"Go, Trabi, Go!": Reflections on a Car and Its
Symbolization over Time
DAPHNE BERDAHL
Department of Anthropology
215 Ford Hall
University of Minnesota
Minneapolis, MN 55455
SUMMARY When the Berlin Wall fell in 1989, a small boxy car made offiberglass
and pressed cotton captured the imaginations ofGermans East and West. Long the object
of affection andfrustration in East Germany, the Trabi quickly came to be a key symbol
not only of the German Democratic Republic but also of socialist inefficiency and
backwardness. In the mid 1990s, however, the Trabi reemerged as an evocative symbol of
Eastern German distinctiveness and postsocialist nostalgia. A central figure in the
"argument ofimages" surrounding the politics ofGerman re-unification, then, the Trabi
has movedfrom thejokebooks of 1989 to a new status as the "cult automobile" ofthe late
1990s. Drawing on James Fernandez's theory of images and symbolization over time, I
trace the symbolicformation of the Trabi before, during, and after re-unification.
This is an article about a little car made of fiberglass and pressed cotton that is
sometimes called a "Saxon Porsche," "racing cardboard" (Rennpappe), or an
"asphalt bubble" (Asphaltblase). Although these images alone might benefit from
some an-trope-ological analysis, that is not my intent here. Instead, I am interested
in the "changing symbolism over time" of the East German Trabant, or
Trabi, and what its place in an "argument of images" (Fernandez 1986) can tell
us about the politics of memory and German re-unification more generally.1
Drawing on James Fernandez's more recent work on the symbolic longue duree
(e.g., 1990), as well as his well-known contributions to metaphor theory and
studies of expressive culture, my focus here is on a certain symbolic conjuncture,
over a shorter time span beginning with the fall of the Berlin Wall and leading
up to the present. I am interested, in other words (Fernandez's, actually), in the
"conditions that make practical artifacts into evocative symbols with some
historicresonance... thehistorical problem ofhow things become resonant, pass
into history and out of it, and go through phases in doing so" (1990:95). The
Trabi's resonance as a symbol and emblem of identity is linked to and makes
manifest certain large-scale social and political processes, I argue, and its transformation
and revitalization over time reveals much about the internal dynamics
of post-Wall Germany. More specifically, the Trabi's place in the recent Ostalgie
(nostalgia for the east) boom not only represents particular cultural practices of
re-membering (and forgetting), but also reflects a certain "politics of significance"
(Herzfeld 1997) surrounding the production of memory in the new
Germany: discourses that dismiss certain practices as "mere" Ostalgie or "cultlike"
while valorizing others as legitimate forms of nostalgia and commemoration.
I am thus interested as well in the politics of this distinction and how it both
reflects and constitutes ongoing struggles over the meanings and effects of
1989--all of which, I believe, can be explored by tracing the symbolism of a little
car over time.2
Anthropology and Humanism 25(2):131-141. Copyright 2001, American Anthropological Association.
132 Anthropology and Humanism Volume 25, Number 2
"Trabitions"
In order to understand the multiple meanings of the Trabi as a symbol after
the fall of the Wall, it is important to note its practical and symbolic place in social
and economic life under socialist rule. Produced in the city of Zwickau, the Trabi,
with its two-stroke motorcycle-size engine, oily-blue exhaust, and distinctive
splutter, remained largely unchanged in its boxy form and pug-nose design until
the last car rolled off the production line in 1991. The Trabi thus embodied the
lack of product innovation and consumer choice seenby many to be the principal
distinction--more than any political difference--between the socialist East and
capitalist West. As one woman told me when I asked her to describe East-West
differences "We saw on western TV that every year they [West Germans] had a
new model of car, while our Trabi remained the same." Or, as another young
man joked, "We always used to say that Marxism could have worked if it hadn't
been for cars."
In the GDR, the Trabi was a highly prized luxury possession. East Germans
often waited 15 years and paid the equivalent of two annual salaries to obtain
one; some even sold their valuable place on the waiting list. Secondhand Trabis
were usually more expensive than new cars because they could be obtained right
away, and people spent much time and energy hunting for and hoarding new
and used Trabi parts (Figure 1). Furthermore, a shortage of Trabi mechanics
throughout East Germany placed the Trabi repairman in an important position
within the barter economy of the GDR. "You always remembered the Trabi
repairman's birthday," one woman told me smiling, "and we usually tried to
bring him homemade sausage after we had slaughtered." The Trabi thus occupied
a critical place in and represented an important aspect of everyday life in a
socialist "economy of shortages" a second economy in which social relations and
access to goods and services were based upon connections, barter, and bribes.
Figure 1
Trabi life support. Photo by Daphne Berdahl.
Berdahl "Go, Trabi, Go!" 133
As a luxury object, the Trabi occupied a distinctive place in GDR social life as
well. Parties were held to celebrate its arrival, and washing it could be a regular
family activity. Eastern Germans often developed a highly sophisticated sense
of sound in relation to their automobiles. In the former East German border
village where I did fieldwork, not only could people recognize the difference
between a Trabi, Wartburg, or a Lada (the principal automobile choices in the
GDR), but they could also make distinctions among them and thus identify
individual cars. Furthermore, the sound of a spluttering Trabant, which could be
heard from afar, would give most villagers enough time to make it to a window,
peer behind lace curtains, and ascertain, as well as comment on, its driver and
passengers. People throughout the GDR filled their Trabis with various knickknacks,
stroked and coaxed them lovingly (there was a particular way of talking
to a Trabi), and devoted much time and money to the upkeep of this notoriously
unreliable car. Owners learned to improvise basic repairs with highly coveted
and hoarded Trabi components or with everyday items (women's stockings were
a favorite ersatz part), and it was not uncommon for mechanics to perform
dazzling feats of Trabi transplant or amputation surgery ("out of two make one")
(Darnton 1991). As Slavenka Drakulic (1991) has written of domestic living
spaces in socialist societies, Trabi interiors had a "strange ability" to divide,
multiply, and contract upon demand. Seats would be removed to fill up the car
with the latest hoarding purchase (Hamsterkauf) of scarce goods or to accommodate
more family members on a long drive, and special pup tents could be
mounted on the roof for camping vacations. The object ofboth affection and scorn
in the GDR, East Germans sometimes used a special word--hasslieben (love-hate)--
in referring to their car (see also Darnton's 1991 endearing discussion of the Trabi).
"Trabulations"
With the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Trabi was, as Fernandez has written of
symbol formation and transformation more generally, "removed from its normal
routine and associations" (1990:99). In the days following November 9, West
Germans lined border crossings all along the inter-German border to greet Trabis
and their occupants; the verb Trabiklopfen (Trabi-patting/slapping) stems from
this period and alludes to the act of patting or slapping the roof of a Trabi as a
gesture of welcome. Indeed, images of Trabis crossing the once impermeable
border into an atmosphere of what Victor Turner called spontaneous communitas
proliferated in the national and international media as the car quickly came
to be hailed as a symbol of new-found freedom and mobility; its distinctive fuel
mix of gas and oil produced what some media accounts called "the smell of
freedom" (Figure 2). The Trabi was celebrated as the "car of the year" and was
even given favorable and (fairly generous) reviews in automobile magazines.3
A
major national newspaper (T-rankfurter Allegemeine Zeitung) even compared the
Trabant with the Porsche Carrera, praising both as "useful as getaway cars" but
noting that the Trabi had twice the Carrera's trunk space (Chua-Eoan 1990). The
association of the Trabi with the GDR and the fall of the Wall was so widespread,
in fact, that the car had a starring role in the first major motion picture about
German re-unification, a 1991 comedy entitled Go, Trabi, Go! that filled movie
theaters throughout Germany.
The Trabant also quickly became a key symbol of socialist inefficiency, industrial
backwardness, and inferiority. Its two-stroke engine contrasted sharply with
the fast West German Mercedes, Porsches, and BMWs as it took a distant third
place behind old VW's and Opels in the class warfare of the German Autobahn.
Indeed, as Robert Darnton observed, the contrast in cars could not help but
134 Anthropology and Humanism Volume 25, Number 2
Figure 2
Trabi metamorphosis: The car as symbol of post-Wall freedom, mobility, and
consciousness in a Berlin Wall mural, 1992. Photo by Daphne Berdahl.
embody "the two Germanys: one super-modern, hard-driving, serious, and fast;
the other archaic, inefficient, absurd, and slow, but with a lot of heart" (Darnton
1991:155). The Trabi thus became a central metaphor in an argument of images
about the "failures" of socialism and "triumphs" of capitalism. Socialism failed,
in other words, because of its inability, quite literally, "to deliver the goods." In
a discourse that linked "democratization" to the freedom to consume, the transitions
of 1989 were not about demands for political or human rights, but for
consumer rights (e.g., Bauman 1992; Borneman 1991, Drakulic 1991). The widespread
use of the Trabi image (and often the actual car) in post-Wall advertising
both reflected and constituted this discourse of a consumer democracy (Figure
3); it also was part of a more general production of new citizen consumers in the
former GDR (Berdahl n.d.).
After the fall of the Wall, Trabi jokes--long a tradition in the GDR--became a
national pastime in West Germany.4
Although largely affectionate, some of these
reflected projections of socialist backwardness and technological inferiority:
"How many workers does it take to make a Trabi?
Two: One folds and one pastes."
Other jokes focused on the Trabi's speed and power, particularly compared to
West German cars:
"What has happened if a Trabi doesn't go when the light turns green?
It has gotten stuck in gum."
With the fall of the Wall and currency union, the market value of Trabis plummeted
as easterners flocked to secondhand car dealers in the West--a particularly
"Go, Trabi, Go!"
komm zu Citroen!
Wir nehmen jeden in Zahlung.
Figure 3
Trabi goes to market: Billboard following reunification offers inclusion. The
slogan 'Test the Best" is a play on the "Test the West" cigarette billboards that
proliferated throughout East Germany after re-unification. Photo by Daphne
Berdahl.
painful situation for people who had purchased one shortly before November 1989.
The following jokes reflect this trend:
'How do you double the value of a Trabi?
Fill it up with gas."
"[Customer:] I need a pair of windshield wipers for my Trabi.
[Salesperson:] That seems like a fair exchange.
The monetary devaluations of the Trabi, however, were symptomatic (and
symbolic) of a more general and often systematic devaluation of the East German
past by dominant West German legal and discursive practices, which includes
the selling of East German factories to western companies, occasionally for next
to nothing, the discrediting of the GDR educational system, particularly the
Abwicklung of the universities, the renaming of schools, streets, and other public
buildings, the trial of Berlin border guards that for many eastern Germans
represented a sort of victors' justice, debates over what to do with and about East
Germany's Stasi (state security police) heritage, debates that often compared the
GDR to the Third Reich, and to return to the Trabi's place in an argument of
images again, discourses that ridiculed thebackwardness of East Germany while
ignoring the social and historical contexts that may have produced it. As the
eastern German psychotherapist Hans Joachim Maaz remarked, "People here
saved for half a lifetime for a spluttering Trabant. Then along comes the smooth
Mercedes society and makes our whole existence, our dreams and our identity,
laughable" (in McElvoy 1992:219) (Figure 4).
136 Anthropology and Humanism Volume 25, Number 2
Figure 4
Skeletal Trabi as symbol of socialism's fate and failures: The devalued car as
trash, overrun, quite literally, by the refuse of Western consumer goods. Photo
by Andreas Kamper. Used by permission of Rowohlt Verlag, Berlin.
As relations between East and West Germans grew increasingly antagonistic,
the Trabi was ridiculed in hostilejokes and everyday interactions. West Germans
living in border regions complained about the smelly polluting exhaust, endless
streams of Trabi traffic jams, and the lack of parking spaces at local shopping
centers. Indeed, the Trabi also became associated with the "consuming frenzy"
of the Ossis (easternGermans) as cars full ofwestern goods purchased with newly
acquired Deutschmarks filled the streets of western border towns. Demonstratinghow
symbols not only reflect but also influence attitudes and behavior, Trabis
were reportedly set on fire, their tires were slashed, dog feces were spread on
windshields, and angry messages ('Go Home Ossis!") were left under wipers.
"Retrabitulations"
Not surprisingly, the Trabi has also been useful in fighting back. In an ongoing
and evolving argument of images, it has been deployed in contesting western
projections of the GDR and its former citizens as inferior and in asserting an
identity as eastern Germans, or "Ossis." This first came to my attention in a
"revelatory incident" (Fernandez 1986) during fieldwork in 1991, when friends
chose to drive their Trabi instead of their western Opel to a dinner with West
German relatives, thus consciously highlighting, indeed magnifying, the distinctions
between them. "We took the Trabi," they proudly told me, "and parked it
next to their 68,000 DM Mercedes." Similarly, a group of men decided to drink
East German beer after it had been nearly taboo to serve it socially, women
resumed buying the eastern German laundry detergent Spec
Berdahl "Go, Trabi, Go!" 137
By the mid 1990s, however, such tactics of symbolic resistance had become
widespread, routinized cultural practice throughout eastern Germany, generally
referred to as Ostalgie (nostalgia for the east). This "GDR revival" has taken many
forms: a self-described "nostalgia cafe" called "The Wallflower" (Mauerblumchen)
that is decorated with artifacts from the socialist period and serves "traditional"
GDR fare; dance parties ("Ostivals" or "Ostalgie Nights") featuring East German
rock music, a double of Erich Honecker, and, occasionally, a Trabi or two
("two-stroke techno parties"); numerous publications and trivia games recalling
life in the GDR; supermarkets and an annual "OstPro" trade fair that specializes
in East German products, including one store whose name seems to reflect a now
common sentiment: "Back to the Future." Demand for products through an "Ossi
mail order" (OssiVersand) website that opened in 1998 far exceeded supply, and
the recent release and phenomenal box-office success of two "Ostalgie films"
(Sonnenallee and Helden Wie Wir) marks the culmination of Ostalgie as a truly
mass cultural phenomenon.
As a symbol of the former GDR, the Trabi image has been at the forefront of
this Ostalgie trend. Trabis or Trabi parts decorate Ostalgie discos, bars, or cafes,
and images of Trabis abound in Ostalgie games and books. More significant are
Trabi fan clubs located throughout the former GDR that gather to exchange
stories, memories, ideas, and spare parts.7
Like many automobile clubs, discussions
often focus on technical matters of Trabi repair and maintenance; unlike
many such fan clubs, however, members are also often interested in creative
reconfigurations and design (a cultural transformation, perhaps, of the "out of
two make one" Trabi repair jobs under socialism), such as Trabis transformed
into stretch limos, innovative and outlandish Trabi paint jobs, Trabis as race cars,
Trabis as luxury vehicles ("Trabillacs," Figure 5). Now frequently described as a
"cult automobile," the Trabi, as several accounts put it,8
is the "ultimate object of
Ostalgie." Very recently, two eastern German art students, stressing the car's
status as a cult object" (Neue Revue 1999), built a "Trabi Stonehenge" as an
advertisement for their "Trabi Shop."
As I have argued about Ostalgie more generally (Berdahl 1999), such practices
must be seen in the context of feelings of profound displacement and disillusionment
following re-unification, reflected in the popular saying that we have
"emigrated without leaving home." Ostalgie can thus be an attempt to reclaim a
kind of Heimat (home or homeland), albeit a romanticized and hazily glorified
one (Huyssen 1995). It is also a way of using available languages and images for
constructing defiance, identity, value, and solidarity as eastern Germans. As one
of the organizers of the Ostpro Messe (an annual trade fair for East German
products) recently commented: "These are our old products. They are actually
not so bad as is always asserted, and we are also not so bad as we are often
depicted" (Waldmann 1999).
In this sense, Ostalgie is also about reclaiming a devalued self. Contrary to
many interpretations and representations of this phenomenon in popular discourses,
Ostalgie does not usually represent an identification with the GDR state
or a desire to recover the old socialist political system. Instead, it can (among
many other things) be an effort to affirm a sense of personal worth and dignity,
to see one's past life and present self as meaningful and worthy in the context of
a devalued and ridiculed past. Or, as one Trabi fan book put it, "Cars of paper
need drivers of steel" (Kamper and Ulbrich 1995).
The revitalized Trabi is also symptomatic of what I have called "Ostalgie
for the present" (transforming a phrase of Frederic Jameson's, see Berdahl
1999), that is, practices that both contest and affirm the new order of a market
economy by expressing politicized identities in terms of product choices and
138 Anthropology and Humanism Volume 25, Number 2
Figure 5
Trabi as cult automobile: A creative and ironic configuration of a luxury car.
Photo by Andreas Kamper. Used by permission of Rowohlt Verlag, Berlin.
mass merchandizing. In other words, to paraphrase de Certeau, consumers of
Ostalgie and drivers of Trabis may escape the dominant order without leaving
it. Indeed, the 'ironic awareness" (Fernandez 1986:268) that is contained in many
of the Ostalgie practices--including Trabillacs, "two-stroke techno parties," and
Trabi Cafes-- may even reflect a certain consciousness of this.
The frequent description of the Trabi as a "cult automobile," however, echoes
popular discourses about Ostalgie more generally as a "cult' phenomenon and
raises important questions, I think, about the politics of labeling in post unification
Germany. Descriptions and discussions of Ostalgie were featured prominently
in many German, as well as American, accounts of the ten-year anniversary
of 1989 and have been heightened by the recent release of the film
Sonnenallee, a coming-of-age comedy about a group of teenagers living in the
shadow of the Berlin Wall, on what would have been the 50th anniversary of the
GDR (October 7), at its premiere, guests passed through a reconstructed border
control checkpoint into the movie theater. In these recent popular discourses,
Ostalgie is described, often with a certain degree of suspicion, as something that
turns the GDR into a "cult object, a joke, a phantasm. There is a specter
haunting Bonn and Berlin," concludes one article in the leading newsweekly, Der
Spiegel, invoking the famous line of Marx's, "Only it is not socialism but the GDR
that won't die" {Der Spiegel 1999:22-33). A review of the Ostalgie films in the
leading weekly newspaper Die Zeit similarly commented (although this time
invoking the language of postmodernism): "Now the [GDR] appears as a fake
.. . the copy triumphs over the original. Ten years after its demise, the GDR
is living a second life as a cult object" (Peitz 1999).
But what does it mean to speak of Ostalgie, and, more generally, representations
of the GDR in this way? Like the "ostalgie" practices that they describe,
Berdahl "Go, Trabi, Go!" 139
the discourses that depict Ostalgie as cult-like entail particular strategies of
representation.9
They are part of a politics of labeling that is located, in other
words, in "specific contested histories" (Rofel 1999) and political projects. To call
something "cult-like" evokes images of eccentricity, ephemerality, and irrationality.
It designates whatever is being labeled as marginal. This may be part of a
discursive strategy when the eastern German PDS (Party of Democratic Socialism--the
renamed former Communist Party of East Germany) is accused, for
example, of exploiting Ostalgie in its recent electoral success. Indeed, while
criticisms of Ostalgie for eliding issues of complicity, responsibility, and accountability
in relation to a burdened GDR past need to be taken seriously, and while
distinctions need to be made among Ostalgie practices themselves (something I
have attempted to do elsewhere [Berdahl 1999]), I would also suggest that
dismissals and attempts to belittle Ostalgie as a cultural phenomenon in the
former GDR may be viewed as part of a larger hegemonic project to devalue
eastern German critiques of the politics and disappointments of re-unification.
The Trabi's move from the car of the year, to the jokebooks and junkyards of
1989, to the "cult automobile" of the late 1990s thus tells us much about the
politics of identity and memory in united Germany. The car's "property of
contrast" (Fernandez 1990:97) as an object, and the actions--indeed performances^--that
the Trabi enables have been part of boundary maintaining practices
on both sides of the former East-West divide. Indeed, to conclude with another
(although non-Trabi) joke, the revitalized Trabi reflects the transposition of a
popular joke told shortly after the Wende (turning point) that revealed at that time
much about boundary maintenance and power dynamics from the western side.
Now the joke goes, "Wessi says to Ossi (recalling the slogans of 1989): We are
one people! Ossi to Wessi: So are we."
Notes
1. I have chosen the hyphenated terms, re-unification and re-unified, to refer to the union
of the FRG and GDR on October 3,1990. Although I am aware of the arguments pointing
to the teleological and ideological implications of the term re-unification, as well as the fact
that the territories united in 1990 do not represent Germany in an earlier state, I am also
concerned that the omission of any term reflecting a previous union of this region as one
country silences critical elements of Germany's past as well: the fact, for example, that
Germany was divided in 1945 for a reason. My use of the hyphen is thus a sort of
compromise, an effort to avoid the naturalizing connotations of re-unification while
reflecting a sensitivity to certain histories of divisions and recent restorations.
2. I should also add at the outset that the idea for this paper is not my own. It stems
from a lively conversation that took place nine years ago near the bike racks by Haskell
Hall at the University of Chicago. Jim Fernandez and I had each just returned from
relatively brief visits to a Germany still in the throes of immediate post-Wall euphoria,
disorientation, and unease. During the course of our conversation he suggested writing,
and perhaps coauthoring, a paper on the Trabi. It has taken me a while to get around to
doing this, but, like much of Jim's other commentary and advice over the years, the idea
stuck with me.
3. Auto Zeitung magazine gave the Trabi honorary top billing in its 1989 test results, for
example, and a Trabi was included in the centerfold of Autobild's "Best Autos of 1989"
(Chua-Eoan 1990:39).
4. On Trabi jokes see Brednich 1990 and Stein 1993.
5. Abwcklung, meaning "to unwind" as well as "to liquidate," entailed the restructuring
of East German universities through the dissolution of departments and institutes,
dismissal of East German faculty members (20 percent of professors and 60 percent of
Mittelbau or intermediate ranks--Maier 1997:305), and the recruitment of West German
academics and concomitant influx of West German research agendas.
140 Anthropology and Humanism Volume 25, Number 2
6. Although generated and experienced differently in form and content (Abwicklung
was viewed as an affront and degradation by eastern German academics, for example,
whereas the toppling of socialist monuments and memorials was divisive and often done
by GDR anticommunists), such practices have generally been grouped together in an
eastern German discourse of oppositional solidarity against western hegemony.
7. Trabi fan clubs do exist in West Germany and elsewhere, although they are mostly
concentrated in the former GDR.
8. I am drawing here on media representations and individual accounts.
9. See Rofel (1999) on nostalgic narratives in post-Mao China.
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