd. nypS-: npst- (AP 293; Mo03 49) yazedal dugur- rhiz- xwissin xussun *huaf-s-a- (Bi 259) IV.E.2. East Iranian I 249 Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments 48. liver yina < *iaxnia- iigar ja? ňgár igcer igcer *jakar- < *jakr(t): Av. yakard, Kh. gyagarrd, Sgl. yeyan, MP. yklz/jagar/, P. figar (Bil61;Mom100) š"púrda šípúrda 1.; spleen cf. Av. sparazan-, Kh. spul-jei, MP. spul & spurz, P. sipurz, Yid. sparza spleen (EWAI 2, 196-97) 49. long úžd Wz. wTžd (Mom 8) bíštó van(n) (AP 342) *brza-: *barz- be high *brzaka- (Ch 12) > Sgd. /3rz /iSarz/, /Srz'k, Khw. /3zk, Kh. bulysa- (SK 385; B 272, 299) (larya de-lay) dräy dary dary cf. Av. daraga- id. (K 373; E2, 351; Bi 138;Mo„,44) 50. louse spaza, spaža Wn. zyánzi ispo spöT spül šípúš ~ šupúš (cf. T. šupúš) síst sistce *suis-: Av. spis-, Sgd. spsh / spis/, Khw. sb'h, sp'h /spah/, MP. 'spysM/ispis/, spys1/spis/, P. sipis (SK 330; Bi 221) 51. man sarai sadaiki (Raverty; Mo2,407) sarai Av. gai-ri-, Sgd. yr- /yar/, Khw. yry-cyk, Kh. ga, garä-, ggari-, Bc. yapo, geiro, Prt. yr /yar/, MP. glz/gar/(E 3, 191-93) dhär cö neck kubal (kobal" Kropf) < P. kapal Hintern, Kruppe < Ar. kafal podex (Bi 175) 59. new nawai nö nüw nyöw nava nog ncewceg *naua-ka-: Khw. (,)nwk, nwyk, Sgd. nw'kfw) /nawäkfu)/, nwyy /naweV, Bc. vojyo; Prt. nw'g /nawäg/, MP. nwgM,nwkz /nög/ 60. night spa xawän so syöu xšap šab cexscev cexscevce *xsapä- : Av. xšap(an)-Kh. ssavä-, Sgd. 'yšp-, 'xšp-/(djxsapä/, Khw. 'x(y)b, xb, Bc. xaß-, Prt. šb /šab/, MP. šbM, špz /šab/ wfiivär < IA.: Pashai wyäl (MoM 298) 61. nose paza Wn. piza (pyüz nose) pöza < P. pazak < Psh. finj(ce) cf. Khw. pncwk snout (Bi 244: *p/"cö-;E3,49-51: *fuž-) or Os. < Abazin panca id.? něšt < nays, nes, cf. Sgd. (n)ns, nyc /něč/, *nästf- nis Khw. ďc, nj< *näca, Prt. (MoM277) (AP 292) ďwc /näwiz/ (B 190); Av. näh- damäv < P. < Ar. nini, neni *ni-ui-äna-, cf. Av. viiänai-iä spirit, P. bim nose, Ol. vyänä-(Mo29 402; K 136; Ch 167) 62. not na na nok na nce nce Av. nöit & na, Sgd. ď /nä/ ďý', ny /ně/, Khw. n(y), Kh. na, ni, ne, Bc. va(vo), Prt. ny /ně/, MP. nyM/ně/, F. na ma ma *mä (Bi 191-92) 63. one yau zu šě S3 i vak iw ew *aiua-(ka-) > Av. aěuua-, Sgd. 'yw, {C,yw /ěw/, Khw. 'yw, Bc. icoyo, Prt. >w /ěw/, MP. 'ywM/ěw/,ykM/yak/ 'ywk2 /ěk/, P. -ě vs. >ra£ 64. iawai 0 cf. Av. aošahuuant- mortal person (Mo„107) 252 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments nafar1- nafar nafar Hu. legeny young man, soldier 65. rain n. wor = uryaL bdrdn auydr jar bdrdn yor bdrdn boron warin warun *uaHr-: Av. var-, Sgd. w'r /war/, Khw. w'r, Kh. bara, Psh. wor, Prt. w'r'n /waran/, MP. w'r'n", w'l'nz /waran/, < P. bdrdn (Ch 406f; Bi 229) b/pasakal < P. barsakal < WPahari bsrsdl (Mo03 66) 66. red sur surkh(b) sus susr surx sirx surx Av. suxra-, MP. swhrM swhlz/suhr/, P. surx id., Kh. suraa- clean, 01. sukr/ld-white (Bi 220) hincakoT: cak- drip (MoM259) kimir (AP 272) Sgd. krm'r, MP karmir2 (E4, 392) 67. road lar rai cf. Av. raiOiia-(Mo„405) rot (AP314) *ra0a-: raOa- carriage; cf. Av. ra'Qiia- path, Sgd. r'd(h),r'9/rde/,¥n.r'h /rah/, MP. r'hM, l'sz/rdh/ pandn cf. Av. acc. pantdnam (Mo03 280) fcendceg fcendceg *pantd-(ka-J & *pantah: Av.panti- & pa8(a)-, Khw. pnd'k, pyd'k, Kh. pada, pande, Prt. pnd'n /pandan/, MP. pnd™-2 /pand/ (Bi 23 9) nad from nad /nad schlagen (Bi198) 68. root wex (Mo03 93) ylx bix b ex *uaix-: Sgd. wyy(h), wyx /wex, wix/, Kh. ba(ga), bata-, bdva-, Prt. wyx/wex/, P. bex kordi cf. Katifcira? (Mo„267) wulay^ Wn. wiya wulie widag j/wedagce *uaiti-, *uaitaka- (Bi 232; Mo^387)" " myucan IV.E.2. East Iranian I 253 Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments rexct rixct risa (AP313) P. resa root, fibre H 142: P. rese hair MP. lysk2 /resag/ root munch nilaL Av. uruOa- growth (K 165) 69. round yund cf. Av. gunda- ball of dough, P. gunda id. (Mo03 31) garcf girdäi X, P. gird, MP. gyrdM, glfi /gird/ < *gar- turn, wind (Ch 104-05) lunda < T. lundä (AP 283) kürsäk < T. qursäk (AP 277) yila cf. yil- roll < T. yelidän (LNE 209; LN 58) kHulä < T. kulülä < P. gulola (LNE 209) timbil tumbul cf. Ol. tumba- Flaschengurke (Bi 227) 70. sand S3ga Wn. S3ga (Mo0378) seya SigD *sikatä-: OP. 9iM, Sgd. sykth /sikt/ gravel, Khw. cy,fy sand, Kh. siyatä-, Prt. sygd/sigd/, MP. sygd™0 /sigd/vs. Ol. sikatä- (AV) withs- rig reg - /xusp-/, MP. hwptnz /xuft/, hwps-z/xuft/ (Ch. 145-47) nw-astak go to sleep lie down rilpid-/ nlpista-lie down to sleep *ni-pad- (Ch 287) - cf. lie 77. small konkay kamkay (k"inceg small in quantity) (kunceg small in quantity) *kabna-: Av. kamna-, Sgd. kj3n-, Khw. tozft (Mo03 39; A 1, 606-07; E 4, 193-96) IV.E.2. East Iranian I 255 Pashto Parachi Orniuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments kannceg *kania-ka- (A 1, 618); cf. Os. kaddcer, Mnj. kandar smaller 01. kariina- young (E 4, 220f) wur < *urta- (Mom 92) kučnáyL cf. P. kučak, MP. kwc(k)z činů (Mo„246) < LA: Shina čunů m, čiini/ čini id. (Tu 4889) zärl cf. P. zar- weak : Av. zar-grow old (Mo„ 414) púlla *pu9ra-: Av. pu9ra-, Kh. pur a-, Mnj. pur son (AP 309; LNE 171f) mavdahák < T. maidd, Uzb. mdydd (AP 283; LNE 172) mingi(i) (Bi 196; A 2, 122) giccil giccil < Ge. kvačila, Sv. kocol id. (Al,528;Bil37) 78. smoke a lü lugáý-ducf dhi (MoM248) lugai düd gWd *duta-(ka-): Khw. dwd, Prt. dwd/diiď, MP., P. dud (R 94; Ch 68; SK 164; Mo03 42; LNE 201) dund < LA: Pnj. dhund (Mom 22) pazd pa(y)st fcezdceg fcezdceg cf. Sgd. pzt smoke (AP 304; Gh 8398; A 1, 467) q-cecce < Andi kkwaj, Avar kkuj id. (BÍ263) 79. stand daredal dar- < IA.: Sindhi dharanu put (Mom23) waldr k.L *aua-/*ui-darta/i-, cf. Av. dar- hold (Mo„, 87) šta (ušt- rise -Mo29236) ašt- ušt- (st'in rise) istun < *hišta-(Bi162-63) *staH-: Av. stá- id., set, Kh. sta-, Prt. fy)št-/išt-/, MP. 'yst-'dn M ,sťtnz/ěstádan/, cf. Be. stado entstand (Ch 358) apd standing *a-pada- (MoM234) Icewwin Icewun *ra(m)b- (SK 398; Ch. 184; Bi 188; A 2, 37-39) 80. star storai estěč sitära stArrak sitära sitóra stali (ce)stalu *stdraka-: Sgd. 'sfr'k, 'stry /(s)stárě/, Khw. 'sťrk, Kh. stdraa-, Psh. storai, Orm. starrak, Prt. /astarag/, MP. 'siVg", sf/F /(i)starag/, ''strM/astar/, stl /star/, P. sitara vs. Av. sfiw-(BÍ216) 81. stone känay *karna-ka-, cf. Rosh. ra steep slope (Mon, 39) släja Wn. säz3 sank saňg *aša-či- (Mo03 77) *asanga-: Av. asanga-, Sgd. ■OTg, oto /sang/ Khw. Kh. samgga-, Be. asag-ge, Prt. 'sn(n)g /asang/, MP. OTgZ(R47) 256 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments tlža *tixsa-: Av. tigra-, tizi-° (Mo2785) zyar (yar, pi. gir {girl *gari- mountain > Av. yruna / yra hill) gairi-, Sgd. yr- /yar/, Ygh. mountain yar, Khw. yrycyk, Kh. ga, Mo03 3 2) gard-, ggari-, Be. yapo, geiro, Prt. yr /yar/, MP. glz /gar/: Shug. zJr stone (E 3, 191-93; SK 187) gap cf. Par. gapdr fireplace : dr fire (MoM254, 395) dur dor *daura-: Kh. dura- clod, stone (Bi 144-46) 82. sun Wn. mlr mef *mi9ra-: YAv. midra- god of contract; Sgd. myr /me/ir/ sun, Be. miiro, miri, miuro, meiro, Psh. myer, Prt. myhr /mihr/, MP. myhrM,mtrz /mihr/ nwar = xur xur xor *h(u)uar-/*h(u)uan-'. Av. lmarL huuara /xvan-, Sgd. ywr, xwr /xwar/xur/, ywyr, xwyr v//'.-.,v vr/rr Kim. 'x(y)r, xyr, MP. xwrM, hwlz/xwar/, P. xor (E 3, 43 8f; SK 426) yarma see 93. warm ruč *raucah- (Mo29 283) toa/tuwa/ ôftôb < T. cf. P. af-tab id. : tab light, toawi (LNE 196) Av. tap- heat (Mo03 410) 83. swim lämbó vahéf- 0 0 0 cf. Av. napta- damp, Sgd. nmb dew, P. nam moisture (Mo„357) garzedéf- ôbbôzlvi < T. obbozi kardan, P. kárak abbazi = ab water + 6az/ game (LNE 192) lenk k. cf. Lith. lengvas light (Bi 189) (sínóy- (cexs'in nake k. *snaH-: Sgd. ot'>>- wash, wash wash) (Bi198) bathe Isndyl, Os. no/im AP321) bath, Prt. sn'c/snaz-/, MP. 'ot'z-m, sn'c-ytnz/isnaz-/, P. ■s/ftflfwj; *fra-snaia-: Sgd. fsn'y-/ffajsndy/, Kh. haysnata-washed (Ch348;A2, 15 If) 84. tail bm (Mo0343) dumfb) (Mo03 249-50: t™, Kh. dumaa-, Os. dumdg, Prt. /dumb/, Bal. dumb(ak), MP. dwmbgM, dwmfb)1/dumbfag)/', P. djra dera likie lakandim IV.E.2. East Iranian I 257 Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments kudi kudi/kode < Ge. kudi id. (Bi 175-76) 85. that. ha-ya (h)afo Av. ha-, 01. sa- (Mo03 3 5; E 3, 298-99) ho-ya ax (AP 227) *hau: OAv. huuo, YAv. hau, OP. hauv , Prt. hw /ho/haw/, Sgd. {,)yw, xw(w) /xo/; cf. 01. a-sdu (Mo03 3 5) 6, ho obi. awe, ait (AP 227) uc'i cf. OP. avas-ciy (Bi 237) oci *aua-: OP. ava-, Av. auua-; acc. OP. avam, Av. aom, Sgd. w-/o, it/ww /(a)wu/, Be. oo (E 1, 274-75) ay- ei (Bi 164, 235) *a/ijam this: Av. aiiSm, Sgd. 'tri /3ma/,yw /yu/, Kh. ma-, mai, mu, Be. sifio, amo, (i)sio, Prt. ym Am/, MP. 'ymM, 'mz Am/; 01. aydm (SK433;E 1, 103-05; Bi 164) 86. this ai e, he < gen. *ahia (E 1,64) a < gen. *ahia (E 1, 64) is < *aisa-it < *aita-(AP 264) a ai a aice *a/iiam: OP. iyam, Av. aiiSm, Sgd. '/«' /amo/, yw /yu/, Kh. ma- mai, mu, Be. sifio, amo, (i)sio, Prt. 'j™ Am/, MP. '>roM, 'm2 Am/; 01. aya/72; acc. *imam: Av. imam, OP. imam, Sgd. raw /raw/; 01. /mam (SK433;E 1, 103-05) gen. *a/z/a dct *a/fa-: Shug. >>/d (Mo03 22) m. ho f. ha Av. ha-, nom. m. ho, f. /za, 01. sa-(Mo03 35;E3, 298-99) in < T. (AP 264) 87. thou de, fc> tu, tu tu tu di du *tu / *tuuam: Av. tu 1 tuuSm, OP. tuvam, Sgd. tyw A(3)xu/, tw /to/, Khw. Cw)tk, Kh. #zm, Be. to(o)i, toovo, Prt.,MPMrtf /tu, to/, P. tu 88. tongue zaba = zaba zuban ban < *zban (MoM 241) zuban zaban zban (Ef 83) zTvdk ziwok cevzag cevzag *hizua-(ka-J: Av. hizuua-, Sgd. 'zft'(%, zb'k/(a)zfJak/, Khw. z/J'fc, z/fc, Kh. Os. (evzag, Prt. 'zb'n Azflan/, MP. 'zvc'nM/izwan/, 'wzw'n2Vuzwan/, P. zaban (E3,403f) 89. tooth yds gas, pi. gisi *gastra-: *gaz- bite, cf. Gilaki gaz tooth (Mo03 33; Ch 117-18) dandn dindak dcendag dcendag *danta-(ka-J: Av. data- & dantan-, Sgd. dnf(k) /Sanddfk)/, Kh. dandaa-, Prt., MPMZdnd'n /dandan/ (E2, 329-331; SK 154-55; Bi 140f) 90. tree wana wuna (yan oak) wuno Av. duua-, Sgd. '<5w /faJcJwa/, dw' /dwa/, Khw. '''ciw, '<5yw, Kh. duva, dva, Be. AoofiJ, Xoi, dbo, Prt., MPM aw /do/ (E 2, 482) 92. walk yarzedaF Wn. yarz- thl *toc-: Av. tac- walk, flow (Mom 81-82; Ch373) drumedal Wn. drm- ram- *(ati-)ram-, cf. Kh. ttram-enter, cross (MoM284; Mo03 23; Ch312) c(h)Tm- cf. P. caman walking (Mo„ 246) par- cf. Pashai par- go, become (Mo„280) Wn. wiyar weh- < IA.: Lhd. wahan to go, flow (MoM 297) cf. come (sWdl happen) chi (MoM 244-45) caw- sau-: siita ccew'in ccewun *c/a«- go: Av. siiauu-, OP. ■?(/) _yava-, Sgd. sw-/saw/, Kh. tea-, to-, Tu. cc/ia-, Be. pao(i)-, Prt. sw- /jow-/, MP. sw-fan;", swb-z/saw-/, P. sudan; 01. g/av- (Ch41; SK 139; R 125; Bi 271; LNE 123) sar- tir-: torta *tarH-: Av. to?-- cross over, Sgd. fr-go(AP 335;Ch 380f> 93. warm tod m. tawda f. Wn. tau tapo tok tok cf. Av. tafta-, Kh. ttauda-(Mo03 81) dam (MoM249) (yarm a heat, noon) yarm qarm yar(m) (Bi 261-62) *garma-: *gar- heat > Av. garama-, OP. garma-, Sgd. yfffi /yarm/, Khw. yrmnd, Kh. garma-, grama, Sgl. Srk. zwra, Prt. grm /garm/, MP. grmM, glmz / garm/, PT. garm (Ch 105; E 3, 162) IV.E.3. East Iranian II - Pamir Iranian 259 Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments 94. water oba ŮW3 wok wak op, ob, ow cf. T. ob (AP 299) *áp-/*ap-(a-ka-) (E 1, 31 If; SK 432): Av. op-, Sgd. "p, 'p, 'b /dp, aft/, Khw. *'b, Kh. ú, útca < *apačá-, Bc. ajijio, Prt. 'b/áb/,MP. 'bM, 'p_z/áb/ don don Av. dánu- river, Ol. dánu- (w., river) (w., river) dew (E 2, 450; Bi. 143-44) 95. we mu(n)ž Wz. mlž Wn. moš < *ah-máčia-(Mo~350) má, má máx mox max max gen. *ahmákam > Av. ahmákam, OP. amáxam, Sgd. m'yfw), m'x/máx(u)/, Kh. buhu, muhu, maha, Bc. a/ia/o, Prt. 'm'(h) /amáh/, MP. 'm'(h)M/amáh/, P. má 96. what C3 < *ČÍt če ca, C3 čo < *či-áka- Cl gen. ccei ci gen. ccei acc. *čim > Av. am gen. *čahiá > Av. čahiiá nom.-acc.ntr. *čit > Av. čit Sgd. 'cw /(3)ču/, cw /ču/ Khw. 'c(y), c, Kh. ci, cá, cu, Prt. cy tšy/če, čě/ MP. cy™ /če, čě/ (Bi 275) zaněng *zanahia kahia 97. white spin < *sui8na-/ *šuai8na-(Mo~374) spěw spíu sipéta sapéd saféd (AP 322) *šuaita- (R 95, 129) Av. spaěta-, Sgd. 'sp'yt/ aspětí, sp(y)ty/spště/, Khw. sbydyk, spydyk, Kh. ššita-, Prt. 'spyd /ispěd/, MP. 'sp-yd™, spyf /(i)spěd/, P. safěd čhačo (MoM244) chato úrs ors *flytófl-: Av. auruša- white, MP. arus, Ol. arusa- reddish 98. who cok < ka ka ka(x) = ka ki ka gen. *kahiá > Av. kahiiá, *či-áka ki kok + ax that gen. kcei gen. kcei Sgd. 'ky/(3)kě/, ky/kě/, (cf. ca) obl. kay ky(y)'' fkyáJ, Khw. <'%>>, Kh. obi. čá < ce, ^e, Bc. fai, Prt., MP.M ^ *kahia Wn. čok /kě/, P. Ar/ (R 94; Mo0317) 99. Š3ja = šičak silgojmag silgojmag *strí-\ Av. sfrí- wife, wom- woman xéjaL sil female sil female an, Sgd. ^strýc, Kh. striyá (Bi 218-19; Mo03 98) mL zaí£ < T. (AP 366) zarká cf. Av. zarsta- old (K 379) jarks inč, enč cf. Sgd. 'ync id. < *jauniká-(Gh2189) zan < T. *fanř-(ka-J: Av.jSni-Jaini-, (AP 366) Bc. Qvo, Prt. jn /žan/, MP. z«MZ/za«/(E4, 14 lf> US osce *uasti- < *uaď-ti-: Av. VÁM- woman, wife; Ol. vadhu- bride (Bi 233-34) or to Ol. yosit- woman (A 4, 20-21) 260 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Pashto Parachi Ormuri Yaghnobi Os. Iron Os. Digor etymological comments 100. yellow ziyar = zerh zitb zyer zard (zerta niyen *yellow butter AP367) *zarita-: Av. zairita-, Sgd. zyrfk/zerte/, Khw. zrdfyjk, Kh. ysidai, f. ysica-, ysaru-na- id., red, MP. zltz/zard/, P. zard (R 151; H 656; SK 435) bur bor cf. P. bur red-brown (Bi 132) Wordlist 3: East Iranian II - Pamir Iranian Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments 1. all po(zi), pi. powi pazi cf. 01. upa-citi heap, accumulation (Mo38 243) wugaO cf.wu(g)"\" (Ed7l 303) ksl Ml, kal Av. ast-, Ygh. sitak, MP 'st(k)z /ast(ag)/, ''sthfwj nz /astuxam', P. has-ta & ustuxwan (SK 424) seg set?" *(a)xsaka-; cf. Brt. axsonSm (SK346;Mo74101) 11. breast fi~z,fuzMo fiz, fuzSK p'iz *paza-: Khw./>'z id., Be. icaQ) id., face, Sgd. paz face, Os.faz side, Kh.pay-sa- surface; 01. paja- face (SK 286; B 229) bur bor-m (cf. P. bar) Av. varah- id., MP. wrM, wl1 /war/, P. bar, Bal. gvar (H44) sind sina sinaSm MP. syn(k)z /sen(ag)/, P. szh (Mo38411, 540) 12. burn guv-: guvd gav-: gavd-G' guv-: guvd- ? *ham-kaup- want strongly (Ch. 250; E 4, 367) tax: taxt daw-: dud saw : sbd (^38, 201) daw : Oat *£tam-: Khw. 0 'w-, Kh. />a//z-id. (B 202; SK 374), parallel to *tap- to warm up, heat: Av. tap- be hot, Kh. ttav- id., Sgd. tfjfy/tafJde/ to burn, P. taftan, tabidan be hot, shine 13. claw noxan (Mo38 234) andxno noxun < T. narxuk difar/ digar < *naga-ra-/ *nax-ara- P. noxun, Os. nix, Kh. pi. nahune, Khw. «'x« (SK 146^17) X3k (Mo74 101) *sruua-ka- fingernail + horn > Av. sru-, sruua-, Khw. swk/suwik/, Be. povo fingernail, MP. slwbz/srii/, P. suru(n) 262 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments 14. cloud triiy miyGr triiy *maiga-: Av. maěya-, Sgd. myy/měy/, P. měy; 01. meghd- (H 226) amburdBa abr < T. (murtdf cloudy) abr < T. mur *ham-abra-l (Mo.; SK 236) : Av. afJra-, MP. 'fJrM, 'bp /afir/, P. abr id., Kh. or a sky varm Srk. varm id., ?Av. duuqn-man- or Bur. burunč cloud (SK 236) xdsikBa 15. cold yax. yax0' vox08 yax iš Srk. iš id., Av. aěxa- ice < *aixa-(E 1, 140f> Pyoxice (St 1528) šito Orosh. s/fo, Srk. sf/Jfí/, ?Par. eštáwo id. : Yazg. šay-freeze (Mo7479), Os. sy/y«, Ygh. s7- id. < *sa/#-; 01. šyá- id., šírá- cold (Ch 329) xunuk Sgd. '/"ys- /á/s/, Khw. 's-, Kh. /z/s- < *fra-isa- or *(h)d-isa- (as) : oyay (as-) : ayoy- (is): oyad *gam- > Av. gam-: *a-gata- (Ch 98-101) zay wazay- : wazd- *d-zaia-: Av. za-, pres. za/-/a-, Par. za/z- (SK 402; Ch 461) (zay) : yad yad: yat (yund-: yut- carry) */af-(Ch215): Prt. y'd reach, come to; 01. yat- line up 17. die mír: mír mar-: mur- mar : mag mir : mud mbr: mbl marfajy-: mart- *mar-: YAv, Kh. /?za/"-(Ch 264; SK 239) 18. dog yolv yalv *gadua-: Av. gaduua- id., Sgd. ydfJk/yaově/bitch (E 3, 103) kod kud, f. kid kbd *kuta-/*kufí- (R 4, 413): Sgd. 'kwt- /(a)kut/,kwt / qwt /kut/, Khw. 'to, Be. KočJo sac *šuači: Psh. f. spay < *suaki: m. s/>ay < *šuaka-: Med. ojiáKa, Prt. 'spg /ispag/, MP. sg"-2/sag/, P. sag *šuá(n): Av. spa, Kh. šve 19. drink šom : šěmd šam-: šamd- *čiam- swallow: Av. sa/zz-swallow, Khw. 's'/z/y- drink, P. ašam id. (Ch 39^40) baraz : barext birěz : biroxt *upa-raiz- (SK 272); cf. Ir. *raiz- lick (Ch 310) IV.E.3. East Iranian II - Pamir Iranian 263 Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments pbv : pbvd puv-, pav-: pit- *pi/3a-: *pita- (SK 272; B 211; Ch 289: *paH-) 20. dry wisk ušk waxk, wašk xušk< T. wask xišk < T. Av. huška- & hifšjku-Os. xusk'ce, Sgd. 'škw /(a)šku/, Kh. húska-; Prt. hwšk/hušk/, MP. hwšlč1-7-/ hušk/, P. xušk; 01. šuška- (SK 398) qôq qoq Sgl. käk id. (Px59 229) < T. /ío/í(Mo38 397) 21. ear guy yu yavon yúf yul ÝW *gauša-: Av. gaoša-, OP. gauša-, P. gôš, Sgd. ywš /yôš/, Khw. ywx, Kh. gu, gguvq- 22. earth zäxma zaxmó zamč zime zamin < T zamin < T. *zam-: Av. zam-, Khw. z(y)m, Kh. uysmä, Bc. Qxfiiyo, Qxfiiio; MP. zmij/g-", zmyk1/zamig/ yaray0' earth, clay yurôi (yarúy clay) (firay clay) (Jaliv clay) *grai- clay: Kh. grrai-, Sgd. jv'y, Ygh. y/rzg, Os. ceryce (E 3, 283) wundr *aua-antara-: Par. ya«žr field (SK 393) šat sit Šbt šat < Nur. *ksuttikä-: Kati ši<ŕ, Ashkun&ŕŕid. (T 3709; SK 337); less probably to Kh. ššandä- id. (Ch 370) 23. eat xar : xur xur-: xur- xar : xug xär : xud xar : xúl *huar- eat, consume (Ch 147): Av. xvar-Sgd. ywr-, xwr- /xwar-/ Khw. x(w)r-, Kh. hvar-, Bc. xoaP~ yaw- : (y) it- cf. Ashkun, Waigali>w-Kati >>í/-, >*-, Prasun qyw-id., OI. yuvate (SK 423; E 4, 90) 24. egg aryuy aryuy0' ayuryDe äyúryG' Ayury°edí" okik äkik^ = Sgl. ô/a/í83 (Mo38 380) *äia-gaura-(E 1, 306), cf. Yazg. yar, Shug. 71/^ testicles, P. yur having large testicles; OI. gula glans penis (Mo38 1 89;Mo7436) + *ä(u)ia-(kä > Khw. y'k, Kh. ähä-, Os. a/£, Psh. hä, Wz. yowya, MP. x'j-g", x'df^Ä2 /xä>>ag/, P. xôya; Av. aem taximurv tarmury tixmirg toxm-moryBa < T. tuxm-i mury seed of bird (Px 277) falenzslaw orig. "dove"? (Mo38 522) 25. eye com cam cam cem cam čažm (SK 141-42) *ča(š)š-man- (R 2, 238) Av. čašman, Sgd. cš/w /čašm/, obi. cmy'/cym-, Khw. cm,jm, Orm. c/m/, Kh. fcw, fcfl/ & tcwiman-, P. ČOS7W 264 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments 26. fat n. wozd wiizd wbz reyn Khw. 'zdyx/uzdax/, Psh. wdzda, Par. yazd id., Ku. baz, Av. vazdah- *fatness; 01. vedhds- *force (NEVP 94) carv cabru carvi. carvi *carp(a)- > Sgd. crp/carp/, Kh. tcar(b)a-, P. carb, Os. carv butter (E 2, 2321) ruyan rovn < T. ruyan < T. rufn *rauyna- (R 106): Av. raoy-na- butter, Sgd. rwyn /royn/, Ygh. ruyin, Khw. ryyn, Kh. rruna-, P. rawyan (SK 297-98) 27. feather ping puna pun pun par < T. (Mo74 56) par < T. par7"" parrn < T. *parna-(ka-J: Av. parana-, Sgd. prn, Kh. parra-, Khw. pn (Ch 295-96), MP. prM/ parr/, P. parr (H 293) tap Shug. tep wing (SK 354) 28. fire yur yur yoc *dtar-/*dOr- (E 1, 318): Av. atars, Sgd. "frh, 'tr /atar/,¥Jm. 'd(y)r /adir/, Kh. ataro, aOso, MP. 'dwrz /adur/& ,thsz/ataxs/, P. atas rbstu raxnig Wkh. ruxn light < P. rusnayi light, fire (SK 304) 29. fish kop kap kup EIran. *kap(h)a-: Blranl kyb, Khw. kb, Sgd. kp-/kap/, Kh. £ava, Os. £fl£ Psh. kab (SK 458; B 56) moi movi movi *matsja- (R 87): Av. mas/-/fl-, Prt. m'sy'g/masyag/, MP. m'hygM, m'hyk1 /mahig/, P. mfl/z/, T. mohi 30. fly v. wurafs : wurafsoy vrof: vroft cf. Ishk. u(a)rofs-/'vd- stand < mrab/f- go (Ch 184) xawez: xawiixt rawaz : rawuxt araz : arat raw(a)z-riwfijz- : rawazd- *fra-uaz-: Av.fra-waz-, Sgd. firwz-, frwz- /frawaz-/, Prt. _/rwz- /frawaz-/, MP. _?ncz-M/_?arnflo'c> //?a<5/,Khw./?'<5, b'd, Kh. /?a/,pl./?a(R 113-14) 32. full progcf" pir < T. pur0' < T. pir, par < T. par purra p^Y^Tomasctifik *prna-: Av. parana-, Sgd. _7W« /pun/, pwrn /purn/, Be. porri, Prt. /w r /purr/, MP. _7WfM, /»f/z /purr/, P. (Ch 295-96) yam Av. rffl-*da0a-/*data- > Be. Aafoj-/ Aa^o, Prt. dh-/dah-/, d'd, MP. rfy(>;-M/da>>-/, dh-z /dan-/, dtnz/dadan/{Ch 43f) IV.E.3. East Iranian II - Pamir Iranian 265 Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments rand- : Os. raddyn, 01. rati rat-, rat- (SK293) 34. good yasiy ydse xasa cf. P. gac nice or P. gas delicate? (SK 91; Mo,8213) basand < P. pasand acceptable, suitable (SK 91) fr> cf. Av. friia- kind, dear (SK91) (Mo,e392) baf cf. P. bill id. < *uahia-orP. bdb suitable, good, Baht. bav good (SK 91) 35. S3VZ savz savz savz savz savzrx MP. spz, sbzz/sabz/, P. sabz green < P. sabz < P. sabz < P. sabz < P. sabz < P. sabz < P. sabz id. (DK 355);cf. Kh.ysba cane, reed, Psh. sabuh grass 36. hair yuniy yiinia yunf yenuk yani *gauna-(ka-J (E 3, 240): Av. gaona-, Sgd. ywn'k', ywn'y /yone/, Khw. ywnyk, Kh. gguna- id. CU, CU ciw *drau-: Sgd. zw- /zo/, Ygh. darau, Kh. dro, Os. cerdo id. (E 2, 462; SK 296) M < Dard.: Shinafat sbyund < *sor-yun-l (Mo,8411) safs *safsa-: P. sifsa ringlet (B 417-18 adds Kh. saksa-+"hair", but it really meant "appearance" - SVK 119-20); cf. 01. sepflija- tail? xad7"" cf. Srk. xad < *fsata-(SK 340) or *xsada- (Px15 295) {ramag (rumf rumj *raumaci-; cf. X, P. ruma pubic hair) pubic hair) pubic hair < *romag (H 633; SK 298) 37. hand lost last dust dust dust dast, Sast *dasta-: OP. dasta-, MP. dstM-z/dast/, P. dast, Sgd. dst/dast-/, Khw. Sst, Kh. dasta-, vs. Av. zasta- < *zasta- (E2, 371; SK 144) 38. head pus'ir < pusur < cf. Sgd. pts'r'k/patsare/id., *pati-sa- *pati-sa- sar < T. sar < T. Par. pisar forehead (Mo3g rah- rah- 240) : s'r/sar/, Av. sarah-& sara-, MP. srM, slz /sar/, P. sar head kal Ml kal. Ml X, P. kalla id. (E 4, 189) 39. hear niyuy: myuy-: nayuy: myuy: *ni-gaus- > Sgd. n(y)fws- niyisk myiisc- nayoxt niyuxt /niyos/, Khw. {,)nyws- < *ni-gaus-, Be. viyav-/ vayav-, MP. ny(y)ws-M, n(y)dwhs-z, /niyofxjs-/, P. niyosidan : gosidan, Av. gus- hear < *gaus- (Ch 115-16) apbxs: cf. MP., Prt. 'xsy- be heard, apbxt Av. aifSiiaxs- guard, Ygh. yaxs- be seen < *Haxs- (Ch. 171) 266 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments (kds-: ksiy- : *kus-; cf. Kh. kus- look at, kist- ksan- Sgd. tkws- observe (B 63; search for) SK212;E4, 381; Ch. 252) 40. zil zil zawS zord *zdrdja-, cf. Sgl. ovzui heart zuPGt avziik < *apa-zdrdia-ka- paziv/w < *apa-zardia-(cf. SK 282) *zrd- (R 110): Av. zaradai-ia-, Khw. zrz, Kh. ysdra-, Sgd. Srjyfy), Srzy /Sarze/ < *Sryaza- < *zrdaya- MP. a>/M°z /dil/,Y.dil; 01. hfdaya- 41. horn saw su xow siw saw *sru-: Av. sru-, sruud-Khw. sw, Kh. su, MP. srwy^/sruy/, slwbz/sru/ V.suru(n) (SK 350) xox sox sox P. sax horn, branch (SK 348, 350) 42.1 Z3 zo az wuz az(i) (w)uz, waz *azam: Av. azam, Sgd. 'zvc /azu/, Khw. "z, (nj'z, Kh. aysu, aysd, Be. aQo, Prt. 'z /az/ 43. kill maz : mosk moz *maz- break (SK 329; Ch. 272) zan : zud zin-: zid (but cf. Sgd. zyt-~ zyt- to hit, strike) zan : zad *jan- id., slay, strike > Av. gan-/j an-, Kh.jsan-*aua-jan- > Khw. wzn (Ch 224-25) say-: sit- *xsaia- : *xsita-, cf. OI. ksay- destroy (SK 329) or *xsan- > OP. axsata- unhurt; 01. ksan- hurt (Ch 453) kaf: kuxt cax- : *kaus-: Pisr.fra-kaos- id. : kill, caxt- kus- fight, MP. kws- strug- slaughter kill, gle, kill (SK 138; Ch. 251) (Mo74 40) slaughter 44. knee zing Upper zug zik zan zun zbng *zanu-(ka-) (R 93): Av. znu-/zanu-/, Sgd. z'n'wk /zanuk/, jnwwq /znuk/, Khw. z'nwk /zanuk/, Kh. ysanu, Psh. zangun MP. 'snwgM /isnug/, z'nwk1fzdnug/, P. zanu, Wrin *dua-runa-, cf. Psh. (w)run loin (SK 102) 45. vzon : vazdn- : vazan : wizun : *aua- + *zanH- id.: Av. know vzent vazdd- vazant wizent pbzin : pbzind < *pa-ti-zanH- zan-, Sgd. {r)'fn, z'n /(a)zan/, Be. C,av-, Prt. z'n-/zdn-/MP. cTn-M-z/ddn-/, P. ddnistan (Ch 466-68) dis-: dist- *dais-: Av. ham- + daes-learn, Yidgha dis- think (SK 147; Ch 51-52) IV.E.3. East Iranian II - Pamir Iranian 267 Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments 46. leaf pane]?" 0 park (Mo74 58) perakB!1 palcm pale leaf, forest < *parnacl (Mo38 533; SK 256) *parna-(ka-J: Khw. pne pi. to *pnk, Kh. parr a- id., feather, Psh. pana, pi. pani leaf, Prt. png /pannag/ bars < P. bars < P. barg *uarka-: Av. varaka-, Sgd. wrkr /warkar/, Kh. baggara-, Prt. wrgr /wargar/, MP. wig2 /warg/, P. barg (H 47; R 107) 47. lie xubAm-De 0 xofs : x£vd 0 *huap- sleep (Ch. 145-46) nayon-/ layn- : cf. sleep loyod-: l*yEnd-Mo loyod-Mo loyo-De (Mo38 222: *ni-gan- ?) nasi- : *ni-sajH- : *ni-sita-; cf. Av. nast- saii- "lie (down)", Prt. s''}y- (cf. sleep) /say-/id., sleep; 01. nisTtha-night(Mo38 532; Ch. 328) 48. liver figar yeyan < nsar figar *jakr(t): Av. yakara, Kh. < V. figar *iaxnia-(Mo38~272) Sgd. /3rz /iSarz/, /Srz'k, Khw. /3zk, Kh. &w/j«a-(SK 385;B272, 299) ddrozSm m,s, Khw. sb'h, sp'h/spah/, Psh. spaza, Os. mfe, MP. 'spy^/ispis/, spy?/ spis/, P. s/p/s (SK 330 51. man mar mer muluk *martia-: Av. masiia-, Sgd. merG' mAlADe mardina (Mo38529) mardina (Mo38 529) mrfy/marti/, Khw. rare, fluy", Be. fiapdo, OP. marti-ya, MP. myrd^/merd/, mlfi /mard/, Prt. mra? /mard/ wexug & *ueik-: Lith. vaikas boy, wexen, cf. child, vazfc/s young man wex (Pok. 1128-29) husband cor(ik) *kara- people (E 4, 389), cf. Psh. £or house (Mo74 27) Say *daha-: Sgd. ^x/Sax/, Kh. daha- id. 52. Ta(h)on zahand < F.jahan world (Mo38278) many manor lap lap cf. Ishk. //> full, Wkh. lup big (Mo74 42) fay Sgl./fl/(Px59198);cf. Sgd. Jy'tr < *fr-ala-7 (Mo38 3 92) yaffc) Shug.-Rsh. yafc thick Mun. yafs fat (SK 181) 268 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments Ambox1"1 < P. amboh multitude, much, many (Mo38 190) 53. meat JUS JUS gait gust gust, gust güsf* *gau-šti/a- produced from bovine; cf. Kh. ggüsta, Psh. jwaša; MP. gwštz/gošt/, P. gošt, Av. gauu- meat; cow (E 3, 212) pbtf Ay. pitu-, Sgd. 'pt-/(a)pat/ id., Kh. pq flesh, Os. fid flesh food, Prt. pyd /pid/, MP. pytM, p(y)f/pit/: 01. pitu- juice < *paH- to drink (Ch 289) 54. yümajika imoyó mak *haumaka-; Khw. v>xmyk; moon ža-mák my moon 01. soma- soma; moon (SK 230; Mo38 190 added Sgd. wxsym'x < *uaxsia-mäh-) mäst měst matob < P. mäh-täb moonlight Av, OP. mäh-, Prt. m'h/ mäh/, MP. m'hM-z/mäh/, P. mäh, Khw. m'h, Be. ma(u)o *mäs-ti-: Kh. mästä, Psh. miyäst, Srk. mäst wolik?' cf. Sgl. wořmim = wulměkMo 55. sastcfi' Mo38248: *sastä- ascensus moun- : Sgd. sn- rise, assend, Ygh. tain san, Prt. sn (Gh 8840) jär jar yarčug *gari- mountain > Av. (Mo38 212: also (Mo38212) gairi-, Sgd. yr- /jar/, Yagh. jar, Khw. jrycyk, Kh. ga, "pass") garä-, ggari-, Be. japo, Prt. )>r /jar/, MP. g/z /gö/-/ (E 3, 191-93) M Psh. jas, Khw. jš tooth < *gaštrja-(E 3, 103-04; SK 187) JĚV *gäbia- (E 3, 92) fbC cf. Sgl. föc mouth, maybe Mnj. fiska nose etc. (Mo38 3 92) IV.E.3. East Iranian II - Pamir Iranian 269 Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments 57. name nom nam mm num nim nung (SK 246) *nama(n)-(ka-): Av. naman-, Sgd. n'm /nam/, Khw. n'mfyjk, Kh. nama, Be. vafio, MP.MZ, Prt. n'm / nam/ 58. neck skiy skyui™03* sile, sille cf. Sgd. sSy, sd'kw /saSe, saSaku/, Av. usaSa- part of the neck(Mo38251) mak mak mak mak Ygh. mak top of the head (SK 230-31) sardan (cf. P. gar-dan) sardan Sgd. yrd'k(h) /yardak/, Khw. yrSk, Kh. gadaa- < *gar-taka, Psh. yara, MP. grdnM, gltnz/gardan/, P. gardan neck (H 201) - from *gart-turn(Ch 110-11) yuk 59. new nuwTy nuwiy0' nowoyd nug now nawuk *naua-ka-: Khw. (,)nwk, nwyk, Sgd. nw'kfw) / nawakfu)/, nwyy /nawe/, Be. vcoyo; Prt. nw'g/nawag/, MP. nwgM,nwkz/nog/ S3fd Rsh. suvde younger, cf. Tib. sSS young (SK 349) 60. night xsdva xfsdvo sab (cf. P.) xab. -xib sab (cf. P.) (supr overnight; see SK 335) *xsapa- : Av. xsap(an)-Kh. ssava-, Sgd. 'ysp-, 'xsp-/(sjxsapd/, Khw. 'x(y)b, xb, Be. x°-P~, Prt. sb /sab/, MP. sb^Jpt/sab/ turikom tirom (terej blackness) (tiric dark) *tanGriia- (SK 459): Av. tqOriia- dark nafd Zb. nayd < Wkh. (Mo„ 404); cf. Av. naxtar- in upo.naxtar- an die Nacht angrenzend, OI. nakt- (SK 242) 61. nose flska fiskaG' fsko cf. Sgl.fusekid., Ishk./&c mouth; Os.fynj nose, Khw. pnewk snout (E 3, 49-51: *fuz-) nef nej nic *nahika- or *nahia-ci-: Sgd. nyc /nec/, Ygh. nays, Khw. n'c, nj< *naca, Prt. n'wc /nawiz/(B 190); cf. Av. nah- mis also Zb. mis id. (Mo38 403); cf. Bur. mus nose 62. not ci = ci-G' ci/ce/ca/c- (E 2, 256) nd na na ns (SK 247, 251) Av. noit & na, Sgd. «' /ha/ n'y\ ny /he/, Khw. Kh. «a, ra, «e, Be. va(vo), Prt. ny/ne/, MP. ny^/ne/, P. na 63. one yu yu wug yTw uk yiw, yi, i *aiua-(ka-J > Av. aeuua-, Sgd. 'j-w, /eve/,Khw. 'j-w, Be. zoyo, Prt. yw /eve/, MP. 'yvc M /eve/, j*M />aA/ 'j-w^2 /efc7, P. -e vs. >>a£ 270 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments wir *uira- man: Av. vira-, MP. (SK 389) wyrM, wylz/wir/ 64. odam 0 odam odam odam < P., Trk. ddam < Ar. person odamSm Padam (SK 405) xalg < X, P. xalq < Ar. halq 65. boron baranDe borun boron < X, P. bdrdn rain n. wariyo wurMo *uaHr-: Av. var-, Sgd. w'r wdriyo wir /war/, Khw. w'r, Kh. bora, (Mo38262) (SK 402) Psh. wor, Prt. w'r'n /wdrdn/, MP. w>'«M, w7'nz /waran/, P. 6ara« (Ch 406f) niv, novo Sgl. nav- to rain, novok rain (nav-: (nov- : Av. na6- moisten (Mo3g 233, nivd- vb.) nivd- vb.) 405) diydn Rsh. diyan; cf. Yazg. day-: (Ed7178, <5erf- fall, hit < *daH- hit, 80) beat (Ch. 48; E 2, 443) 66. red sirx surx sbrx sakr (SK321) Av. suxra-, MP. svc«fM swhP/suhr/, P., Os. .swx Psh. sur id., Kh. suraa-clean, OI. sukr/ld- white rust rust cf. Kh. rrusta- red, Av. raodita- id.; OI. rohita-orP. raS light (B 367-368) or Khw. rxf(>>fc, OI. rakta- red : ray- be red (Ch. 313-14; SK321) gulgun /ball (B 415; SK 271) 70. sand saga seyiS 0 *sikatd< OP. 9ikd, Sgd. sykth /sikt/ gravel, Khw. cy,fy sand, Kh. siyata-, Prt. sygd/sigd/, MP. syga™/ sigd/vs. 01. sikata- (AV) with s- SOS *xa(ha)xa- (Mo7479) res P. reg (H 142) Iworc la/iworcf" (cf. liwa / lewa river sediment Px218) *fra-udraci- : 01. valuka-id. (SK 228) 71. say zoy: st z- : 'st- (fay- '■ fayd call) *ga(i)- sing (Ch. 94; E 3, 271) laf: laft luv : luvd T. luw kardan speak (Mo74 42) yaz : yazd cf. Sgl. yez-: yezS- (xwan-: x"ant- read) xan- : xat- *huan-: Av. xyan- to sound; Kh. hvan- say, MP. hw'nz/ xwan/ call; 01. svan- id. (Ch 144-45) 72. see win : (lisk) wtn-: (Use-) wen : wend win : wint win : wint win-: wind- *uai(H)n-: Av. vaen-, Sgd. wyn- /wen/, Khw. wyn-, dvida- he sees < *a-vinda, Be. o(i)nv-, oiv-, Prt. "wj^ft- /wen/, MP. wy(»-M-zAfe«/, P. &/«-; 01. ven- look for (Ch 412-13) pret. lisk pret. lisc- *dars-: Av. daras-; 01. oara- (Ch 62) 73. seed tuym tuy"m toxm - sit (down), Sgd. n(y)st- /nist/, nyS- /ni-hida/, Ygh. «/>rf-/n/sTrf-/, P. nisastan/nisin- (Ch 126) 75. skin karost kardst kux, kax < *karsta- karost (k(a)rast bark) *karasta- or *krsta-: Kh. karasta- (B 52; E 4, 289) 272 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments pustá pisto past pust pist (SK 262) *pauasta (R 104) - also "bark": Sgd. pwst(h) /post/, MP. pw stM-z /post/, P. post id. (H 75); cf. *paus- dress, cover (Ch 303) 76. sleep nilv : niwost (nuwůstiy lying down) Ygh. mpid-Znipista- lie down to sleep < *ni-pad-(Ch. 287) ure-De pxos : px-ovd < *pati-huap-s° xofs : x£vd mis : mind < *ham-huf-sa-(E466) rexup-: roxopt- < *fra-huap-(Mo38 538) *(aua-)hufsa- : *huap/f; cf. Av. hufsa-, Sgd. 'w/is-, w'fSs-/ufs, ofs/, Ygh. fs, Kh. Ms, Prt. xwsp- /xusp-/, MP. hwptnz /xuft/, hwps-z /xuft/ (Ch. 145-47) ms(3)y-: mst-(SK 250) *ni-sajH- : *ni-sita-; cf. Av. sail- "lie (down)", Prt. sl'y-/say-/id., sleep (Ch. 328) loyode-De cf. Yid. loyo-De lie down 77. small rizei < P. rlza rizaDe < P. rlza *ranf-: Av. ranjiiah- comp. light, Sgd. rynczk /rincih', Khw. rnc light, Kh. raysga-light, swift, Psh. rangai, Prt. rngs /rangas/ dikderď" csgag < *cdl-gag jul, dim. julikik J3lqdy jaqlay, c° cf. Yazg. caldur younger (SK 444) Cbt Sgl. cat, cut, Zb. cut (Px5, 193;Mo38388:Bur. jut) 78. smoke n. liy lui Sod dud did Sit *duta-: Khw. dwd, Prt. dwd /dud/, MP., P. dud (R94;Ch 68; SK 164) 79. stand vram : vrlmd pay-: fsěiy-(Mo38 209) warafs : waruvd wirafs : wiruvd urofs: urovd W3ra(j)s-: W3ra(j)st- *aua-ra(m)b-s-; cf. Os. Icewwyn id. (SK 398; Ch. 184) (al-) : ast-(Px5, 179) cf. Sgl. al-: ast- (SK 79) *staH-: Av. sta- id., set, Kh. sta-, Prt. ' (y)st- Ast-/, MP. 'yst-dnM'sftnz /estadan/, cf. Be. stado entstand (Ch 358) al-: (ast-) (Pxw 179) al- Sgl. al-, Srk. Ml- (Mo38 380: Av. srsdjSa-) 80. star stony stárě xaturag xiterj struk s(d)tdr (Mo38 541; SK 324) *staraka-: Sgd. 'st'r'k, 'stry /(d)stare/, Khw. 'sf rk, Kh. staraa-, Psh. storai, Orm. starrak, Prt. 's/Vg /astarag/, MP. 'sf rgM, rf'/fc2 /(i)starag/, 'strM/astar/, stl /star/, P. sitara vs. Av. sfar- 81. stone kuyk kuikim cf. Wanji &h/7 id. (Mo38 216) IV.E.3. East Iranian II - Pamir Iranian 273 Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments (ydr pass, mountain -Mo38 2 1 2) jar stone, mountain jar žír far *gari- mountain > Av. gai-ri-, Sgd. jr- /jar/, Ygh. jar, Khw. jrycyk, Kh. ga, gard-, ggari-, Be. japo, geiro, Prt. jr /jar/, MP. glz /gar/ (E 3, 191-93; SK 187) suns *asanga-: Av. asanga-, Sgd. sng, snk, snq /sang/Kim. snk, Kh. samgga-, Be. asag-ge, Prt. ''sn(n)g/asang/, MP. sngz(R 47; El, 238) 82. sun míro míra (cf. SK 426) *mi9ra-: YAv. mi9ra- god of contract; Sgd. myr/me/lr/ sun, Be. miiro, miri, miuro, meiro, Psh. myer, Prt. myhr /mihr/, MP. myhrM,mtrz /mihr/ xavur xír (y)'r < *hur-, cf. Av. gen. huro *h(u)uar-/*h(u)uan-: Av. huuara /xyan-, Sgd. jwr, xwr /xwar/xur/, jwyr, xwyr /xuwar/xoyr/Kim. 'x(y)r, xyr, MP. xwrM, hwP/xwar/, P.xor(E 3,438f;SK 426) rémúzd cf. Sgl. ormdzd, Kh. ur-maysda < *ahura-mazdah (B 40; SK 426) 83. swim zanai- zanay-(Mo38276) šinowari k< P. šinávarí k. *snaH-: Sgd. sn'y- wash, bathe Isndyl, Ygh. sinoy, Os. najun swim, Prt. sn'c /sndz-/, MP. 'ot'z-m, sn'c-yt-nz/isnaz-/, P. sina(w); *fra-snaia-: Sgd. /f(a)sndy/, Kh. haysnata-washed (Ch 348) waz : wext wáz : wěxt 0 cf. Khw. wz- id. < *wfli-carry(Ch. 431) 84. tail lím lumG' lim Som dum dbmb *dumba-(ka-) (E 2, 479f): Av. duma-, Sgd. dwm(ph) /dum(b)/, Khw. <5>t™, Kh. dumaa-, Os. dumdg, Prt. t™/3 /dumb/, Bal. dumb(ak), MP. dwmbgM, dwm(b)z/dumb(ag)/, P. <3?m/« bičkám cf. Kh. baicakama id. or from Tk. bdekdm silk or antilope tail banner (B 302; SK 96) 85. that. W3 waG' wo (way him) yu aw yaw *aua-: OP. ova-, Av. auua-; acc. OP. avam, Av. aom, Sgd. w- /o, J?/ ww /fajwM/, Be. oo (E 1, 274-75; SK 422) ya ydn du yid ad(i) *aita-: Av. aefa-, OP. a/to-, Sgd. <><5/e<5/that, Be. ezoo, MP. >dM/ed/(E 1, 130-31) 274 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments 86. this ma mo yu(k) yam am (y)3m *a/iiam: OP. iyam,Av. aiiSm, Sgd. '/«' /ama/,yw /yu/, Kh. ma-, mai, mu, Be. sifio, amo, (i)sio, Prt. 'ym Am/, MP. ymM, ,mz/im/; 01. aydm; acc. *imam: Av. imam, OP. imam, Sgd. mw /mu/; 01. imam (SK433;E 1, 103-05) 87. thou fi tu, t3G' tu tow tu tb tu *tu / *tuuam: Av. tu 1 tuuSm, OP. tuvam, Sgd. tyw A(a)xu/, tw /to/, Khw. Cw)tk, Kh. thu, Be. to(o)i, toovo, Prt., MPM tw /tu, to/, P. tu 88. zviy z"vtk zdveg ziv ZbVllk zik *hizua-(ka-): Av. hizuua-, tongue z3viyG' Sgd~'zb'>'>k zb'k/(a)zfJak/ Khw. zfi'k, zfk, Kh. bisa, Os. cevzag, Prt. 'zb'n Azfldn/, MP. czw'nM/izwdn/ 'wzw'n1' /uzwdn/, P. zaban(E 3, 403f) 89. lond lad San dindun dond dandak *danta-(ka-): Av. data- & tooth dantan-, Sgd. dnf (k) /Sanda(k)/, Ygh. dindak, Kh. dandaa-, Os. dcendag, Prt., MPMZdftd'ft /danddn/ (E2, 329-331; SK 154-55) 90. tree sktit skut *skunta- (Mo38246; SK 348); cf. Sgd. skwy firewood, fuel diirk dork dbrk *daru-ka-: Av. dduru- stem of tree, wood, Prt. d'lwg/ ddlug/, MP. d'rwM /ddru/, d'lz/ddr/ P. dor id., tree (E 2, 358; H 116) d(a)raxt draxt daruxt deraxf* P. d/rax/id. (H 121), MP. drxtM, dl'hf /draxt/, Prt. drxt/draxt/(E2, 456) 91. two lit loh Sow Su db(w) bu(y) (SK 105) *duua- > Av. duua-, Sgd. '<5w /fajowa/, <5w' /<5wa/, Khw. (,)<5w, 'oyw, Kh. dwva, dva, Be. Xoo(i),Xoi, dbo, Prt., MPM flV /do/ (E 2, 482) 92. walk cy: sty (ay-, oy-) : say-G< (oy-) : sui (bad) : sod saw : sut sb(w) : sbd caw- : (tafd-) leavePxSK walkstow *cjau-: Av. siiauu- go, OP. ■sf/Jjwa-, Sgd. sw-/savt Av. garama-, OP. garma-, Sgd. yrm /yarm/, Ygh. yarm, Khw. yrmnd, Kh. garma-, grama, Sgl. yorm, Srk. ziirm, Prt. grm /garm/, MP. grmM, glmz /garm/, PT. garm (Ch 105; E 3, 162) dwancP" d'iwirP" *dau- burn (E 2, 3871) suzon Av. ahmaksm, OP. amaxam, Sgd. m'yfw/ m'x/max(u)/, Kh. ftw/zw, muhu, maha, Be. afia/o, Prt. 'm'(h) /amah/, MP. 'm'(h)M/amah/, P. ma dat. *ahmabja > Av. ahmaifiiia, Khw. sak cf. Dard. obi. *amsak > Shina aso; Nur: Prasun ase (SK 306) 96. what sti < *cisci(t) (E2, 203) C3, ce Ci(g), C3 ca, ca ciz < P. ciz what, who, which; thing < OP. cis-ciy (E 2, 203) cim ce ciz / ciz < P. ciz who, what, which; thing < OP. cis-ciy (E 2, 203) acc. *c//n > Av. c™ gen. *cahia > cahiia nom.-acc. ntr. *cit > cit Sgd. 'cw /(3)cu/, cw /cu/ Khw. 'c(y), c, Kh. ci, ca, cu, Prt. cy tsy /ce, ce/, MP. cyM /ce, ce/ star < T. (SK317) ci-tavr how 276 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Munji Yidgha Yazghul. Shughni Ishkashim Wakhi etymological comments 97. white spi safľd spiDe sapid safed siped safed *suaita- (R 95, 129) Av. spaeta-, Sgd. 'sp'yt /aspet/, sp(y)ty/sp»te/, Khw. sbydyk spydyk, Kh. ssita-, Prt. 'spyd/isped/, MP. 'sp-ydM, spyfi /(i)sped/, P. safed roxn ruxn < MP. rwsnM Irosnl < *rauksna- light: Av. raox-sna- (SK 299) yirx, yarx *arusa-: Av. aurusa-, Os. urs/ors id.; 01. arusa-fire-colored (E 1, 228-29; SK 426) 98. who (kdiGt) obi. kayG' (kadr3') obi. koi küy cay kúy ku(y) gen. *kahia > Av. kahiia, Sgd. 'ky/(a)ke/,ky/ke/, ky(y)' /kyo/, Khw. <%, Kh. ce, kye, Be. ka, Prt., MP.M ky qyAe/,P.kT(R94) kdiGt lodim kadí01 kedim (kadém which) (cidum which) (kbdbm which) Av. katama- who (of many), Sgd. kfm /katam/, kd'm /kadam/, Khw. kd"m which, Prt. kd'm /kadam/, MP. kfmz /katam/, k>«j bride; besides Av. torn/- maiden, Talysh kina id., daughter (SK217) 100. yellow zit ziŕ' zit zord zard"" zird (M74 108) zard zor *harua-: OP. haruva-, Av. hauruua- (C 1, 422-23) pero tede 2. ashes xdkistar xokistar kalim pur(r) (K310) cf. Pamir *paraka-: Sgl. park hiskarc° xweli wel cf. MP. xwarg glowing ashes (C 2, 491-92) kozf < Tu. kuz glowing ashes (C 1, 574) argurf cf. arxun hearth (C 1, 85) 3. bark pust pust puost-e 0 cf. "skin" & MP. pwsf*2 /post/"bark" (M74 62; SK 262) gawdzG' qasik qalckv 4. belly sikam sikam (b a) 0 uskumae (K 170) Prt. 'sk/qmb /iskamb/, MP. 'sk/qmbM/iskamb/; cf. Av. skamb- fasten, 01. skambh-id., make firm (K 349) kum lap cf. Gur. lam id., P. lambar bottom, ?Ku. lam cheek (K 295) pldidl < Brahui (K 295, 359) zik < Ar. ziqq bellows (C 2, 522) plze 5. big kaldn kalon cf. Prt. kl'n (& Khw. kl'(n)) < *kalana- < EIr. *kat(t) ana- (E 3, 348-49) buzurg buzurg OP. vazrka, MP. wcfwjlg1, wzrgM/wazurg/, Prt. wzrg /wuzurg/, Sgd. wz'rk /wazark/id., Be. oazorko, Kh. biysirka- great, huge (Ny 207) yawl-e bdmm-i taxoy 278 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Persian Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki etymological comments nage nage gov-naw balái < MP. b'l'y/balai/, P. bald height: buland tagh (Ny 43) mazan mezin Av. maz-, 01. mahdnt-(K405; C 1, 632) gir(ing) gird, girs cf. Keshei gurd, Zefre bur id., MP. gurt, P. gurd hero, Av. hqmuuarati- virility (C 1, 384) pil xišn 6. bird paranda parranda 0 cf. P. paridan fly (H 65) mury (marjá sparrow) murg (Sor. mal C 1,606) miričik Av. maraya-, Prt. mury, MP. murw (K 180,404) civtk (orig. sparrow) cf. cuk sparrow; small, young (C 1, 256: onomato-petic) tavr tevr rbird(C2, 343) 7. bite gazidan gazidan gáz-gir gas- geztin 0 *gaz-: MP. gc- /gaz-/ sting, Prt. gst bite (Ch 117-18; K 80, 397; C 1, 372) käd, k'aS P. xayTdan; OI. khad-(K 389; Ch 445) dalag gatjanag janayGi 8. black siyäh siyoh so sán siáh (K 129) siváfh) (C 2, 269; H 168) sivá Av. siiauua-, Sgd. s'w, sw /saw, sow/, Yagh sow, Khw. s'w, Os. sdu, Prt. sy'w /sydw/, MP. sywM/sydw/, syd,z/syd/ res *raxsa-, cf. P. raxs color inter nigrum et fuscum (C 2, 194) 9. blood xün xun xun hon, hün (K215) xwín, xun (C 2, 488) gürii *uahuna/i-: Av. vohuna-Ygh. waxin 10. bone hasta & ustuxwän ustuxon aske hesti hestď este *asta-(ka-J > Av. ast-, MP 'st(k)z/ast(ag)/, 'sthfwj'n2/ astuxan/(E 1, 232; SK 424) had < Sindhi hadu (Gi 78) 11. breast srna sina sinE sěnag sina(g) (K 259) sing*1 sěne MP. syn(k)z/sen(ag)/', cf. Av. saeni- top, peak (K 384) pistän fem. bistaď pistán cf. Av.fstana-, Sgd. 'stn id., Os.fcezdon udder; 01. stdna- female breast (C 1, 192) gwar (bar face, side, shore -ci, 117) Av. varah-, MP. wrM, wP /war/, P. bar (H 44; K 99, 294, 399) godán gwadán cf. Wanetsi ywalun id., Av. gaodana- milk container (K 294, 399) IV.E.4. West Iranian 279 Persian Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki etymological comments pěsír virdr 12. burn súxtan suxtan suoz vawsuoz suč-/sutk (K 382) sotin : sož- Av. sue-, 01. suc-(C 2, 277; Ch 339) vorš i suxuliď < Ar. šuíla flame (C 2, 322) sixulin sew i tin < Ar. šata jš-w-t (C 2, 300) vešáyiš 13. ndxun noxun náxuon ndhun nenuk nengú MP. noxun, Prt. nl''wn, Os. claw ndxun ndkun netnikv nix, Kh. pi. ndhune, Khw. n'xn (K 82, 294, 408) čaneul < Urdu (K 244, 293) 14. abr abr abr ewr 0 Av. afira-, MP. 'frM, 'bp cloud ewirY /afSr/iá., Kh. or a sky nod Av. snaoSa-, MP. snoy (K 128, 409) 15. cold sardi sard sdrt sar serd Av. sarata-, Sgd. srt/sart/, Ygh. sort, Khw. srd, Kh. sada-, Prt. srd /sard/, MP. srd'gM/sarddg/, sit7- /sard/ (K 189, 381) xunuk ce vax(x) Srk. iš id., Av. aěxa- ice < (K 416) *aixa-(E 1, 1401) P.yax ice (St 1528) 16. ámadan omadan Am ay-, ah- / dm iy áy iš *Hai- (K 108-09, 142, 347) come (pret. dtk-) pret. dtk- hdtin cf. Av. d-gata-, Prt. dyad-(K 344; C 1, 432) 17. die murdan murdan mar mir-/murt- mirin merdiš *mar-: YAv, Kh. mar-, Prt. mir-Zmurd- (Ch 264; K 404) 18. dog sag sag espe sag (K 90) saig). seg sipa (C 2, 262 224) *šuaka-: Med. ojiáKa, Prt. 'spg /ispag/, MP. sg™7 /sag/ *sud(n): Av. spa, Kh. šve kučikfk) E kšik kůak kutik cf. Tkm. gw/M dog, puppy (D 3, 630), but Zazaki kutik leads to EIr. *kuta-/*kutT-(R4, 413): Sgd. 'kwt-/(a)kut/, kwt/ qwt/kut/, Khw. 'kt, Be. koSo (K 188, 391) 19. ášámidan ošomidan šimitiš *čiam- swallow: Av. šam- drink swallow, Khw. 's'my- drink (Ch 39-40) núšldan núšidan xurdan xurdan vdxuor war-/wdrt- vexwarin (K 97, 411) = eat 20. dry xušk xušk xošk-qu hušk hisk wišk Av. huška- & hifšjku-, Sgd. 'škw /(a)šku/, Kh. huška-; Prt. hwšk/hušk/, MP. /zwíA"2 //zttšfc7; Ol. šuska- (K 78, 414) 280 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Persian Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki etymological comments kok cf. Sgl. Mfcid. (Px59 229) < Uzb. quruq id.? cak-ere qawr ziha, zuha, cf. Prt. wi-zaw- to fade, ziwa wither, droop 21. ear gas gus guoš gôš (K 399) guh goš *gausa-: Av. gaosa-, OP. gausa-, Sgd. yws/yos/, Khw. ywx, Kh. gu, gguvq- 22. zamin zamin *zam-: Av. zam-, Khw. earth z(y)m, Kh. uysma, Be. Qzfiiyo, Qxfino; MP. zmygM, zmykz/zamig/ xäk xäk. (h)äk (K 372) ax xak *ahaka-, cf. 01. asa- ashes or *aika-, cf. Av. ai (K 156; C 1,99; 2, 462) xuonde g'lGi *grai- clay: Kh. grrai-, Sgd. id., clay yr'y, Ygh. yirtg, Os. ceryce (E 3, 283) her cf. P. xarra, Ku. /zan clay (C 1, 453) 23. eat xurdan xurdan xuor war-/wärt (K 411) xwarin werdiš *huar- eat, consume (Ch 147): Av. xvar-Sgd. ywr-, xwr- /xwar-/ Khw. x(w)r-, Kh. hvar-, Be. XoaP-> Prt. wxar- 24. egg tuxm-i mury tuxm = seed of bird morq-ene ä-murg (K 109, 346) ävas. äis. häik (K 347, 415) hek helka (cf. Gurani hila, Orm. hanwalk) häk *a/fl > Khw. Kh. aha-, Os. a/'£, Psh. ha, Wz. yowya, MP. x'ygfx'dfyjk2 /xayag/, vs. Av. aem (C 1, 434-35) 25. eye čašm casm čaš čam(m) (K 370) cav čim *ca(s)s-man- (R 2, 238) Av. casman, P. casm Orm. am/, Sgd. cs/« /casm/, obi. cmy'leym-, Khw. cm, Kh. fcg, fca/ & tceiman- 26. fat pih ipiom Pi Pig (Sor. piw) Av. piuuah-, Kh. /"ayd-; 01. n. /mm-(K 103, 363; C2, 121) Khw. 'zrfyx /uzdax/, Psh. wflzda, Par. yazii id., Ku. baz, Av. vazdah- *fatness; OI. vedhds- *force (NEVP 94) carbi (carb adj. carbu internal lard) carp *carp(a)- > Sgd. crp/carp/, Kh. tcar(b)a-, Os. carv butter (E 2, 23 2f) ravyan run ruwen *rauyna- (R 106): Av. raoy-fta- butter, Sgd. rwyn /royn/, Yagh. ruyin, Khw. ?7>ot, Kh. rra«a- (SK 297-98; C 2, 222) IV.E.4. West Iranian 281 Persian Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki etymological comments baz cf. Av. vazdah- *fatness, Khw. 'zdyx /uzdax/, Psh. wazda, Par. yázd id., Prt. :zdyx /uzdax/; Ol. vedhás-*force(NEVP 94; C 1, 135) cěnc 27. feather par(r) par par p}arGi per m. púrt f. purtl *parna-(ka-j: Av. parana-, Sgd. prn, Kh. párra-, Khw. pn (Ch 295—96), MP. prM /parr/ (H 293) kramb < Sindhi khambu id. (Gi 245) 28. fire átaš otaš átaš ás (K 345) átiš, áč Mateš (K 344) ár/áwir agir" < *áwur < *ádur-(Schwartz) ádir *átar-/*á0r- (E 1, 318): Av. átarš, Sgd. "trh, 'tr /átar/,¥Jm. 'd(y)r/ádir/, Kh. ataro, aOšo, MP. 'dwrz/ ádur/& ,thšz/átaxš/(C 1, 82) olav alav Av. dá-*da0a-/*dáta- > Bc. ki(v)-/ lado, Prt. dh-/dah-/, ďd, MP. dy(y)-M/day-/,dh-z /dah-/, ďtnz/dádan/(Ch 43f> 34. good xub xub MP. xwbM, xwpz/xub/, Sgd. yw/?, xvc/> /xúp/, Khw. xw/j, rve/?, Bc. xobo < *hu-apah-(E 3, 416); cf. Av. huapah-wohltátig 282 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Persian Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki etymological comments nik nek *naiba-ka-; OP. naiba- id., nice (H 238-39), Sgd. nyk /nek/ navz < Sgd. nyz-/nayz/ (AP 289; Gh 5951) xawre sarfr) cf. Av. srira-, Sgd. syr'y / sire/, Kh. ssdra-, Be. IpiQyo, Prt. syr, 01. srira- (K 386) was(s) (K 132-33) wes P. xwas, Prt. wxas < *huarsa- < Ilr. *suarcsa- < IE *suelks-; besides Be. yp(fi, Prt. xwj good, pleasant < *xurzu- < *sulgh-su-, to Av. x"ar3zista-, MP. xwalist most delicious cak *ciata-(ka-): Av. siidta-, Kh. tsata- rich, happy, Prt. s'd, P. sad glad, happy (C 1, 233-34; Ch 37-38) bas < Trk. bas head (C 1, 155) p'ak7

šupuš) *siš < *šuiš-(K91) (C 2, 278-79) /špiš/, Ygh. šipuš, Khw. sVh, sp h /spáh/, Psh. spéža, Os. sistce, MP. 'spvšM /ispiš/, spvš^/spiš/ (SK 330; A3, 210-11) ninak-u bot, bod (K91) 51. man mard mard mErkeyin mart mard mardum (K 404) měr měrik měrdek merdim *martja-: Av. maša-, Sgd. mrťy /marti/, Khw. mrc, mrj, Bc. fiapSo, OP. marti-ya, MP. myrď^/merď, mltz /mard/, Prt. mrd /mard/, Ol. márta- íod < cf. Av. "yaoda-, Ol. yodhá- Urdu warrior (K 104, 368) jofdjdhá warrior 52. bisyär bisyor MP. wsyfkyi /wasyár/; cf. many P. bas < MP. was id. < OP. vasiy (MC 88; Ny 205) ziväd zivod < Ar. ziyád increase xayli xele xaly xeylě < Ar. hayl strength, power báz cf. Av. bszuuant- thick, Ol. bahú- (K 353) pHř *paru-: Av. pouru-, Kh. pharu- (C 2, 114) gelek galak gelek cf. Ku. gal people, P. gal(l) a herd, Gurani gird all < galflja *grd-(C 1,366) zehf= zef zäf < Ar. zahafa be proud bol < Ar. Pabul troop, swarm (H 52, #227) épey IV.E.4. West Iranian 285 Persian Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki etymological comments 53. güst güst guost gozd gost gost *gau-sti/a- produced from meat gast (K278 otherwise) bovine; cf. Kh. ggüsta, Psh. ywasa; MP. gwsf/gost/: Av. gauu- meat; cow (E 3, 212) 54. mäh moh muong mäha-Co mehv Av., OP. mäh-, Prt. m'h moon mäh (C 1, 601) /mäh/, MP. m'hMZ/mäh/, Khw. m'h, Be. ma(u)o *mäs-ti-: Kh. mästä, Psh. miyäst, Srk. mäst heyv asm! *haumaka-; cf. Khw.(,) hev xmyk; 01. soma- soma; htvv moon (SK 230) or to Psh. (C 1, 444) wazmai moon < Hjaxsa-mähi-kä- growing moon (Mom75) or to OP. asman-, P. äsmän, Bai. äzmän, Ku. äzmän sky (A 1, 95; C 54-55) 55. küh küh kuo köh (Sor. kew) ko *kaupha-: OP. kaufa-, Prt. moun- (köpag (CI, kwf/köf/, MP. kwf1, kwp2/ tain shoulder -K81, 394) 549-50) kof/; Av. kaofa- mountain ridge kamar (kavir stone) *kamarä- (E 4, 192) päawäd < Sindhiparbatu (Gi 434) clyä cf. P. cakäd mountain peak, ciya MP. cakät < *cakäta- ciyaY (C 1, 257-58) banfy from ban roof (C 1, 148-50) (gir hill; *gari- mountain > Av. gai- C 1, 384) ri-, Sgd. yr- /yar/, Yagh. yar, Khw. yrycyk, Kh. ga, garä-, ggari-, Be. yapo, geiro, Prt. yr /yar/, MP. glz /gar/ (E 3, 191-93) sax cf. P. sax top of mountain; hard, Ygh. sax rock, Sgd. sx- hard (C 2, 309-10) 56. dahan dahan zuonj dap, daf' cf. Av. zafar/n- mouth (K 372) awl dev *zamb-: P. dam, Psh. < SWIr. zäma- jaw, molar tooth, Kh. ysimä- teeth (C 1, 282-83; Mom 102) fek 57. nam nom nuom nam nav näm(e) *näman-: Av. näman-, *nä- name (K 408) ma-(ka-): Sgd. n'm /nam/, Khw. n'mfyjk, Kh. näma, Be. vafio, MP.MZ, Prt. n'm /nam/ 286 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Persian Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki etymological comments 58. neck gardan gardan geriste gardan sardin girděn (K 396) gerden (C 1, 370) Sgd. yrö'k(h) /yaröäk/, Khw. yrSk, Kh. gadaa- < *gar-taka, Psh. yära, MP. grdnM, gltnz/gardan/, P. gardan neck (H 201) - from *gart-turn(Ch 110-11) gwarGi gohlf" qirik cf. Os. qwir/qur throat (A 2, 330;C 2, 164) stu stu(kurf cf. Os. astcew lower back, middle (A 1, 79; C 2, 282) mil *mrz-: Av. marazu- vertebra of neck(Mom 90) vil víye 59. new naw nav nuo nok (K 409) nuh nu newe *naua-ka-: Khw. {,)nwk, nwyk, Sgd. nw'k(w) /nawäk(u)/, nwyy /nawe/, Be. vojyo; Prt. nw'g/ nawäg/, MP. nwgM, nwkz/ nog/ 60. night šab šab šov šap (K 385) sev šew pe-sewe *xsapä- : Av. xsap(an)-Kh. ssavä-, Sgd. 'ysp-, 'xsp-/(ajxsapä/, Khw. 'x(y)b, xb, Be. /aß-, Prt. sb /sab/, MP. sb^spP/sab/ 61. nose bin! bin! xuni (cf. C 1, 200) gin (also breath) (K 136: *ui-dna-, cf. 01. vyáná-) (bin smell, breathe -C 1,200) Av. vaenä- nose, MP. wynygM, wynyk1/wenig/: *uai(H)n- see? (Ch413) (fuk snout) poMz pauz < P. poz mouth (K 203) poz (cf. H 74) cf. Sgl.fusekid., Ishk./fec mouth; Os.fynj nose, Khw. pnewk snout (E 3, 49-51: *fuz-; B 250: Kh. paujsida they kiss, Orm. pöc kiss bevil difin *dam-na- vs. *dam- blow: Av. dam-, P. damidan (C 1, 306) pirnike *pari-naha-ka-; cf. Av. näh-id., Sgd. pr'ynk opening of the mouth < *pari-(h)ana-ka- (Paul 1995) zinji cf. zinjchin; Semnani zunfi mouth (Paul 1995) 62. not na na (ne no!) na ne, na, ni ně- niy- Av. noit & na, Sgd. n' /no/ n'y', ny /ne/, Khw. Kh. na, ni, ne, Be. va(vo), Prt. ny/ne/, MP. n^/ne/ hovcu IV.E.4. West Iranian 287 Persian Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki etymological comments 63. one yak yak /, vekke vakfk) yek (C 2, 496) yew, few *aiua-(ka-j > Av. aeuua-, Sgd. 'yw, {C)yw /ew/, Khw. 'yw, Be. icoyo, Prt. yw /ew/, MP. 'yw M /ew/, ykM /yak/ 'ywk2 /ek/, P. -e vs. yak 64. ädami odam ädamd)- < P., Trk. adam < Ar. person zät(K 345) Padam (SK 405) nafar nafar nafar < Ar. nafar people (C 2, 14) insän inson ínsaď insän < Ar. Pinsan man kas kas (kas per- kes Av. kascit, 01. kascit person; son, some- (K 392) everybody body) mki merf merdim *martia-: Av. masa-, Sgd. mirovY mrfy/marti/, Khw. mrc, mrf, Be. fiapdo, OP. marti-ya, MP. myrd^/merd/, mlf1 /mard/, Prt. mrd /mard/, 01. mdrta- piväw < *pni-ayaw < Ar. bam adam (C 2, 117) 65. bärän boron (bären-degi gwär is0' n. bar an värän *uaHr-: Av. var-, Sgd. w'r / rain n. rainfall) gwär- vb. (K99, 399) barín bärän (H 36; C 1, 152) war/, Khw. w'r, Kh. bara, Psh. wor, Prt. w'r'n /waran/, MP. w'r'nM, w'l'nz /waran/ (Ch 4061) bawm (abr cloud) haur hawar Av. fl/?ra- rain cloud; OI. abhra-(K 414) lěí¥ silt Cy from 57/ wet, raw (C 2, 316-17) yäyer 66. red surx surx sur suhr sür, sör (K 119, 384) sor sür Av. suxra-, MP. sve/z^" swhP/suhr/, Os. SMrar Psh. si/> id., Kh. suraa-clean, 01. sukr/ld- white qirmiz sämir (K 309) *krmira-(E 4, 391,401): Sgd. krm'yr/karmir/, qyr-myr /karmir/r, Ygh. kimir, MP klmyrz/karmir/; MP. > Arm. karmir red; cf. Kro-raina kremeru- red (B 435) : *krmi- worm 67. road räh roh re räh (K 377) ré réga : ga place (C 2, 203) räy *raOia-: ra#a- carriage; cf. Av. ra'Oiia- path, MP. r'/zM, l'sz/rah/, Prt. r'/z /ra/z/, Sgd. r'<%), r'O/raO/ id. daga < Sindhi dagw (Gi 563) 68. root bix bex *uaix-: Sgd. wyyf/zj, wyx Acex, w/x/, Kh. ba(ga), bata-, bava-, Prt. wj^x/wex/ (Mo„,93) 288 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Persian Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki etymological comments reša riš-e říši : fi(h) beard < *raiša- rice MP. lyšk2/rěšag/'root: lyš /reš/beard (MC 71-72; C 2, 211-13;H 142) rotag Av. uruOa- growth (K 165) gužg *uržaka-(K132) bun < P. bun root, trunk of tree, MP. wn /wan/, Bal. gwan pistacchio; 01. van(a)-(K299, 356) or«/, Kh. /na- ma/, raw, Be. sifio, amo, (ijsio, Prt. '>ro /im/, MP. 'j™M, '/«z ///«/; OI. ay dm; acc. *imam: Av. imam, OP. imam, Sgd. raw //»«/; OI. /mam (SK433;E 1, 103-05) amin e, es Av. aesa-, OI. e^a- (K 352) ev(a) *awa- contamined with the ew(a)v acc. *imam (C 1, 36) 292 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Persian Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki etymological comments 87. thou tu tu to tau, to; cf. Av. gen. tauua tu, te ti obi. to *tit / *tuuam: Av. tü 1 tuuSm, OP. tuvam, Sgd. tyw /t(3)xu/, tw /to/, Khw. ('w)tk, Kh. thu, Be. xo(o) i, toodo, Prt., MPM tw /tü, to/, P. tu 88. tongue zabdn zabon zebün zubän zabän zuwän zimdn (C 2, 523) ziwän *hizuä-(ka-J: Av. hizuuä-, Sgd. 'zb'('>k, zb'k/(a)zßäk/, Khw. zß'k, zfk, Kh. bisä, Os. cevzag, Prt. ''zb'« /izßäm', MP. 'zw,nM/izwän/. 'wzw'n2 /uzwän/(E 3, 403-05) Ulm ik < Sindhi (K 402) 89. tooth danddn dandon dannuon dantän dattän daOän (K 372, 374) didan diran dindän *danta-(ka-J: Av. data- & dantan-, Sgd. dnť (k) /öandä(k)/, Ygh. dindak, Kh. dandaa-, Os. dcendag, Prt., MPMZdnďn /dandän/ (E2, 329-331; SK 154-55) 90. tree daraxt daraxt dračk < *drafaka-(K 166, 189) MP. drxtM, dVhf/draxt/, Prt. drxt/draxt/ (E 2, 456; H 121) - Av. draxta- : drang-make firm dawr dor dor dar *däru-(ka-J: Av. däuru-stem of tree, wood, Prt. d'lwg/dälüg/, MP. ďrwM/ däru/, d'F-/där/id., tree (E 2, 358; H 116) cub Tk.? 91. two du du du dö, du (K 374) du dido dudi dudu di didi *duua- > Av. duua-, Sgd. 'Sw /(a)dwa/, Sw' /Swa/, Khw. v>Sw, 'Syw, Kh. duva, dva, Be. Xoo(i),Xoi, dbo, Prt., MPM dw /do/ (E 2, 482) 92. walk raftan raftan raw-/rapt- (K 377) (Sudan 1 saw- become) bešetan šut (past) (K 386) wö-, Sgd. šw-/šířw/, Kh. tsa-, tsv-, Tm. ccha-, Be. pao(i)-, Prt. šw-/šavv-/, MP. švc-fíA^", čwň-z/č<™<-/; Ol. c>w- (Ch41; SK 139; R 125) vegard degard dawr gerinv (gayr turn) *uart-(C 1,372) mesin < Ar. masy march (C 1, 622) 93. warm garm garm garm garmG' (cf. K 252, 396) germ garm (CI, 370-71) germ *garma-: ■_■<»■- heat > Av. garama-, OP. garma-, Sgd. y/™ /yarm/, Khw. yrmnd, Kh. garma-, gräma, Sgl. yö>/?2, Srk. za™, Prt. g/™ /garm/, MP. grmM, glmz /garm/(Ch 105; E 3, 162) IV.E.5. Middle Iranian 293 Persian Tajik Sangisari Baluchi Kurdish Zazaki etymological comments keF cf. Ku. kal boiling, warmth (C 1, 530) 94. db ob ov dp, yap, áf av aw *ap-/*ap-(a-ka-) (E 1, 31 If; water (K 344) SK 432): Av. dp-, Sgd. "p '/>, 'b /dp, af>/, Khw. *'b, Kh. u, utca < *apaca-, Be. afJfJo, Prt. 'b /ab/, MP. 'bM, 'pz/ab/(C 1, 94) 95. we má mo ham am(m)á (am)má cf. Av. ahma-(K 333, 350) me, em ma gen. *ahmakam > Av. ahmakam, OP. amdxam, Sgd. m/y(w), m/x /max(u)/, Kh. buhu, muhu, maha, Be. afia/o, Prt. 'm'(h) /amah/, MP. 'm'(h)M/amah/, dat. *ahmabia > Av. ah-maifiiia, Khw. mfiy 96. če, či čl ce čě, či 9 či nom.-acc. ntr. *cit > cit what (K371) čiči acc. *cim > Av. cfm gen. *cahia > cahiia Sgd. 'cw /(3)cu/, cw /cu/ Khw. 'cf^j, c, Kh. ci, cd, cu, Prt. ck tsy/ce, ce/, MP. c>>M/ ce, ce/(C 1,235) 97. safíd safed espi síiipět s(i)pl sipi (R 95, 129) white (R 129, 202) ispět aspět saíěO (K 349, 382) Av. spaeta-, Sgd. /aspet/, sp(y)ty /spite/, Khw. sbydyk spydyk, Kh. ssita-, Prt. 'spyd/isped/, MP. 'sp-jif1, /(i)sped/ (C 2, 278) 98. who ki ki ki kai ki, ke (C 1, 556) kam obi. kě gen. *kahia > Av. kahiia, Sgd. 'ky/(a)ke/,ky/ke/, ky(y)' /kyd/, Khw. <%, Kh. ce, Aye, Be. to, Prt., MP.M £y, g>>Ae/(R94;K394) 99. zan zan žaen fan jin = zin finěk *fanf-(ka-)'. Av.jSni-Jaini-, woman pl. žinni (K 368) jinik (C 2, 534) Be. f/vo, Prt.yft/fflft/, MP. zftMZ/za«/(E4, 141f) zdi cf. Av. zarafa- old (K 379) pirek cf. _?/r old man < *paruia-first(C2, 119) 100. zard zard zard zard zer zard *zarita-: Av. zairita-, Sgd. yellow zard (K 380) (C 2, 510) zyrfk /zerte/, Ygh. zerta, Khw. zrdfyjk, Kh. ysidai, f. j«zca-,ysaruna- id., red, MP.zfiz/zarf(R 151; H 656; SK 435; C 2, 510) atci/F < Trk. qra mustard (C 2,168) Modern Persian: Osmanov et al. 1970; Ovcinnikova et al. 1965; Phillottl914; Tajik: Arzumanov et al. 1957; Arzumanov et al. 1985; Raxmini et al. 1954; Sangisari: Azami & Windfuhr 1972 (DS). Baluchi: Collett 1983, Gilbertson 1925, Korn 2005; Kurdic Kurmanji: Cabolov 2001-2010, Farizov 1957, Rizgar 1993; Zazaki: Paul 1998. 294 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Wordlist 5: Middle Iranian MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes 1 all wvspM wsiP /wisp/ wysp /wisp/ wysp-/wisp/ v>wsp bisfsja- oiano Hjisua-: Av. vispa-01. visva- hrwM, hp hrw /harw/ vapofvjyo Av. hauruua-, P. har /harw/ *harwaka- hrwysp™ hlwysj? harbissa- *harua-uisua- /harwisp/ hm'gM hm'g hama- *hamd-(ka-j htrilP /hamag/ Av. hama-, hama- /hamag/ h'm'gMB OP. hama- h'm'g" /hamag/ {,)mfwn /hamag/ /mayon/ *hama-gauna- 'nyt'k, *ham-gata-(ka-j >Av. 'nyty /anyate/ hazgata- quite, OP. hagma-ta-, Prt. angadag full, rich, Khw. 'ngd complete, finished, Os. cenyced enough (E3, 131) 'yty/ayate/ s't/sat/ sywtm/n /sayutmdn/ pana pi. *patina; Os. fcejnce every 2. ashes 'dwrystr™ 0 fy'drc/abi- ahdra- 0 *at/8ria-: Av. atriia- 'twrystrP "s 'k(w), dtaraka/ in herd *ataraka- & *a9raka- /ddurestar/ /ase/ hot ashes "xOrk Shug. sarQk building clay (yws'ynch xws /xusenc/ ashy) 3. bark pwstM-z /post/ 0 0 0 cf. "skin" twcz bark, P. toz skm/toz/ mSk dalaa- 01. ddlati splits 4. belly 'sk/qmbM /iskamb/ 'sk/qmb /iskamb/ 0 prwdg™/?/ cf. MP. prw(w)d, frwd adv. down mwTnz /mulan/"'" kd'Pk, qO'ry /kad/Oare// 'wdyr, Sr- ura-, ura- *udara-: Av. udara- /uSir/ garba- *garba-(E3, 188) Av. garafta- uterus 01. gdrbha- id. IV.E.5. Middle Iranian 295 MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes aha, ahva- cf. OP. afuva- fear, 01. apva- jsahára- *Jar9dra-; 01. jathdra- id. : jartu- womb vána- Wkh. wanf id. < *vanica Lat. venter, OHG wanast 5. big mz'yy(h) /mazěx/ (maysirka-large, great < *mazar-ka-) cf. Av. maziiah- wzrgM wc(w)lgz /wuzurg/ wzrg /wuzurg/ wz'rk /wazark/ (blysirka-great, huge) oazorko cf. OP vazrka-P. buzurg id. (H 49-50) stpp /stabr/ ^stnb, 'styb P. sitabr strong, Av. stafira- id. (H 158) kl'n, ql'n /kálán/ kVn *kat(t)ana- (E 3, 348f) > P. kalan (msýtr /masyátar/ higher) ms másta- Av. mas-Av. masit(a)- 6. bird mwrwM mwlwz /murw/ mwrg /mury/ r)mry /mary, (a)mry/ {,)my mura- 0 *mrga-: Av. maraya- w'cf /way/ Av. vaii- bird, 01. vi- firwz'n'k /frawa-záně/ 7. bite gz-ytn, gc-z /gaz-idan/ gz-/gaz-/ 0 0 *gaz- id. (Chll7) P. gazidan id. by'It- *apa- + *gah- to gorge (Ch 93) JP-. wP /ža/ifi/ *jiauH- "to chew" (Ch 226) 8. black sy'wM /syaw/ syďz /syáV sy'w /syaw/ š'w, ŠW /saw, sow/ s'w 0 Av. siiauua-, Ygh sow Os. sau, P. siyah haryása- *hari-kasa- with dark appearance; Av. harata-, haraSa- red, Os. xcerce dark 9. blood xwnM hwnz /xon/ gwxn /goxan/ ywrn-/xurn/ wyrn-/wuxrn/ yywnfw) /y(a)xun(u)/ ywxn-/yuxn/ hwny pi. /hum/ húná 0 Av. vohuna-, P. xun, Ygh. waxin 10. bone 'st(g)M 'stk2 /astag/ ' sth(w)'nz /astuxán/ 'stg 'stk-/astak/ stq- /(a) stě/ 'st(y)k ástaa- 0 *astaka- > Av. ast-, Ygh. sitak, P. hasta P. ustuxwan ehá Av. anhaena- made of bone 296 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes 11. breast wrM wF/war/ 0 Av. varah- id. P. bar, Bal. gvar (H 44) pysfnz /pestän/ 'stnh /astana/ cf. Avfstdna-P. pestan syn(k)z /sen(ag)/ P. sin p'z iiaQ} face, breast Sgd. pdz face, Os.faz side tcljsa P. cucu, Sgl. cicl drruysi *drauza- pdrja *par(a)c-: Shug. pdrdz, Yazg. parak flank vatsa 01. vdksas- id. 12. burn dc-ytnzXx. /daz-ldan/ Sy- /Say/ dajs-, padajs- 0 *daj- id.: YAv. daz- id. (Ch 53-54) prSwt-/parö/Oüt/ *pari- + *dauH- id. (Ch 68): cf. Sgd.prS'w /par daw/ or /parOaw/ flame : Kh. padav whs-ytnz intr. /waxsidan/ (wxs-grow; be kindled, blaze) *uaxs- to grow; cf. MP. whsyn- to light a fire (Ch 428) swc-M-z /soz/ intr. swc- swc- /soc/ swyt-/suyd/ pt(y)sC) wc-/pat-soc/ sujs- *sauc- id.: Av. saoc- id., 01. soc- to light, burn *pati-+ *sauc- (Ch 338-339 tp-tnz tr. /taftan/ tpytn z tr. /täbldan/ tftg /taftag/ intr. pt'b-/pattdb-/ tr. tßfy /taßde/ (ttav-be hot) *tap- to warm up, heat: Av. tap- be hot P. taftan, tabidan id., shine *pati-+ *tap- (Ch 378f) h'w-M h'w-/haw-/Xr. *hau- to scorch, burn (Ch 134-35) bry- /biry-, briy-/mXx. *bra(i)j- roast, bake (Ch 23) 'ßr'z *braHz- shine, set on fire (Ch 21-22) 13. claw n'hwnz /näxun/ 0 n'xn fingernail /näxa/un/) n'xn nahune pi. fingernails P. naxun, Os. nix Yidgha anaxno 9w- slwbz /srüV swk /suwik/ povo fingernail *sruua-ka- fingernail + horn > Av. sru-, sruud- sambajsa- *canga-: P. cang claw, MP. panc-cang five-clawed 14. cloud myyz /mey/ myg /mey/ myy /mey/ 0 *maiga-: Av. maeya-, P. mey; 01. meghd- (H 226) 'ßrM, 'blz /aßr/ bybr /bepy/ (thick) c. pr'yß'k pryßyy /pariße/ bryßyk, byrßyk pryaura cf. ora sky < *abra- *pari-abra-ka-cf. Av. afira- id. IV.E.5. Middle Iranian 297 MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes snwdz Av. snaoSa- Gewölk /snoy/ müttiha pl. Arm. mout dark, a mist 15. cold srďgM /sardäg/ sitz /sard/ srd /sard/ srt/sarť 'ns'rty /ansartě/ srd säda- 0 Av. sarata-, Ygh. sort, P. sard 16. 'md™ >"gd "yt- /äyatí ä he came ayaôo *gam- > Av. gam- : come /ämad/ /äyad/ äta *ä-gata- (Ch 98-101); P. ämadan "y-M/äy-/ "y(y)~ /äy-/ ýc\ *Hai- (Ch 154-57): Av. öe-, OP. ay- to go '('V/ös-/ '/"ys-/äis/ 's- his- < *fra-isa- or *(h)ä-isa- Inpa- (or MMPra-arrive) *Hai- : *ä-isa- 'wr-M imp. 'wr- imp. *ä-bar-: *bar- bring /awar-/ /awar-/ (Ch 6-10) ďm /čam-/ *čam- to walk (Ch 32) cm- (Ch) jjastumä *gaHz- run: Yazg. yaz-, I came Osset yazun play (Ch 96) 17. die myr-M / mir-/ mwrdM mwltnz /murdan/ myr- /mir-/ myr- /mir/ {,)my- mar- fiip- *mar-: YAv. mar-(Ch 264) 18. dog sg™-2 /sag/ /ispag/ šve *suä(n): Av. spä *šuaka-: Median ojiaKa 'kwt-/(3) 'kt KOÔO *kuta-/*kufí-(R 4, 413) kutí Shug. kud, f. kid kwt/qwt /kutí 19. cxš-M pcš- *čaš- to drink, drip; drink /čaxš-/ /pati-čaš-/ taste (Ch 35-36) hwl-ytnz xw'r- Xoap- = 23 *huar- eat, consume /xwäridan/ /xwär/ wxr-fwxar-/ (Ch 147); cf. #23 Av. xyar- "š'm- 's'my- *čiam- swallow (Ch 39- /äšäm/ 40): P. äsäm (Gh 279) bs'm- *upa/apa-qäma- khays- *xaž-: Prt. x'z'd/xäzäö/ devouring (B 72) 20. dry hwškMZ hwsk 'škw 'kk huska- 0 Av. huška- & hifšjku- /hušk/ /husk/ /(a)šku/ var. škw, škwyfy) /hikuka-/ Os. xusk'ce, Ol. šuska- ptw'tyfy) *pati-uäi- /patwatě/ 21. ear gwŕ1-7-/gôš/ gwš /góšY ywš /yoš/ ywx gu, gguva- 0 *gauša-: Av. gaoša-, OP. gauša-, P. goš, Ku. güh (H 210) 'zywlg cf. Prt. 'zgwl- hear /izyolag/ 22. bwmMZ ßwmh ßwm,fwm ibüma *bümi- Av., OP. bümi-, P. earth /burn/ /ßüm/ ground) burn (H 54; R 2, 134) 298 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes z(,)y/zdy/ cf. Ygh. zoy (AP 369) z'yfiwmh /zdy-fium/ zmvgM zmyg z(y)m uysmd *zam- zmvk2 /zamig/ *ysama- in Av. zam- /zamig/ ysama-ssandaa-world P. zamin Os. cezmesce sand h'kz P. xak earth, dust /xak/ ywr(w) Av. xruma- m(h) xwrm/ xrwm /xur(u)m/ sp'ntrmdz'y Av. spanta armaitis /spand-ar- ssanda *suantaka-: Av. spanta- mad-zay/ holy 23. eat xwr-M 'xwr- ywr-, xwr- x(w)r- hvar- Xoap-to *huar- eat, consume /xwar-/ /dxwar-/ /xwar-/ eat; drink (Ch 147): xwrdnM Av. xvar- hwltnz P. xor- /xwardan/ "s- /as-/ *HasH-i&:.0\.as-i&. (Ch 167-68) 24. egg x'ygM x'dfyjk1 /xdyag/ 0 y'k aha- 0 *auia > Os. ajk, P. xaya, Psh. ha, Wz. yowya, ?Av. aem mryyz'tk bird's child /marye- zate/ 25. eye csmMZ /casm/ csm /casm/ csm /casm/ obi. cmy' cym- cm,fm tce, tcai tceiman- 0 *ca(s)s-man- (R 2, 238) > Av. casman, P. casm, Orm. cimi wynk Khw. wyn- see 26. fat 0 'zdyx 0 Psh. wazda, Par. yazd id., n. /uzdax/ Ku. baz, Av. vazdah- *fat-ness; 01. vedhds- *force (NEVP 94) rwyn /royn/ ryyn *raugna- (R 106): P. rawyan, Ygh. ruyin Av. raoyna- butter clp-snz crp /carp/ crb tcarba- *carp(a)-> P. carb, Os. /carbisn/ < P. carb tcara- carv butter (E 2, 23 2f) pylf /pih/ pdyd, pi *pmah-: Av.pmuah- (R 105) (plpyhz adj. (frbywM adj. fJrpyy /farpix/ /frabihf) /frablw/) ttunam Kh. *v- to fatten ttauna- *tauH- be able, strong (Ch 386) 27. feather prM/parr/ 0 prn pn parra- 0 *parna-: Av. parana- id. (Ch 295-96) IV.E.5. Middle Iranian 299 MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes 28. fire '(')dwrM ''dwrz /ädur/ 'thsz /ätaxs/ ,{,)dwr /ädur/ "t'rh, 'tr /ätar/ 'd(y)r /ädir/ ataro a8so *ätar-/*ä8r- (E 1, 318) nom. *ätars P. ätas, Av. ätars "ybM /äyeb/ dai *dägah 29. fish m'hyg" m/hyk/ /mähig/ m'sy'g /mäsyäg/ 0 *matsia- (R 87): Av. masiia-P. mahl kp- /leap/ kb kava = Blrünl kyb, Os. kaf < Elran. *kap,h,a- krw kpy /karw-kapi/ cf. Av. kara- name of some fish 30. fly v. w'c-tn2 /wazldan/ wz- /waz-/ wz- /waz-/ 0 0 *uaz- carry, drive (Ch 429-432): Av. vaz- drive, P. wazldan prwz-M /parwaz-/ frwz-/frawaz-/ ßrwz-, frwz-/frawaz-/ *fra-uaz- w'y-M w'cF /way/ *wö'#-(Ch411):YAv. vaii- to hunt, Os. wajun hurry, walk, jump prn'y-/parnäy-/ p'nw's- cf. "feather" 31. foot p'yM/päy/ pdf /pay/ p'd/päö/ p'ö/päS/ p'ö,b'ö pai, pl.pä dim. päka- 0 *päd-\ Av.päd-, OP päda-, Ygh. pöda, P. päy (R 113-14) 32. full pwrM, pwlz /purr/ 'spwryh,M /ispurrlhä/ pwr /purr/ "spwryg /ispurrlg/ pwn /pün/ pwrn /purn/ '''spwrnfw) /(a) spurn/ uspurra porri aanopo *ppia-\ Av. parana-Ygh.punfn) < *parH-Xo fill (Ch 295-96) Av. asparanö completeness 'mprty /ambarte/ or /amparte/ c'k P. cäq, Psh. cäy, Wkh. cak 33. give dy(y)-M /day-/ dh-z/dah-/ Av. dä-*da9a-/*däta-(Ch 43^15) b'xtM /bäxt/ ßys- /ßaxs-/ ßyt-/ßayd/t/ pt(y)ßys-/pat(i) ßaxs/ büss- *baxs- divide, have a share : *baj- id.; Av. baz-: baxs-(Ch 19-20) 3'ßr/ öäßar/ öß'r/ößar, 8far/ ffr>ßr- hßr- haur-, hur-hür- *fra-bar-: *bar- bring (Ch 6-10): Ygh. tifar /G(ä)ßar/ 300 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes fr"yrß-/fräyarß/ *fra-grabH- : *grabH-to grab, seize, take (Ch 119-20) hatcah- *fra-scand- : *scand- to break, cleave (Ch 342) 34. good xwbM xwp2 /xüb/ ywp, xwp /xüp/ xwb, xwß xobo *hu-apah-(E 3, 416) Av. huäpah- wohltätig P. xöb; Ol. sväpa- xws™ hws2 /xwas/ xwj /xuz, xoz/ xz X°(v)& *hu-uarza- (E 3, 418) Os. xorz nywM-z /new/ nyk™ nywk2 /nek/ nyw /new/ nyk /nek/ (nivä good things) *naiba-: OP. naiba- id., nice *naiba-ka-; OP. naiba- id., nice, P. nek id. (H 238-39; B 185) wyhz /weh/ Av. vahiiah- better, P. bih id., good (H 55) hwd'fhjk2 /hudä(ha)g/ Av. hu-däh- guttätig nyz- /nayz/ syr'y /sire/ ssära- IpiQyo *srira-(ka-j piQyo *xsif- desire, long for (Ch 456) 35. green hwzrgwnM /huzargon/ hwzrgwn /huzaryon/ 0 zlswnz /zargon/ zrgwng /zaryonag/ zrywn'k /zaryone/ Sgd. zrywn /zaryön/ plant, vegetable; P. zaryün spz, sbzz /sabz/ (ysba cane, reed) P. sabz id. (DK 355) Psh. säbuh grass 'ys'ynh /a/axsen/ *axsaina-: Av. axsaena-dark(E l,284f) entry, jmry gvä- green yellow *gauvaka-; cf. Bai. göray grey, white pe *päyi-: Ol. pita- yellow : pitta- bile 36. hair mwy" mwcfi /may/ 0 *maud-: P. möy, Bai. müd/ triidiA. (H223) wis1 /wars/ wrs /wars/ wrs /wars/ *uarsa-: Av. var'sa-, P. gurs id.; Ol. välsa- twig ywn'k', ywn'y /yonS/ ywnyk ggüna- *gauna- (E 3, 240) Av. gaona- hair Shug., Brt. günjhsix zw- /zö/ dro *drau-: Ygh. darau, Os. cerdo id. (E 2, 462) (yys'n Kamelhaar) *gaisa-: Av. gaesa- hair, P. gesLocke 3s *darsa-(E2, 353f) tcamjsa- *scanga-; OE. sceagga hair of head vatca *uasca-: Os. becukkce forelock; Iran. > Georg. becvi hair, fur IV.E.5. Middle Iranian 301 MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes saksa- *safča-: Wkh. saß id.; Ol. šépha- tail 37. hand dstMZ /dast/ dst/dasť Ost /dast-/ Ost dasta- 0 *dasta-: OP. dasta-, P. dast vs. Av. zasta- < *žasta- (E 2, 371) prick /panfag/ bek, pek P. panfa pentad, hand, paw gwz daev. /gaw/ < Av. ggošta *gaba-(sti-) (E 3, 94, 229): Av. gauua- id. (daev.), Wkh. gawustfisi; Ol. gäb-hasti arm, hand 38. head srM, slz /sar/ sr /sar/ s'r/sär/ pts'r'k /patsäre/ s'rxwt/d 0 P. sar Kopf + xöy/xüd Helm; cf. Av. sarah- & sära- head (km'rM /kamär/ of evil being) krn'P daev. /kamäl/ iktrír /kamär/ of evil being) kamala- (KampSo chief) Av. kamarada-(of daevic beeings) wyťnz ahur. fwaydän/ Av. vayöana- (of ahuric beeings), lit. receptacle of voice? ramga- cf. Kh. rramga- bank, ridge, shore, Os. rcengce row 39. hear ny(y)wš-M n(y)dwhš-z /niyofxjš-/ ngwš-/niyoš-/ n(y)ýwš-/niyoš/ ptýwš /patyoš/ 'xšt-/ax/yušť {,)nyws- < *ni-gauš- pyüv, pü pyüsta viyav-/ vayav- *gauš- : *ni-gauš-P. gošldan : niyošldan *pati-gauša-*gušta-: Av. guš- hear (Ch 115-16) 'šnw-" /ašnaw-/ 'šnw-M /išnaw-/ 'šnwtrř /ašnudan/ 'šnw-/išnaw-/ *xšnau- id. < sharpen (the ears) (Ch 456) P. šunaw-, sunüdan 'xšyn-™ /axšln/ ('xšy-be heard) *Haxš-: Av. aißiiäxs-to guard, supervise, Ol. áksi- eye (Ch 171) 'zgwl- cf. Prt. 'zywlg ear 40. heart dylMZ/dil/ zyrd /zird/ Srjy(y), Srzy /Saržě/ < *Sryaza- < *zrdaya-žýwr /žyawar/ < *Sžyawar < * öržyawar zrz ysära- 0 *žrd-(R 110) Av. zaraöaiia-P. dil Ol. hfdaya- yrdý /yarde/ 'wx(y) /ux(e)/ *ahu-: Av. atjhu- existence (E i, 93) 41. horn srwy™ /srüy/ slwbz /srü/ 0 0 šw sü 0 *srü-: Av. srü-, sruuä-P. surü(n) 302 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes zyyk P. azg twig am ZkarndZ < Semitic 42. I 'z /az/ 'zw ZazuZ "z, (n)'z aysu, aysd a/Qo *azam: Av. azSm mnM/man/ P. man 'n(y)M/an/ 43. kill jsan- 0 *jan- id., slay, strike > Av. gan-Zjan- 'wzn-M 'wjn- ('wz'n wzn- *aua-jan- (Ch 224-25) Zozan-Z Zozan-Z murder) kws-M *kaus- fight, kill: YAv. kus- Zkus-, kos- fight, struggle, P. kustan / kw (h)s-ytnz kosfdan kill Zko(x)sTdanZ (Ch 251) ptyw'y- *huah- strike, thresh: ZpatxwayZ *pati-huah-aia- ptwx'y- (Ch 141) ZpatuxayZ ptyxw'y-ZpatixwayZ zyt- cf. Sgd. zyt- to hit, strike 44. 'snwgM z'nwg z'n'wk z'nwk ysdnii *zanu-(ka-) (R 93) knee ZisnugZ z'nwkz ZzanugZ /zdnug/ ZzdniikZ jnwwq ZznukZ ZzaniikZ P. zanu, Psh. zangun Av. znu-Zzanu- 45. d'n-MZ z'n-Zzan-Z n'z'n, z'n *zanH- id.: Av. zdn-, know /dan-/ ZfaJzanZ pt'yz'n ZpatizanZ paysan-haysan- *mQxv- P. danistan *pati-zan-*fra-zan- 'sn's-M *xsnas-: OP. xsna-, Av. Zisnas-Z Zisnas-Z zna- id. sn's-z fsn's- *fra-xsnas- Zsnas-Z ZfdsndsZ 'zw ydnM 'wzw'l-tn2 ZuzwardanZ frwd- *uat- inspire, be informed Zfrawad-Z : ~*fra-uat- (Ch 427) ZyarfSZ or ZyarfiZ *grabH-: Ygh. yiriv id. (Ch 119-21) but-, buv- *baud- feel, sense: Av. baod- (Ch 14f> pt(y)Pyd-ZpatfJedZ *pati-baud- yw'ry-^ *uar(H)- choose, Zwi-war-Z convince; believe: Av. var- (Ch 420-21) 46. leaf wig1 ZwargZ wrgr ZwargarZ wrkr ZwarkarZ baggara- 0 *uarka-: Av. varaka-F.barg (H 47; R 107) png ZpannagZ leaves, pnc pi. to *pnk parra-perd, pird *parna-(ka-J Psh. pana, pi. pani cf. Kh. parra feather. foliage 47. lie s^y-Zsay-Z 'sy-Z(3)say-Z ssd- 0 *saiH-: Av. saete, Os. sce-jun (Ch. 328) IV.E.5. Middle Iranian 303 MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes npd-z /nibay-/ nbsř1 nypS-/nipaS/ 'nbzy nuvad- *ni-padja-: *pad- to fall Av. ni paiSiia-, Ygh. něpid (Ch 287) npstnz /nibastan/ 48. liver yklz /Jagar/ 0 0 0 gyagarrä 0 *iakr(t): Av. yäkara P.ßgar 49. long dgrM, dglz /dagr/ dyrM/děr/ dglnd2 /dagrand/ dry /darg/ (Sryyc adv. long time) dära- 0 *darga- > Av. daraga-P. děr P. děrand dPc2 P. diräz /drdz/ ßn /ß/pan/ (bwlď ibwrz ßrz /ßarz/ bulysa-, cf. *brža-: *barz- be high /burz/ /burz/ ßrz'k ßzk balysga- *bržaka- (Ch 12) high) high) high 50. louse 'spvšM /ispiš/ spvš2 /spiš/ 0 špšh /špiš/ sb'h, sp'h /späh/ 0 0 *šuiš-: Av. spiš-P. šipiš, Ygh. šipuš ršk' /risk/ P. risk, Psh. riča, Os. liskee; Ol. liksä (A 2, 56) 51. man myrd™ /merd/ mltz /mard/ mrd /mard/ mrťy /marti/ mrc, mrj fiapSo *martia-\ OP. martiya Av. mašiia- wyrM, wylz *uira-: Av. vira- /wir/ nrwyrM (nr Mar/ *nar-: Av. nar- (R 46) /narwir/ male) (nrM, nlz male Mar/) Sx /Sax/ daha- *daha- 52. many pwrMB /pur/ yrß/f/yarf < *faryu < *faruwu phafra-j pharäka ((papöapo more; further < *faru-tara-) *paru-OP. paru-Av. pďru-, po"ru-Oi.purú- wsMZ /was/ ws /was/ OP. vasiy- many wsy(k)'l P. bas, Bal. gvas id. /wasydr/ P. comp, bisyär (H 50) Jfr *fratara-; /(3)flar/ cf. Ol. pratara- šyyr /šěr/ tr'ypw /trěpu/ {,)ck'm, cf. Khw. c'Mull fiťm < c° tvarai *ati-bar-: *bar- bring vaßiao *ha-bai-sah > Kh. hambisa- heap or *ha-bus-ya- > P. amböh multitude, much, many 53. pytM pyd /pid/ 'pt-/(3)p3t/ pq flesh 0 Ay. pitu-, Os. fid flesh food meat pfyji2 /pití : Ol. pitu- juice *paH- to drink (Ch 289) 304 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes y'ty, y'fk Ygh. yöta /yäteV xw'r Khw. xw'ry- caus. feed : *huar- eat (Ch 147) gwsfi ggüsta *gay-sti- produced from /gast/ bovine; cf. P. gast, Psh. ywasa; Av. gauu- cow 54. m'hMZ m/h /mäh/ m'y(hf, m'h mao, Av., OP. mäh-, P. mäh moon /mäh/ m'x /max/ (myk month) mästä mauo, maoo *mäs-ti-: Psh. miyäst Yazg., Srk. mäst '' dsm ('}xmyk *uxsm- /äyism/ 55. kwf1, kwpz kwf/köf/ *kaupha-: OP. kaufa- moun- mp P. köh; Av. kaofa- tain mountain ridge glz /gar/ yr /yar/ yr- /yar/ ga, garä- yapo *gari- > Av. gairi-, Ygh. yrcyk yrycyk ggari- geiro yar (E3, 191-93) /yarcik/ of mountain 56. dhynM 0 Av. zafan-Zzafar- Rachen mouth /dahen/ zplz daev. /zafar/ pasquda P. dahän mouth *pati-zafta-P. zafar mouth (H 131, 147) rwmb rwß /ruß/ cf. Av. uruOßan belly, /rumb/ entrails kwc'(k) küsda < /kücä(k)/ kauzdaci--ä-kä- ry'h /rayä/ ox/raxa/ k'm *kähman-: Os. k'am id., P. kam id., Gaumen (E 4, 169) ttämra *tur-na- ttura äha- * äh-: Av. äh-; Ol. äs- 57. n'mMZ n'm /nam/ n'm /neun/ n'mfyjk näma va/j.0 *näman-: Av. näman- name /nam/ 58. gry(y)wM gry(y)w * griuä-: Av. griuuä- neck glywz /griw/ /griw/ P. gire, Psh. griva id. (H 203; E 3, 291) grdnM yrö'k(h) yrbk gadaa- < *gört-turn(Ch 110-11): gltnz /yaröäk/ *gartaka- P. gardan neck (H 201), /gardan/ gisära-gesära- < *grt-s- Psh. yära sö'y sö'kw Av. usaöä- Bezeichnung /saSe, eines Teils des Rückens saSäku/ münükä *manuka-; Av. manaoOri-, Ol. mänyä- 59. new nwgM nwk2 /nog/ nw'g /nawäg/ nw'kfw) /nawäk(u)/ nwyy /nawe/ v>nwk, nwyk nauha-nüvara- vojyo *naua-ka-*naua-tara-(ka-J; cf. Av. naotara- comparative to nauua- IV.E.5. Middle Iranian 305 MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes 60. night sbM, spz /sab/ sb /sab/ 'ysp-,'xsp-/(a)xsapd/ 'x(y)b, xb ssava- *xsapa- : Av. xsap(an)- 61. nose wynyg" wynyk2 /wenig/ Av. vaena- nose : P. bini, Ku. ben (H 60) *uai(H)n- see (Ch413) n'wc /ndwiz/ nyc /nec/ ns /nas/ nns /nans/ < *nasn n'c, n'j < *naca neste < *nasti *nahika-; Ygh. nays or *nahia-ci- (B 190); cf. Av. nah- 62. not nyM /ne/ ny /ne/ n' /nd/ n'y',ny/ ne/ n(y) na, ni, ne va, vavo ne Av. noit & na, P. na m'M/ma/ ?m'\ m' (imp., opt.) ma P. ma 63. one 'yw M /ew/ ykM/yak/ 'ywk2 /ek/ yw /ew/ 'yw, {C)yw /ew/ ssau m. ssa f. icoyo *aiua-(ka-) > Av. aeuua-P. -e vs. yak 64. person mrdwhmM mltwmz /mardohm/ mrdwhm /mardohm/ mrtxmyfy) /martaxme/ 0 0 *mart- & *tauxman-seed of man: P. mardum cf. Av. masa-, masiia- tn, tnM-z /tan/ tn, tn /tan/ also "body; self P. tan ksM/kas/ P. kas person, somebody OP. kasciy-, Av. kascit somebody (H 190) 'yryw /(ajyriw/ also "body" n'fc/nqfc/ nade *nrta(ua)h hvand- Av. aosah-uuant- mortal Psh. z'awai person 65. rain n. w'r'nM w'Vnz /waran/ w'r'n /waran/ w'r /war/ w'r bdra 0 *uaHr-: Av. var-, Psh. wor, P. baran (Ch 406f> 66. red swhrM swhlz /suhr/ 0 (suraa-clean) 0 Av. suxra-, P., Os. surx, Psh. sur id. OI. sukr/ld- white rxt(y)k rraha < *raxva- *raj- to colour, dye (Ch 313-14) OI. rakta- red : raj- be red klmyrz /karmir/ krm 'yr /karmir/ qyrmyr /karmir/ *krmira- (R 4, 391, 401) > Ygh. kimir; MP. > Arm. karmir red; cf. Kroraina kremeru- red (B 435) : *krmi- worm miji *m(a)iclia-: OI. mecaka- dark-blue, black; or Hit. miti- red dravasam dark, red cf. Mir. derg red, OE. deorc dark rrusta- cf. Av. raodita- id.; OI. rohita- rrvana *raudana-; cf. P. rodan 306 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes hätänai Prt. ' (')hyd stain, hinai Av. an-ähitä-, glossed by himja ZorPhl. avinast not defiled; Ol. äsita- dark 67. road r'hM, Fs2 /räh/ Fh /räh/ Fö(h), F0 /räO/ *pavo in ojpavo companion *rä8a-: ra8a- carriage; cf. Av. ra'Oiia- path pnd"-2 pncfn pndfk / pada jiavöayo *pantä-(ka-j /pand/ /pandän/ pydfk pande *pantäh cf. Av. panti- & pa8(ä)- maspa *(h)amaxsya-päda-, cf. Toch. B amäksa-, Gr. 'a\iaip. chariot, äuaijixö _ high road haspara *fra-spara- : Kh. spar- äspara- te trample, Av. spar- to tread < *sparH- (Ch 352) 68. root bwnM /bun/ bwn /bun/ 0 0 orig. "base, bottom" lysk2 P. resa root, fibre /resag/ H 142: P. rese hair wyx /wex/ wyy(h), wyx /wex, wix/ bä(ga), bäta-, bävä- *ujäkä; but cf. Os. wed-agce root virä *uai-: Kh. vi- to twist? 69. gyrd™ 0 ywrs /yurs/ yyr'dyk 0 Khw. yyr- sich wenden; round glF /gird/ < *gar(t)su zurück kehren < *gar-turn, wind (Ch 104-05) pryrsy *gar0/s- (E 3, 203; Gh286 /pari-grs-/ cites non-existing Av. garasna-) gesava Kh. gesti revolving < *grt-f (B 90; E 3, 203) ' skwrnkh Av. skarana- /(a)skurne/ parbira- *pari- + *bar- go over (Ch 294) spata- Wkh. pet, put, Srk. pet, put, pet id. 70. sand sygcf™ /sigd/ sygd /sigd/ 0 (sykth /sikt/ gravel) cyjy siyatä- 0 *sikatä-: OP. 9ikä, but Ol. sikatä- (AV) with s- rygM, lyk2 P. reg, Ku. rik id. /reg/ (H 142) 'sngryzg /asan- grezag/ 71. say gw-M, gwb-z /gow-/ gwptnM-z /guflan/ (ywß-to praise) (ggupha abuse) yoß- *gaub-: OP. gaub- speak P. guftan, gö(y)- say, speak (Ch 113-14) (w'c-M-z w'c- ws- /wassa/ *uac- id.: Av. väc- (Ch word) 402) wy'wr-M wy'wr- *uj-ä-bar-: *bar- bring /wyäwar-/ /wyäwar-/ (Ch 8) IV.E.5. Middle Iranian 307 MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes w'ft /waft/ *uab/f- call: Av. uf- sing suppletive: (Ch 401) wyt- /wayd/ wyďr /waydár/ (hw'nz hvan- *huan-: Av. xvan- to sound; /xwán/ 01. svan- id. call) (Ch 144-45) 72. see wy(y)n-MZ wyfyjn- wyn- /wěn/ wyn- ávida- he ofijnv-, *uai(H)n-: Av. vaen- /wěn/ /wen/ past stem wyt-/w ft/ sees < *a-vinda oiv- P. bin-; 01. ven- look for (Ch 412-13) dyer1'/did/ dyd /did/ Sy- dai-: di- hSo *dai-: Av. dai-; 01. dhyati pp.seen pp.seen (pret. stem) ay- < *a-day- (Ch 48-50) tcas- *cass-: Av. cos- show, teach; 01. caks- shine vajsas- *awa-cas- (Ch 35) 73. seed twhm(g)M twmz /tohm(ag)/ twxm /toxm/ tym, txm /taxm/ twxmy /tu/oxmě/ ttiman- To/fiavo *tauxman-Av. taoxman- ďngM d'ng Sn /Sán/ (dáná- *dana-(ka-j: d'n(k)z /danag/ grain, corn) Av. dana- corn, /dánag/ P. dane corn, seed 01. dhana- grain (E 2, 448f) cvhrM cyhr id., Av. ciOra-, OP. cica- cvhl(k)z nature, seed, origin (E 2, 259) /čihr(ag)/ relationship b'wg /bawag/ kysfn /kisfan/ kšťk kštfyjk P. last < *krst- : *kars-sow (E 4, 308-10) 'SfJnk /(3) Spank/ SfJ'nk /(a)Sfíáně/ fjyz'k' bij a *bizaka-: Par. biz Saat- /bize/ korn; 01. btja- seed (E 2, 164f) 74. sit nšyd-M nsyd- nfyjst- nyd < nasqd- < 0 *ni-sizd/sad- : */zad- id. > /nišid-/ /nisiS-/ /nist/ nyS-/ni-hiSa/ *ni-hida- *ni-šá-daya- Av. nishiS": nisaS": /z/c>-sit (down), Ygh. rasfa pršyS-/ *pari-sizd- pšyd- /paršěS/ áh- *HaHh-: Av. <5/V, 01. os- 75. skin crmM, clmz crm crm crm, črm, teárman- 0 *carman-: Av. cafman /čarm/ /carm/ /čarm/ jrm Os. Cora (E 2, 231) 308 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes pwstM-z pwstth) *pauasta (R 104) /post/ /post/ also "bark"; P. post id. (H 75); cf. *paus- dress, cover (Ch303) twcz *tauca-: P. toz, Ku. toz; cf. skin, bark 01. tvdc- id. /toz/ (EWAI I, 684) dwb'F /dawal/ cha(va-) 01. chavt- id. chala (EWAI I, 557) ttana *tani-; Os. tcence loins haysa *iza-: Av. izaena- made of skin, Psh. zai leather bag, Orm. Tz skin-bag, Os. xiza net, veil kahga- Kh. kan- to cover 76. xwptM xwsp- hus 0 *aua-hufsa- : *huap/f- sleep hwptnz /xuft/ hwps-z /xuft/ /xusp-/, pp. xwft wfts-/ufs, ofs/ pf. 'w/3t-/uj3d, 0j3d/ um- < *ava-hum-na- cf. Av. hufsa-, Ygh. ufs *aua-hufta-*aua-huaf-na-(Ch 145-47) s"y- also "to lie (down)" /say-/ 'nbzy = #47. lie (down) 77. qwdkM *kauta-ka-: Av. kutaka- small kwtk1 /kodak/ P. kodak (E 4, 382) kwc(k)z P. kucak /kuca(k)/ kmbM, kmz k/qmbyg (comp. (knb less) *kamb-na-: Av. kamna- (E /kam(b)/ /kambig/ knpy, kmbyy) 4, 193f) kyhM, ks2 'fo- Ck(y)s- *kas-: Av. kasu- id., P. keh /keh/ /(ajkase/ meagre) KaaoKO (E4, 3 3 If; Ch 247) qwwkMZ /kuk/ nsngz /nihang/ hwz'rk™ 'wc'lk2 /ozarak/ k/qswdg /kasudag/ rngs /rangas/ rynczk /rincik/ (rnc light) {raysga-light, swift) *ranf-: Av. ranjiiah- comp. light, Psh. rangai (B 232) zn(y)k 'ndqM 'ndk2 /andaq/ 'ndg /andag/ IV.E.5. Middle Iranian 309 MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes gsnk2 /gisnag/ gysng /gisnag/ sn"k(h) /snak/ jseina- < *fasna-(Tumsuq: tsanakai of insect) ttamga-small, thin *tanaka-; Os. tcenceg thin, small nada *ni-arta- ground down Bal. hurt < *hu-artaka- bata-, baka *uata-(ka-j; MP. wt bad, vatak worse, P. bad, Bal. gwat bad masa cf. Lit. mdzas id. vanda- Bal. gwand short Av. una- incomplete, less < *HuaH-01. una- deficient (Ch 204) valaka vilaka- from *(H)uard- grow? (Ch 208) vitka young, small ssika, sirka *fsaria-ka-: MP. pafslr- to press 78. smoke n. dwd™ dwf/dud/ dwd/dud/ Swd 0 *duta-: P. dud (R94; Ch68) pzt /pazd/ *pazd- to smoke: Os. fdzdag, Ygh. paysd n. (Ch 304) duma OI. dhuma- (Ch 68) 79. stand 'yst-'dn™ 'st'tnz /estadan/ /ist-/ 0 sta- 0 (stado entstand) *staH-: Av. sta- id., set (Ch358) 'wyst'dnM 'wst-'tnz /aw-istadan/ 'wyst-/awist-/ 'wst-/ost/ w'st/wast/ vist- *aua-hista-: Ygh. ust *aua-a-hista- py-M p'd-z /pay-/ (p'sy standing, on foot) *pad- "stand" : *pada-foot (Ch 305), Par. apd id., P. pdyistdn stand, wait 80. star cst'rgM st'lkz /(i)starag/ 'strM /astar/ stl /star/ 'st'rg /astarag/ 'st'r'k, 'stry /(a) stare/ 'st'rk staraa- 0 *stdrdkd-: Psh. stordi Orm. stdrrdk Av. stdr- 'xtrM 'MP /axtar/ 'nyr, 'nxr /anxar/ *dnd-hdr- 81. stone snsz 'sn(n)g /asang/ sng, snk, snq /sang/ snk samgga- asagge-i *dsdngd-: Av. dsangd- (R 47) 310 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes wymM wym (blma- *uaima-: Av. vaěma- /went/ /wěm/ rock) rock, cleft, Arm. lw. (wymz věm stone, rock rock) didiya Shug. 6i- be thrown; Ol. didyú- missile (B 158) garsva pl. Ol. gharsati rub or Av. zarštuua- stone? gada ? *uarta-: P. läža-vard lapis lazuli 82. sun xwrM hwř /xwar/ ywr, xwr /xwar/xur/ ywyr, xwyr /xuwar/ xoyr/ 'x(y)r, xyr *h(u)uar-/*h(u)uan-Av. huuara /xvan- id. (E 3, 438f) mvhrM myhr myr /mě/Ir/ miiro, miri *mi9ra-: YAv. miOra- mtrz /mihr/ miuro, god of contract /mihr/ meiro urmaysda *ahura-mazdäh 83. lšn'z-u sďc fin'y- 0 0 *snaH-: Ygh. sinoy, swim šrľc-ytnz /išnäz-/ /snaž-/ /f(a)sndy/ (sn'y-wash, bathe Isnäyl) (haysnäta-washed) Os. najun swim, P. šinäfw) Jra-snäia- (Ch 348) wz- *uaž- carry (Ch. 431) 84. tail dwmbg™ dwm(b)z /dumb(ag)/ dwmb /dumb/ ôwm(ph) /ôum(b)/ Swm dumaa- 0 *dumba-(ka-J: Av. duma-, Bal. dumb(ak), P. dum, Os. dumäg pcyk Khw. pc hinten 85. h'nM/hän/ ď that. 'n1Vän/ 'wy^/öy/ hw /hö/haw/ {,)yw, xw(w) /x5/ f, x' f. /xä/ *hau: OAv. huuô, YAv. häu, OP. hauv; cf. 01. a-sáu ywn(,)y, xwnx, hwnx /xönax/ xwnyfy) /xöneV 'wn'(k)w /ön(ak)u/ w-/Ö, ü/ 00 *aua-: ww /(a)wu/ OP. ava-, Av. auua-acc. OP. avam, Av. aom w'n'fk) f. /wänä(k)/ wnyfy) *auaina /wem/ wynyfy) *auana /wem/ wyS /weö/e/ IV.E.5. Middle Iranian 311 MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes sard *ajsa- ttara *ta-tara- or *ta9ra- ttdra- *ta-tara- 86. this 'ymM, 'mz /im/ 'ym /im/ 'm' /ama/ ma-, mai, mu sifio, amo *a/ijam: OP. iyam Av. aiiSm, 01. aydm mw /mu/ acc. *imam: Av. imam, OP. imam; 01. imam mwn'fkjw /mun(ak)u/ 'yn M /en/ 'ynyfr), 'yn'k /ene/i/ ny(n) -eino *aina-(ka-j: P. in 'ydM/ed/ >'>yd/ed/ siSo *aita-: Av. aeta-, OP. aita- 'ymyd /imeS/ yyd, xyd /x-ed/ {,)sw /(a)su/ sa-obl. tta- *aisa: Av. aesa-; 01 esa 'tw /at(u)/ acc.m. *tam: OAv. tSm; 01. tarn tyS TO, Tl 'w/avu/ *auam yw /yu/ (ijsio *ajam, OP. iyam ywn 'k/y /yo/une/ 87. thou twM /tu, to/ tw /tu, to/ tyw /t(a)xu/ tw /to/ ('w)tk thu TO(o)l TOOVO *tii / *tuuam: Av. tu 1 tuuSm, OP. tuvam; P. tu 88. 'zw'nM 'zb'n 'zb'^k, zfik, zfk bisd 0 *hizua-(ka-): (E3,403f> tongue /izwdn/ 'wzw'nz /uzwdn/ /izfidn/ zb'k /(a)zfJdk/ Av. hizuua-, Os. cevzag, P. zabdn 89. dn Av. duua- /do/ /do/ /(aJSwa/ Sw' /Swa/ dbo (E 2, 481) 92. sw-(dn)M sw-/saw-/ sw- /saw/ tsa-, tsv- pao(i)- *cjau-: Av. siiauu-, OP. walk swb-z /saw-/ Tumshuq ccha- s(i)yava-, P. sudan; Ol. cyav- (Ch41;R 125) rw-M, rwbz *Hrab/f-: P. raftan/rav- /raw-/ Ku. roy- id. (Ch 184) prnptM *fra-nam-: *nam- to bend, prnm-M bow (Ch 280) plnptn z /franaftan/ /franam-/ nw-/naw-/ *nau- move (Ch 284) nwy- /niway-/ yr-, x(y)r- xr- *xar-: Ku. her- id. /xar-/ (Ch 443-44) "y'yr- 'xyr- /äxer/ 'nspr- *ni-spar-: *spar- tread, /anspar/ kick (Ch 352) v)y- *Hai- (Ch 154-57) jsä- *gaH-: Av. gä- (Ch 93) dram- *dram- ran: Ol. dram- (Ch 75) va/(J- Prt. hxs- to follow < */zöc-id. (Ch 124) gado ging *gata-: Av. gata-: gam- 93. grmM grm yrm /yarm/ yrmnd garma- 0 *garma-: *gar- heat (Ch warm glmz /garm/ /garm/ gräma- 105) Av. garama-, OP. gar-wö-Ygh. yarm 94. 'bM, 'pz 'b/äb/ "p, 'p 'b *'b ü, ütca < aßßo *äp-/*ap- (E 1, 311f): Av. water /ab/ /äp, äß/ *apacä- äp- cwbjwb P.job nirä Ol. riira- water Ashkun nil lake 95. we 'm'(h)M 'm'(h) m'y(w), buhu, gen. *ahmäkam >Av. /amäh/ /amäh/ m'x /mäx(u)/ mßy muhu, maha afia/o ahmäkam, OP. amäxam, P. mä dat. *ahmabiä > Av. ahmaißiiä 96. cyM cy tsy 'cw /(a)cu/ 'c(y), c 0 acc. *cim > Av. am what /ce, ce/ /ce, ce/ cw /cu/ ci, cä, cu gen. *cahjä > cahiiä nom.-acc. ntr. *cit > cit kd'mM kd/m kt"m Av. katäm a- kfmz /kadäm/ /katäm/ who (of many) /kadäm/ 97. 'spvd™ "■spyd 'sp'yt sbydyk, ssita- 0 *suaita- (R 95, 129) white spvf /(i)sped/ /isped/ /aspet/ sp(y)ty /spite/ spydyk Av. spaeta-, P. saßd 'lwsz cf. Av. aurusa- id. /arus/ IV.E.6: Nuristani vs. Vedic and Avestan 313 MPersian Parthian Sogdian Khwarezm. Khotanese Bactrian etymological notes 98. who ky, gyM /ke/ ky, qy /ke/ 'ky /(a)ke/ ky /ke/ ky(y)'/kyä/ ce, kye ka gen. *kahiä > Av. kahiiä, P. ki (R 94) kt'lz /kadär/ 99. znMZ /zan/ jn /zan/ Qvo *fanf-: Av.jSni-Jaini- (E woman 4, 141f) n'(y)fykz /närlg/ 'ync, 'ync, *yaunika-: ynch Ygh. inc, enc /i/enc/ stryc striyä- Av. stri- wife, woman /strl/ec/ Syn /Sin/ (dlnü-cow) *dainu-: Av. daenu-female of animal 01. dhenü- cow, female (E 2, 447f) (wywgM w(y)5 *uadü-: cf. Sgd. wS-w /wayog/ wife, Av. vadü- wife, 01. bride) vadhü- bride mande B 322: *mantiiä < *makantiiä- : Av. maek-P. makidan to suck majsi cf. Kh. majsä boy; Av. mijse mayauua- unmaried or *mazisT-, cf. 01. ma-hisJ- lady, queen < great one f.; SVK 111, 123-24: *mizdusaki- gnädige (Frau)" : Ol. midhust- 100. zlt-z /zard/ 0 zyrfk zrdfyjk ysidai 0 *zarita-(R 151) yellow /zerte/ f. ysica-ysarüna-y., red Av. zairita-Ygh. zerta id. gvä- *gauvaka-; cf. Bal. goray grey, white Wordlist 6: Nuristani vs. Vedic and Avestan Ashkun Kati Prasun Tre garni Waigali *sourceTur"r Old Indie Avestan la. all sew, sawdk SÜ S3wer trd sucök sästok sab, sap, sarap sarva13116 RVsärva-, AVsarvakd- (OYhauruua-whole) lb. samik (same together) sama 13174 RV«raa-every; pi. all lc. ciyak Id. ("skal many) sagsl sakala13066 whole le. mvisva- OYvispa- 2a. ashes s/sutl (süt earth) *ksuttikä3lm 2b. dS3 ass ass äsä *äsaU16 AVäsa- 2c. AVbhdsman- 314 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Ashkun Kati Prasun Tre garni Waigali *sourceTur"r Old Indie Avestan 2d. ^'bhuti- 2e. Yátriia- 3 a. bark CI či(k) 0 ci(k) citi4199 layer ch-o4843 strip of bark 0 3b. yiweyě TSvalká- ™'vákala- 3c. RVtvác-(#75) 4a. belly kúč (kača scrotum) kytic, ktic kuksi3113 RVkuksí- 4b. wáš vaksasllm chest or ubadhya1"1 grass in stomach 4c. bant *bhunda 9531 4d. (citál bowels) ktol, ktyál ktal kissala3151 4e. HI, ytil wor udara1932 mudára- Yudara- 4f. sd šd 4g. (wetěk kidney) watikál cf. vrkka12064 kidneys ~ Av varatka-id. (or) vasti"AA1 bladder 4h. Ymaršu- 4i. Ymarazána- 5a. big aula at, ola 0 ola, tila ullasa 2374 bright, merry 5b. gandala gandar *ghanata-ra4416 : ghana firm 5c. (leste good) leste 5d. astar astara1505 covering 5e. gran (a) 5d. mmah- °maz- 6a. bird RVv/- Yvaii- 6b. ninasa mřatjač riij(a), nylnc 0 nigaca, nitjce *mrgaciimG$ : RVmrgd-deer Ymaraya- 7a. bite 0 0 0 0 0 mdaš- *dqs-: tiži-Ydqsura-sharp-bit-ing 8a. black žike-stá (r)zl uze (wřá-to colour) 10570 *rahgayati dyes 8b. káča káča *kaca3m IV.E.6: Nuristani vs. Vedic and Avestan 315 Ashkun Kati Prasun Tre garni Waigali *sourceTur"r Old Indie Avestan 8c. (nileste green, blue) (nils green blue) (nil id.) nylte (+blue) mla1563 (#35) black, dark green / blue 8d. mkrsnd- 8e. AVsyamd- Ysama- (msydvd- Ysiiauua- dark- brown) 9a. teu, lou leu, lui lui lai lohita11165 vsl6hita- blood 9b. Hsu *asn-911 RVdsrk : asan" 9ac. SB'rudhira- 9d. Mnrakta- 9e. Yvohuni- 10a. atl atl ici atl atl < asthiK% RVdsthi9,il Yast- bone 10b. (buru collar -bone) bulu 11a. (pasu (pas-cut rib pasi 0 (pas'ii rib, parsu19W breast rib, flank) pas-com flank) (w)ustu < *(p)as-7 paswdti rib = breast + bone) rib lib. (zidi-)wdt (zir-)votr zuzu (zo-)wdtr *zhrd-14152 heart & iiras 2350 breast 11c. RVuras-135(> Yvarah- lid. mstdnal3GGG Yfstana- lie. RV-vdksasnn>i 12a. 0 0 0 0 dez burn- *dazhyamil mdah- Ydag- burn ing; fire 12b. RVsoc- id., glow, shine OYsaoc- 12c. ™us- 13a. nauca/a naci/e nsci, nac nuweca, nuica *nakha- RVnakhd- claw noca cika69" 13b. cipata capata carpa1696 flat *carpatta flat hand 13c. Ysru-, sruud- #41 14a. nail narii nali 6955C+14657 mndbhas- cloud *nabhalika 14b. mora m(i)ydr maydr 10303 (mei dew) (m'e fog, mist) *meghdkdra *meghi-yamM RNmegha- Ymaeya- 14c. kot *gdtta 4271 something round > cloud of smoke 316 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Ashkun Kati Prasun Tregami Waigali *sourceTur"r Old Indie Avestan 14d. RVabhrá- Yafíra- 14e. Ydunman-Yduuqn" 14f. YsnaoSa- 15a. cold yuc ytízu 0 yoz *yajaím96< IE **yeg- (Wx. yaz < Khowar, Kal. yoz] 15b. acage áčěi-, cf. ačama ice 1078+1079 *ácchabhita 15c. šala štílyu šele šítalaam RVšJtá- 15d. Rmšíšira- 15e. Ysarata- 15f. Yaota- 16a. come agSm I came ágataÍM5 arrived RV(á-)gam- YOgam- / jam- 16ab. áů- ác-, ac- ac- ágacchati1044 míigac-chati 16c. ayam I came á- á- e- áyátimíl RVayáti (OYáii- go) 16cc. aya came et- ám I came áyáta1™1 ^áyáta 17a. die mr- mřěn mista sweet 34c. ůščům 34d. ganda 34e. leste (leste big) 34f. bostó 34g. fai *jdtiyail9°: jatya- of good family 34h. mvdsu- OYvatjhu- 34i. SB'sádhú- 34j. Mnbhadra- 35a. green (zara yellow zah 'a brown orange, red, CfJIOO) žřrd (žár grass) hari"9" (lexgreen; RVyellow) ,exhari-RVhdrita- 0 (Sgd. zrywn ~ Av. zairi. gaona-yellow-colored) 35b. nib (+ blue) rii'le (nilodá blue) nila1563 (#8) black, dark green / blue 35bc. nidild 35d. oža waží 35e. kaukard (k 'ukuh greenish blue; blue) 35f. palašó palasaim 35g. dadra (+ yellow, pale) 'adi-sta 13990 *haridra-green; yellow 36a. hair (dro woman's hair) (dru id.) dui (dru id.) ?drava6623 running Khr. dro hair (Orm. dťTi Os. cerdu) 36b. íu (zul) zu (r)zyuM19 žúi < Kati run-10™ growth, sprouting 36c. mróman- 36d. (iš-kič mustache) kec kec, kěc kesa3"1 AVkéša- 36e. pasin 36f. Yvarasa- 36g. Ygaona- 37a. hand dus, dost dust lust dóš došt Dard. *patta leaf 46d. Yvaraka- 47a. lie 0 0 0 0 naran- 47b. (si-stay, live) RVSl- OYsaete RVni-pad- Yni paiSiia- 48a. liver wien/ yünWa°* yäf, wyak jarüna yok *yakan-lm9i *yakn-? *yakr-n- RVyakrt-: yakn- Yyäkar9 48b. azati satik 49a. long drigalä drigSr ßgni < *dirghan- drigarälä drigala 6368 *dirgha(ra) mdlrghä- °dardga-Ydardya- 49b. Ymas- 50a. louse (w)ü yü wyöinuk wü WU, U& yukalmu Pali uka- Mnyüka- (Khufi füg) 50b. piki iwik/x xprka90293 ilea 50c. (lücak small louse) wisigi Yspis- 51a. man mac mac, moc mac martya9*™ mmärtya- OYmasiia- 51b. manci (müsü husband) madas mands manusya9™ RVmanusyä- 51c. RVnära- OYnar- 51d. (wirä-kurä boy) werjimi warjemi vira1™6 mvirä- OYvira- 51e. nawistd 5 If. RNpümäns- 52a. many 0 0 0 RVbahü- 52b. RNpurü- OYpauru-, p(a)ouru- 52c. RVbhuri- 52d. 'skal (sagal all; see #1) (sakala 13066 whole) 52e. wasama ?cf. same together ?samal3lli pi. all 52f. jal, zal, zar jala51" collection 53a. meat anda anö anda anda, ana *ad-na-ka edible, cf. anna395' food 53b. mus, mos mas mamsa99%1 RVmäs-RNmämsä- 53c. bäz3 bhajTU119 cooked food 53d. OYgauu- id. < cow IV.E.6: Nuristani vs. Vedic and Avestan 321 Ashkun Kati Prasun Tregami Waigali *sourceTur"r Old Indie Avestan 54a. mas mds meseg/ye mds mds mdsamM RVmds(a)- OYmdh- moon masex masaka 54b. vscandrd- 55a. dd do döi6 *sikatila (OP. 6ika Sgd. sykth) 70c. wazibzix 70d. AVpamsu-Mnpamsu- Cpqsnu-dust) 70e. ^Vpvdlitkd- 71a. say lal- la- (i)lye/u 0 71b. pulu 71c. (mulu- to understand) matr- man-trayate9*31 speaks 71d. ta(-)c- 71e. RVvak-/vac- OYvak-/vac- 7 If. mbru- OYmru- 71g. OYaog- 72a. see kas- ke-, pa-kc- -s-koz- u-kac- kasate3114 is visible (Ykas-erblicken) 72b. pas- pasyatiml RVpas- (OYspasiia beschaue; Kh. spass-) 72c. wen-, wer-wan-^m wre- wfe venatinm RVven- OYvaen- 72d. -nje je nis-cayati1440 observes 72e. RVdrs- (OYdaras-erblicken) 72f. AViks- V2g. OYdd(u)- 72h. °pdh- 73a. seed bi bi 0 0 bi bija91il> mbtja- (P. blj) 73b. OYcWra- (mtdkman-young blade of corn) Ytaoxman- 74a. sit nis- nisl- nis- nis- nisidatf461 RVni-sid- Ynis-hid- 74ab. bi-sl-, sil- sldati12432 RVstdati °Yhad- 74c. ^as- Yah- 75a. skin CAtn com cama 0 cam carman4101 RVcdrman- Ycaraman- 75b. m1vdc- 75c. Kmchavt- Ysuri- (cor. *s(a)uui-7) 76a. sleep s&u 0 svapati13901 RVsvap- Yx"ap- 76ab. (prust bed, dream) (pruist bed) (pustbed) priischiin pros(t) n. pra-supt?^ sleepiness 324 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Ashkun Kati Prasun Tregami Waigali *sourceTur"r Old Indie Avestan 76c. minik n. mína n. ni-drallm 76d. B'drä-/drai- 77a. small lakura 0 77b. přaměř leměřa 77c. bannia ? *upa-kaniyas1131 next younger 77d. atalog 77e. waštok 77f. (apalék little, few) apilog (apilúk few) alpa-laka111 AVálpa- Wg- RVárbha- 77h. 77i. Mnksudra-ka- Wj- OYkasu- 78a. smoke n. dum dyúm, dům ulyümo dum dům dhuma6*19 mdhümä- 0 79a. stand utin- be standing wutin- istäda ültyu < *ud-stä- 0 utin-utí utthita1901 arisen < *ud-sthita- 79ab. msthä- OYsta- 80a. star istä štä istik/x *starikya13113 mstr- OYstar- 80ab. tära tärä taraka™ pí. ^t ar ah AVtärakä 81a. stone wät wot wät (wät small stone) *vartall3m round stone (Ku. bard) 81b. garrah yire, yire giri"61 rock, mountain 81c. dra 81d. (pasü rock) (parši rock, mountain) (pasú rock) pas?140 < *parsT- B'päsäna- (Psh. parsa rock < Nur) 81e. RVášman-RVášan- OYasan-OYasanga- 8 If. AVšila- 81g. Yzarstuua- 82a. sun s"o, so sú üsük/x so, sä so, soi sauri13514 msvär-/ SÚV" msur(i)ya- OYhuuara °xvan° 83a. swim 0 0 0 0 gújäm yarn, bi-am 0 83b. mplu- 84a. tail di/umašl damŕei lümu, limi dumut dumař & tumtä *dumbha6419 (Kal. dliAmfii) Yduma- 84b. mšépa- 84c. AVpúccha- 84d. ss'läňgúla- IV.E.6: Nuristani vs. Vedic and Avestan 325 Ashkun Kati Prasun Tregami Waigali *sourceTur"r Old Indie Avestan 85a. that. saka aske, áska s< ska so/so12815 he/she, that KVsá / sa 85b. kí kyi 85c. ydkWa°* aki, iki, ia *eta-kali3l> 85d. poi ?(u)wú pel, púi, pě(i) atman1135 self 85e. sú asau912 masáu 85f. RVadás 85g. OYauua/á- 86a. this ya(k), yak í ay am5*1 RVay- °aiiam OYaěm 86ab. ine, eně, iná *ena 86c. apai atman1135 86d. su asau911 masáu 86e. so/e, sa sa/sa[m5 he/she, that RVsa- sá- OYha-/há- 86f. obl. to/ta obl. OYta/á- 86g. ari aran9i near 86h. al(ek) all 86i. Yaěta/á- 86j. OYa/á-: OYi(ma)- 87a. thou tu tu iyu tu tu, tů tuvam5m RNt(u)vam °tuuam Ytum 88a. tongue ž(y)ů die luzux/k wurjuk fip 1'P jihva5ln RVjihva- Yhizuuah/á-OYhizu- 88b. ^vrasaná 89a. tooth dunt dut latám dut dot danta6152 RVdánt(a)- Ydantan-Ydátá- 90a. tree kandd kaně kaná *kandha, cf. skandha13621 trunk of tree 90b. (potila leaf/leaves) pe'ot (po:f leaf) (pot leaf) patta1699 slab, tablet > Dard. *patta leaf 90c. (zul jungle) (zul jungle) Jala jala *jhalla5355 bush 90d. (muta log of wood) mutu < Kati muta < Kati *muttam%11, cf. Dm. muth id./ *murtiW2i5 90e. mvrksá- Yvaraša- 90f. ^drumá- 90g. mvána- Yvan(áJ- 91a. two du dů lů dú dů, du duva6m RVd(u)vaú & RVd(u)va m. RVd(u)vé f.n. Yduua- 92a. walk pres. di- pres. di- pres. di- diyati6361 flies 326 IV. On classification of Tocharian and Iranian Ashkun Kati Prasun Tregami Waigali *sourceTur"r Old Indie Avestan 92b. pres. e- i- eft2515 OYaii-: y- 92c. pret. gô- pret. guw o- pret. g- pret. g- gata-im gone mgam- OYgam-/ jam- 92d. p3Z3-, -bz3 -pt3- padyate1111 *pattalm 92e. pret. čú cyavate1939 moves OYš(ii)auu- 92f. kutt-ún 92g. paišta pra-tistha-tfml stands up 92h. RVyä- Yyä- 93a. tapô 0 tapyatu5m6 RVtápus- warm t(i)pi tábe tapé tapyati56*5 heat mtaptá- Ytapta- 93b. RVusna- 93c. (gharma-heat) OYgar9ma- 94a. abô E ôu, äw(3) äu äw, äu apasm map-: äp- OYäp- : ap- water W äw3 94b. MBhya/fl- 94c. RVudán- 94d. RVambhas- 95a. we ima ema, imä asé awS gen. žamä Ke. ami Z. yama acc. asman9*6 RNasmän °Shmä Yahma 95b. mvayám OYvaem 96a. kä ke, kai 0 kasa ka/ka/kim2514 KVká-/kä-/ OYčim what Mm m./f./n. 96b. pss(se), pseh 7ta-56a 97a. kaširä kašera ks/ašir kešera koširä- *kasira-3U6 white 97b. márjuna- 97c. RVšvetá- Yspaeta- 97d. mšukrá-Am,šuklá- 97e. (RVarusa-hellrot) Yauruša- 98a. čei < *ki-, ku, kači, kas, kes(e) 0 ki, ke kd/ka/kim2514 KVká-/kä/ OYka-/kä- who obi. kô kett kím m./f./n. m/f 99a. 0 stri westt ištrô strt3134 ^strí- Ystri- woman (/srn wife) 99b. dab ill dabilt: däbäiä boy durbala-643* weak 99c. môšl *manust™ 99d. RVjáni-RVgna- °jSni-Yjani-°g3iiä-Yy(3)nä- 100a. Z3Ý3 hari"9" RVhári- Yzari- yellow cf. #35 RVhárita-^vhariná- Yzairita- IV.C. On classification of the Iranian languages 327 Ashkun Kati Prasun Tre garni Waigali *sourceTur"r Old Indie Avestan 100b. aidärä aidresté ádra indrä arido: aridd haridra13990 yellow sandal tree 100c. iünyu, žiinyogu cümaka^9" chalklike paleness? lOOd. tilyanee lOOe. RVgaurd- lOOf. GrSptta- Abbreviations of authors and languages: A = Abaev 1958-95; Abaz. Abazin, Ad. Adyghean, Afg. Afghanistan, ahur. ahuric, Al. Alanic, Alb. Albanian, AP = Andreev & Pescereva 1957; Ar. Arabic, Arm. Armenian, Av. Avestan, B = Bailey 1979, Ba Badakhsh 1960/2005, Baht. Bahtiari, Bal. Baluchi, Be. Bactrian, Be Berger 1998, Bi = Bielmeier 1977, Br. Belorussian, Brt. Bartangi, Bud. Buddhist, Bur. Burushaski, C = Cabolov 2001-2010; Ch = Cheung 2007, Chech. Chechen, Chuv. Chuvash, CI. Classic, CLuv. Cuneiform Luvian, Co Collett 1983, comp, comparative, CS. Church Slavonic, Ct = Cathcart 2015, Cy Chyet 2003, Cz. Czech, daev. daevic, Dard. Dardic, De = Decker 1992, Dm. Dame-li, E Etimologiceskij slovar iranskix jazykov 1-4, Ed71 Edel'man 1971, Elr(an). East Iranian, Eng. English, F Farizov 1957, Ge(org). Georgian, Gg Grjunberg 1972, Gh Gharib 1995, Gi Gilbertson 1925, Gmc. Germanic, Goth. Gothic, Gr. Greek, Gur. Gurani, H = Horn 1893, Hi. Hindi, Hit. Hittite, HLuv. Hieroglyphic Luvian, Ho = Holthausen 1963, Hu. Hungarian, Hü = Hübschmann 1895, Icel. Icelandic, IE Indo-European, Ing. Ingush, Ir(an). Iranian, Ishk. Ishkas-him, K Korn 2005, Kab. Kabardinian, Kal. Kalasha, Kalm. Kalmyk, Ke. Kegala, Kh. Khotanese, Khr. Khowar, Khw. Khwarezmian, Kirg. Kirgiz, Kt. Kati, Ku. Kurdish, L = Lebedev et al. 1973, Lat. Latin, Latv. Latvian, Lhd. Lahnda, lit. literary, Lit. Lithuanian, LN = Novak 2010, LNE = Novak 2013, LS Lubotsky & Starostin 2003, Luv. Luvian, Lyc. Lycian, Lyd. Lydian, M Manichean Middle Persian by MacKenzie 1971, Boyce 1977, Durkin-Meisterernst 2004, M Middle, Maz. Mazenderani, MC MacKenzie 1971, Med. Median, MHG. Middle High German, Mir. Middle Irish, Mnj. Munji, Mo03 = NEVP(Morgenstierne 2003), MoMMorgenstierne 1929a, Mo38Morgenstierne 1938, Mo74 Morgenstierne 1974a, Mong. Mongolian, MP. Middle Persian, Myc. Mycenaean, Nur. Nuristani, Ny. Nyberg 1974, O Old, OCS. Old Church Slavonic, OE. Old English, OHG. Old High German, OI. Old Indie, Olr. Old Irish, ON. Old Norse, OP. Old Persian, Orm. Ormuri, Os. Ossetic, P. Persian, Par. Parachi, Pe(rm). Permian, Pok. Pokorny 1959, pp. past participle, Prt. Parthian, Prus. Prussian, Psh. Pashto, Px59 Paxalina 1959, Px^ Paxalina 1975, R Rastorgueva 1990, R. Russian, Rsh. Rushani, Sang. Sangisari, Sgd. Sogdian, Sgl. Sanglechi, Shug. Shughni, Sing. Singhalese, SK Steblin-Kamenskij 1999, Skt. Sanskrit, Sm Smith 1936, Sor. Kurdic Sorani, Srk. Sarikoli, St Steingass 1892, ST Sino-Tibetan, sup. superlative, T. Tajik, Tib. Tibetan, Tk. Turkic, Tkm. Turkmenian, Tm. Tumshuqese, Toch. Tocharian, Torw. Torwali, Trk. Turkish, Tu Turner 1966, Uzb. Uzbek, W West, Wkh. Wakhi, Wn. Wanetsi, Wr. Written, Wz. Waziri, Wx. Wakhi, Xr Xromov 1972, Y Young, Ygh. Yaghnobi, Yid. Yidgha, Yazg. Yazghulami,z Zoroastrian Middle Persian by MacKenzie 1971, Za. Zarubin, cited by Grjunberg 1972, Z(e)b. Zebaki, Z. Zoncigala. Abbreviations of sources of Old Indie: AifBr Aitareya Brähmaza, AV Atharvaveda, BhP Bhägavata-Puräna, Br Brähmanas, ChUp Chändogya-Upanisad, GrS Grhya-Sütra, Käth Käshaka, lex lexicographers, MaiUp Maiträyam-Upanisad, MBh Mahäbhärata, MnManu, RmRämäyana, RVRgveda, SBr Satapatha-Brähmana, SGr SänWiäyana-Grhyasütra, SSr Särikhäya-na-Srautasütra, SvUp Svetäsvatara-Upanisad, TBr Taittinya-Brähmana, TS TaittirTya- Sarhhita, VS Väjasaneyi-Sariihita. 328 Appendix 1: Periodisation of history of the Chinese language period Starosfm 1989, 431-33 Schuessler 2007 Middle Chinese1 end of 6th - beginning of 10th cent. CE Middle Chinese: c. 600 CE Late Postclassic Chinese2 5th cent. CE Middle Postclassic Chinese3 4th cent. CE Early Postclassic Chinese4 3rd cent. CE Eastern Han Chinese5 0 - beginning of 3rd cent. CE Later Han: lst-2ndcent. CE Western Han Chinese6 end of 3rd cent. BCE - 0 Old Chinese: 1000 - 200 BCE Classic Old Chinese7 5th-3rdcent. BCE Preclassic Old Chinese8 10th-6th cent. BCE Notes: 1) Tang Dynasty (618-907 CE) and Sui Dynasty (581-618 CE). 2) Southern and Northern Dynasties (420-589 CE). 3) Jin Dynasty (265^120 CE). 4) Three Kingdoms (220-280 CE). 5) Eastern Han (25-220 CE) and Xin Dynasty (9-23 CE). 6) Western Han (206 BCE-9 CE). 7) Qin Dynasty (221-206 BCE) and Era of Warring States (481/475/403-221 BCE). 8) Spring and Autumn period (722^179 BCE) and Western Zhou period (1046-771 BCE). Appendix 2: Ptolemy about rivers of Sogdiane [6.12.1^1] 1. Oi LoySiavoi 7cepiopi^ovxai and uev Sfjoecot; LkuOIou; uepei xco cmo xofj 7tp6<; xfj Baicxpiavfj Kai xfj Mapyiavfj xuf||j,axo<; xofj "il^ov 5ia xcov 'Q^eicov opecov u£xpix|rf||j,axo<; 'Ia^dpxov 7coxauofj, 6<; bikyp. uoipat; . pi uO The boundary of Sogdiana on the west is a part of Scythia near the section of the Oxus river which runs along the confines of Bactria and Margiana, then through the Oxius mountains near the Jaxartes river in 110° 49°. cmo 5e apKxcov ouoicot; uepei LkuOIok; 7iapa xco ev xefjOev xofj 'Ia^dpxov 7coxauofj Turjuaxi \\£%pi xofj xfj<; e7uoxpocpfj<; afjxofj 7cepaxo<;, ofj f) Oeou; 8718X81 uoipag pK an L'. cato 5e avaxo^cov 'Laxmc, napa xf)v evxefjOev xofj 'Ia^dpxov \x£%pi xcov 7cnycov e7uoxpoq)fj<;, avxrvet; e7cexorjoi uoipat; pKe uy on the north by a part of Scythia along the Jaxartes river where it bends near the terminus which is in 120° 48° 30'. on the east alone by the Sacaland region along the Jaxartes river where it bends from the sources in 125° 43°, Kai xfj cmo xofjxcov 7cpooeKPaX^ou£VT| ypa|xufj \x£%pi nepaxoq, ofj f| Oeou; 8718X81 uoipag pice lr\ L'. cmo 5e avaxo^cov Kai ueormPpiat; Kai exi Sfjoecot; xfj xe BaKxpiavfj 7tapa xo eKxeOeuisvov xofj "il^ov xufjua, Kai xdk, iSicog Ka^ouusvou; KarjKaoiou; opeoi Kaxa xf)v e7ci4erjyvfjorjoav ypa(j,(rf)v xo xe eipnuevov 7cepa<; Kai xaq xofj "il^ov jtT|yac;. and along a direct line to the terminus which is located in 125° 38° 30' Appendix 329 on the south and the west by Bactriana along the Oxus, which section we have noted, and near the Caucasus mountains in the real sense, to the line which connects the indicated terminus and the sources of the Oxus river 2. Araxeivet 5e opn usxa^rj xcov 5i3o 7toxaircov KaXorjusva LoySta, cbv xd 7iepaxa pta Kai pk|3 \xc, L' The mountains between the rivers of Sogdiana have their termini in 1110 47° and 122° 46° 30'. 3. dcp' cbv 7ioxairoi Stappeouot ouirpd^ovxet; eKeivou; %kziox>q dvravrjirot, cbv sic, novd xf)v '£2l;£iavf|v Xiuvriv, r\q xo u£oov 87iexet irotpat;. pta u£- From these mountains, several nameless rivers flow through {the country}, then uniting with those {Oxus & Iaxartes}. one of these {nameless} rivers flows from the Oxia lake, the middle of which is located in 1110 45°. Kai aklxn 5e 5i3o and xfj<; arjxfjt; opetvfjt;, dcp' r)c, Kai 6 'Ia^dpxrig, cpepousvor Kaletxat 5e Kai f| opetvf) KcoirnSrav ouupdl^orjot 5e Odxepot xcp 'Ia^dpTt]- ovoird^exat 5e 6 uev exepot; arjxcov Afjuog / Afjiuog / Arjuog, orj at uev 7inyai 87texorjot irotpag pk5 uy f) 5e 7ipo<; xov 'Ia^dprriv 7ioxair6v ouvacpf) pKy \£, Two further {rivers} pour down from the same mountainous region as the Iaxartes - it is called the mountain area of the Komedai - to flow into that river. The name of one of these {two tributaries} is the Dymus. The sources of which are in 124° 43° where it joins with the Jaxartes 123° 47° 6 5e exepot; BaoKaxig, orj at u£v 7inyai 87texorjot uotpag pKy uy f| 5e 7tp6<; xov 'Ia^dpxriv 7ioxair6v ouvacpf). pKa \xL, L'. another of these rivers is called the Bascatis, the sources of which are in 123° 43° and where it unites with the Jaxartes. 121° 47° 30'. 4. Kaxexouot 5e xfj<; %(hpac, xd u£v 7tp6<; xdiq Xl^eiou; opeot IldoKat / IlaoiKat, xd 5e 7tp6<; xcp dpKxtKcp xirrjiraxt xoii 'Ia^dpxov 'Idxiot, Kai Tdxopot, rjcp' oi3<; ArjyaXot / Arjxa^oi, etxa napa xd I6y5ta opn D^uSpdyKat, Kai ApupdKxat, Kai KdvSapot, mo 5e xd opn MapSunvoi, Kai napa xov 'il^ov 'Q^eiavoi, Kai Xcopdoiriot, xd 5e xorjxcov dvaxo^tKraxepa Apev|/tavoi uev eTtt^euyvrjovxet; ducpoxeporx; xoix; 7toxairorj<;, ext 5e xorjxcov dvaxo^tKraxepot Avtsoeu; / Aproxel*; uev napa xov 'Ia^dpxriv, KrppdSat (fj KrppoSeeii;) 5e napa xov 'il^ov, Kai usxa^rj xoii xe KauKdoou opotx; Kai xorj 'Iirdou f| KaXorjirsvn Or)av5dpav5a. In parts of the region near the Oxius mountains the Pasicae dwell, 330 Appendix near the section of Jaxartes on the north dwell the Iati and the Tachori, below whom are the Augali; then next to the Sogdios mountains are the Oxydrancae, the Drybactae and the Candari, and below the mountains are the Mardyeni; and near the Oxus are the Oxiani and the Chorasmi; in the parts which are near these toward the east dwell the Drepsiani bordering both of the rivers; and near these but more toward the source are the Aristenses near the Jaxartes, the Cirrodaces near the Oxus; and between the Caucasus mountains and Imaus mountains the region is called Vandabanda. Appendix 3: Ptolemy about rivers of Serike [6.16.3] Amppeorjoi 5e 5i3o \mk\oxa jtoxauoi to noli) xfjg Lnpucfjt-;, 6 xe Oixa.pbx\q, or) f| u£v 7ipo<; xov; Arj^aidoi*"; 7inyf) eiaeOevim, f| 5e 7ipo<; xov; AouipaioK"; opeoav 87iexei uoipou"; poo-^ L' "For the most part two rivers all told flow through Serike. One of them is the Oichardes. Its source by the Auzakia Mountains {at 153° 51°} is indicated above. Another {source} lies by the Asmiraeis mountains at 174° 47° 30' f| 5e (he, 87ci xa Kdoia opn eiapo7ifi 87iexei uoipou"; pi; (iB L' The branch of the river towards the Casia Mountains lies at 160° 49° 30' f| 5e ev toutok; 7inyf) p^a |i5 5' and its {third} source lies in these {mountains} at 161° 44° 15 Kai 6 Kalorjusvot; Bavxioog noxa\ibq, or) Kai arjxorj f) usv 7ipo<; xot<; KaoioK; opeoi 7inyf) 87iexei (ioipt*; p"^ (Ty And the other river is called Bautisus, this, too, has a source by the Casius mountains, at 160° 43°" Edition by C.F.A. Nobbe (1966) and Humbach & Ziegler (1998). Translated by Edward Luther Stevenson (1932) and Humbach & Ziegler (1998). Appendix 331 Appendix 4: Turkic classification 1. Anna V. Dybo (2006, 766-817) based her classification on the recalibrated glottochronology developed by Sergei Starostin: Proto--Turkic 250 I 500 I _Turkic-Bulgar 1000 I 1500 I 1750 I 2000 | Common Turkic South Siberian | 420 Sayanic 870 1150 r Upper Altai 1150 |_ 1300 |_ North Siberian 270 Oghuz--Karluk--Kypchak ■ Runic Old Turkic (750) 620 Karluk--Kypchak Old Uyghur -' - Karachanid (1050) 1630 Kypchak | 1300 1080 Volgaic I 1500 Karluk | 1220~ East Oghuz 420 West Oghuz I 960 1500 ■ Chuvash ■ Tuvin ■ Tofalar ■ Saryg Uyghur ■ Khakas ■ Shor ■ TubaKizhi ■ Oirot ■ Lebedin ■ Kumandy Kizhi ■ Yakut & Dolgan ■ Balkar 1500 1630 ■ Nogai ■ Kumyk ■ Tatar ■ Bashkir ■ New Uyghur ■ Kirgiz ■ Uzbek ■ Karakalpak ■ Kazakh ■ KaraimLi. ■ Karaim Cr. ■ Salar ■ Turkmen ■ Khalaj ■ Azerbaijani ■ Turkish ■ Gagauz 332 Appendix 2. Classification of the Turkic languages by Oleg Mudrak (2009, 172-79) is based on statistical evaluation of the phonological and morphological isoglosses, projected in the chronological scale: 600 T T T 1 -200 T T 1000 1400 1800 680 Siberian Turkic -120 100 420 1650 |_ 1080 790 1230 |_ 1450 |_ 1380 1200 1050 1650 |_ 1220 370 Kypchak 940 1560 r 1430 1010 1560 r 1380 1380 1290 1490 1120 Karluk 870 r 1050 r 560 Oghuz 750 1030 1180 1610 Yakut Tuvin Tofalar Saryg-Uyghur Chulym Khakas Shor Oirot Tubalar Kumandy Kuu-Kizhi Kirgiz Bashkir Tatar Volga Tatar Siberia Tatar Mistier Kazakh Karakalpak Nogai Karachai- -Balkar Kumyk Karaim Crimea-Tatar Uzbek NewUyghur Chaghatai Khalaj Karachanid ■ Orkhon Runic ■ Salar ■ Turkmen Azerbaijani Turkish Gagauz Chuvash Appendix 333 Appendix 4: Sino-Tibetan classification 1. The classification of Sergei Starostin is based on lexicostatistical approach, but the author died earlier than he could publish details including the absolute chronology. Fortunately, his former student, Svetlana Burlak, has recorded his model of classification, which was finally published in the book originating on the basis of Starostin's lectures (see Burlak & Starostin 2005, 341-42). Sinitic Sino-Tibetan Lolo-Burmese Tibeto-Burman Bodo-Garo Lu Tangut liarong Ciang Tibetan Tsangla Kayke Gurung Nung Chepang Karenic Kuki-Naga Jingpho Newari Lepcha West Himalayan North: Beijing (Baihua), U. San, Gan Hakka. Yue = Cantonese Min: Bai Burmese, Mm, Ugong, Mara, Atsi, Achang, Hpun, Nosu, Sani, Asi, Lisu, Lolopho, Lahu, Dzino. Akha, Hani, Bisu, Mpi, Biyue, Phunoi = Xi-Xia = rGyalrong Classical Tibetan; modem: Lhasa, Balti, Amdo . Gurung. Tamang, Thakali Nung. Rawang, Trang Chepang, Magari Pwo, Pho, Leke, Phloa Sgo, Breť, Kaya, Bwe, Geba, Gekho, Padaun, Mopwa Kuki- -Chin Nasa North Naga Luhupa, Tankhur. Khami, Mara, Sabeu. Sho, Bete, Aymal. Lushei, Tiddim, Siyin Mikir Manipuri = Meithei Ao, Lhota, Sema, ... Moshang, Banpara, Tamlu, Chang Abor-Miri : Kachin Pattani, Chamba-Lahuli. Kanauri, Kanashi, Almora, Thami, Damnya, Rangkas Bodo Dimasa Meť Andro Cliak Katu Abor Apa-Tanang Miri Dafla East Himalayan / Kiranti Limbu, Yakha, Yampu, Tulung, Bontawa, Khaling, Bahing. Sunwar 334 Appendix 2. The most recent model of classification of the Sino-Tibetan language family was prepared by George Starostin and Alexei Kassian on the basis of their own modification of the recalibrated glottochronology in 2010. Sino-Tibetan 5090 BCE Tuija Chinese Karen Lepcha West Himalayan Tamang-Gurung Tibetan Konyak Kachin Bodo-Garo Sherdukpen-Sulung Hnisish Kuki-Chin Naga Kiranti Dhimal Magar Mikir Meithlei Kham Tsangla Digaro Tani Nungish Qiang Jiarong Lolo-Burmese Appendix 335 Appendix 4: Classification of the Sinitic languages / dialects - Ba-Shu+ (Sichuan) Min I Min Nan Min bei Shaojiang Min dong Min zhong Hokkien Teochew Leizhow Hainan Puxian Jin Chinese Guan Middle Chinese Mandarin Xiang Standard Chinese Beijing Northeast Southwest Jiaoliao Zhongyuan Jilu Jianghuai Lanyin Dungan ?Huizhou Oujiang Taihu Taizhou Wuzhou Chuqu Xuanzhou New Xiang Old Xiang Gan Hakka Yue Pinghua Cantonese Tanka Sanyi Zhongshan Taishan Luoguang Guinan Gaoyang - ?Tuhua See 336 Bibliography Abaev, Vasilij I. 1958-1973-1978-1989-1995. Istoriko-étimologičeskij slovař osetinskogo jazyka, I. Moskva-Leningrad: Izdatefstvo Akademii nauk; II-III-IV. Leningrad: Nauka; V. Moskva: Institut jazykoznanija RAN. Abaev, Vasilij I. 1979. 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