JSAE Spring/Summer 2003
We Just Want to Live Normally": Intersecting Discourses of Public,
Private, Poland, and the West
Marysia Galbraith
University ofAlabama
Abstract about what constitutes the normal life continued, though
In postcommunist Poland, discourse on "the normal urban residents with a university education were more
life" provides a view into young Poles' identity as inclined to describe their own experiences as normal
shaped byprocesses ofdemocratization, niarketization, than others, who felt the idealized normal life was still
and globalization. In this article, I compare uses of impossible to achieve in Poland. In this paper, I show
the term "normal" for a group of urban and rural that discourse about "the normal life" functions as a
youths during two periods in the 1990s. I show that means of evaluating public structures in relation to
normal, like public and private, is a "shifter"-- individual experiences and expectations. Just what the
because the same term is used in a variety of contexts "normal" entails is difficult to pin down--specific uses
to describe various situations, it helps to integrate new of the term shift from person to person, and from context
experiences in a way that maintains a sense of to context. Sometimes, it refers to "that which actually
continuity with the past. This discourse reveals young occurs most often and is therefore 'typical'," but it is
Poles' simultaneous attraction and resistance to used more often to refer to "how things should be"
idealizations of the West, and it also reflects the (Wedel 1986:151). Varied characterizations of "the
different opportunities available to rural and urban normal life," shaped by ethical stances that inform and
residents. Thesefactors, in turn, help to shape young are informed by perceptions of public, private, Poland,
Poles1
orientations toward thefuture within and beyond and the West, provide a view into young Poles' identity
the borders of Poland. [Key words: public/private, as Poles. They also reveal the simultaneous attraction
marketization, Poland, globalization, national identity] and resistance to processes of globalization--increasing
long distance interconnectedness across nations and
"In Poland, times are always interesting. There is never continents (Hannerz 1996)--in post-communist Poland,
'normality'. Rarely is life pretty--there are only pretty I focus on the words of urban and rural youths
moments." (Krzysiek, a resident of Lesko, age 21, who were in high school when they first talked to me in
1993) 1992 and 1993 about their lives in postcommunist
Poland. I compare their earlier comments with those
"To me, this is a normal country. Whatever we don't they made in J999, when they were young adults
like, we should change. [The country] is moving in a beginning their own families and professional careers,
very positive direction." (Piotr, a resident of Krakow, In the earlier interviews, exclamations such as "wejust
age 25, 1999) want to live normally in a normal country," or "our
normal [what is familiar] is not normal [the way things
When discussing their frustrations with should be]" came in response to my questions about
everyday surroundings and experiences, high school recent changes in Poland. As I became attuned to these
students in Poland during the earJy J 990s often made phrases, I noticed they were used in casual, unsolicited
references to "the normal life." As Krzysiek put it conversations, as well. Usually, they were said in a
shortly after he graduated from a rural technical high tone of frustration, and preceded a litany of problems
school, "more than anything, I'd like to find a little with the existing system in Poland. Most notably, youths
lady and get married. I just want to live normally (zyc complained about the threat of unemployment and the
normalnie)." Young Poles expressed longing for high cost of living. In my interviews in 1999,1 asked
normalcy within both the public and private realm-- respondents whether they think Poland is a normal
they wanted a stable economic and political system that country. This is consistent with my approach to
would enable, not hinder, their ability to achieve their ethnographic research--I listen for significant themes
personal goals. Several years later, in 1999, discourse and patterns that emerge in everyday conversations, and
JSAE Spring/Summer 2003
then build my study questions around those themes. In defined space of the home, there are public rooms (the
these later interviews, I noted a marked split between living room) and private rooms (the bedroom), and each
responses of urban and rural residents. Those who live of these spaces may be further divided into public and
in Krakow, most of whom have attended university, have private, depending on specific elements and uses.
a greater sense of progress toward the normal, and, The public-private dichotomy has been used
however they define it, they feel confident that they can to characterize state socialist systems in Eastern Europe
achieve a normal life in Poland. Those in the rural by natives and by foreign scholars. The difference was
town of Lesko and the adjoining Bieszczady region tend variously described as: the political divide between the
to feel more limited and correspondingly were more state--the institutions of the socialist government--and
inclined to say that Poland is not a normal country and the nation--the people united by a shared sense of
the normal life still eludes them. 1 identity (Galbraith 1997, 2000; Herer and Sadowski
Little has been written about uses of the term 1990; Kubik 1994); the centralized, state-controlled
"normal," with the notable exception of Wedel (1986).2 economy and what was variously called the black
However, because the tension between public and market, gray market, second economy, or private sector
private usually informs Poles'characterizations of the (Hann 1985; Haraszti 1978; Lampland 1995;
"normal," theoretical constructions and more specific Nagengast 1991; Pine 1993; Sampson 1985-6; Wedel
meanings of public and private in Eastern Europe and 1986,1990; Verdery 1996); and the values propounded
Poland serve as a starting point to clarify in state doctrine as opposed to the beliefs expressed at
conceptualizations of the normal. home (Kaufman 1989; Lampland 1995; Ries 1997;
The distinction between private and public has Verdery 1996). These tensions led people to characterize
been an active locus of theory in a variety of disciplines, their everyday experiences in terms of absurdity (Ries
Weintraub (1997) outlines four general ways in which 1997), which is one way of marking typical experiences
the opposition has been defined: the liberal-economic as abnormal. For instance, state propaganda celebrated
contrast between market and state characteristic of the successes of socialist production while factories and
public policy analysis; the classical distinction between citizens struggled to deal with shortages of all kinds of
the political community of citizens and the institutions manufacturing and consumer goods. The absurdity
of both the market and the state; the sociological arising out of these tensions also became a central theme
distinction between intimate, face to face relations and in Eastern European literature, such as The Polish
increasingly impersonal and instrumental relations in Complex by Tadeusz Konwicki (1982), the grim and
public spaces; and the distinction elaborated in feminist gritty novels of Marek HBasko (1989), Moskwatheory
between the female-gendered domestic realm and Pietuszki by Venedikt Erofeev (1980), and Alexander
the male-gendered economic and political order. Some Solzhenitsyn's (1963) One Day in the Life of Ivan
of these distinctions might appear to be contradictory: Denisovich.
by one scheme, the realm of the market is defined as In many cases, the distinction between public
the private relative to the political public, by another and private was shaped by ethical stances that
the market is lumped with other public institutions that contradicted socialist doctrine; the private realm was
contrast with the domestic private realm. Recently, viewed as the realm of the "good" in contrast to the
Susan Gal and Gail Kligman (2000) have looked more corrupt public realm. According to Martha Lampland
closely at the way the categories of public and private (1995) villagers in Hungary during the 1980s considered
operate. Drawing from feminist theory, they point out home to be the locus of truth and genuineness, while
that public and private are "shifters." In other words, politics were regarded as vacuous. During the same
their meaning is always based on the context in which period in Poland, Janine Wedel (1986) observed people
they are used. As such, they mark ideological applying one moral code to interactions with family
distinctions rather than actual places, and can be applied and friends, and another to interactions in the public
to any number of spatial and conceptual divides (for realm. Specifically, networks of intimates and
instance, home and work, market and state, whisper acquaintances engaged in all kinds of informal
and public announcement). Gal and Kligman (see also exchanges of scarce goods and services "acquired"
Gal 2002) further describe the "fractal qualities" of through their official jobs. If, however, people were
public and private; like the mathematical concept, the caught poaching someone's personal possessions (as
categories can be ever divided into imbedded degrees opposed to state resources), it was condemned as
of public and private. For instance, within the privately stealing. Gal and Kligman (2000) point out that, despite
JSAE Spring/Summer 2003
the interdependence between public and private under focus on the ways in which the public-private distinction
state socialism, a powerful divide was perceived has helped perpetuate gender inequality under state
between intimate domestic relations and public socialism and since 1989 (Gal and Kligman 2000, Gal
institutional control, most often characterized in terms and Kligman, eds. 2000, Long 1996, Pine 1993). Thus,
of "us" and "them." Katherine Verdery (1996) also distinctions between "us" and "them" continued to be
contends that identities under state socialism were split made and helped to maintain the perception of
between "us" and "them." In other words, people continuity, even though the dominant focus of concerns
contrasted the state-sanctioned values exhibited in had changed.
public realms, to their "real beliefs" and "true self These cases point to other categories besides
that they could only express in private. She explains: public and private that function as shifters in the
Like the second economy worked only in parasitic postcommunist world, most significantly the concepts
relation to the first, this "real" self was meaningful of security and normalcy. Because the words stay the
and coherent only in relation to the public or sarne? e v e n w n e n t n e y describe radically different
official self. In other words, people's sense of contexts, the terms help to maintain an appearance of
identity andI personhood was not independent but c o m j n u i t y , a n d t h u s tend to promote the experience of
required the "enemy Party, the them to . . r . , , ,. . . , ,
complete it. Bipolarity, in short, became continuity for people who use the distinction (or hear
constitutive of the social person (1996:94). t h e
distinction used). The Poles at the center of my
These studies show that despite the emphasis on s t u d v m a d e u s e o f t h e t e r m s
"n
°>TMal" a
"d "stable" to
contrasts between public and private, each realm was characterize an ideahzed realm of domestic harmony,
defined in terms of the other, and both pragmatically economic prosperity, and individual and national liberty,
and symbolically dependent on the other. o f l e n in c o n l r a s t t 0 l h e i r
everyday experiences. Many
Under state socialism, processes of "sed a mythologized West typified by affluence and
globalization were mediated by the Soviet Union-most o r d e r a s a
Po m t o f
comparison, while at the same time
outside influences came from the East instead of the expressing fierce loyalty to their homeland and
West, and official images of the capitalist world were reluctance to leave it. By and large, they accepted
distorted to support state policies. Following the '"creased individual freedoms and civilrightsin Poland
collapse of state socialism in 1989, influences a s a retunl t 0
normalcy. They felt liberated from the
increasingly flowed from west to east, and the rate and extraordinary efforts that had been required to meet
the variety of connections grew rapidly, basic matenal needs during state socialism, and freed
Correspondingly, the public-private dichotomy became o f t h e
obligation to act as heroes and sacrifice their
newly configured throughout postcommunist Europe. Personal d e s l r e s f o r t h e
So o d o f t n e nation
- R a t h e
r than
The initial elation most people felt about regaining civil celebrate these achievements, however, they tended
liberties was quickly superseded by economic concerns. i n s t e a d t 0 l a m e n l t h e
economic improvements that had
As Verdery (1996) and Berdahl (1999) point out, state yet t 0 b e
achieved, and the hardships they faced as a
socialist propaganda fueled the desire for consumer resu
"- Similarly, they criticized the freely elected
goods, but it did not fulfill these desires. The post- politicians who claimed to be loyal to the Polish nation,
1989 preoccupation with acquisition of material items, b u t f a l l e d t 0
Place tne
best interest of the majority before
aptly called by Berdahl (1999) a "consuming frenzy," t n e i r o w n
self-interest. Thus, Poland continued to be
amounted to the feverish effort to satisfy these long- "not n o r n i a l
" m t n e i r
estimation, even though the exact
denied desires. Barbara West describes how the n a t u r e a n d c a u s e s o f t h e
abnormality they identified
concerns of residents of a small Hungarian city shifted h a d s h l f t e d
significantly. In the next two sections, I
to the nation's cultural and linguistic integrity and to Pr e s e n t w a v s i n w h i c
" y°TMg Poles' made use of the
"the security of their own bodies, jobs, and futures" t e r m
"normal" to describe their experiences, and I
(2002:9-10). Correspondingly, Gal and Kligman (2000) consider the affect of these discourses on their
say that the primary threat to "family" shifted from Perceptions of the future and their identity as Poles.
uncertainty arising from state control to uncertainty ?"ˇ [ f o c
"s o n th
f *> '9 9 0 s
- w h e
n they were still
about state services and the insecurity of markets and '"Jig" s c h
° o 1
- a n d t n e n l co
TMder t h e
" comments in
employment. Olt landers in rural Romania told David ,,
KideckeK 1993) that one of the best things about the "e fcar
'y l w o
f
revolution was that it allowed them to be left alone to , D u n n
g t h e
<* '99Os
.conceptions of the
live their lives as they saw fit. A number of studies n o r m a l w e r e l n t l m a t e l
y ""ertwined with perceptions of
JSAE Spring/Summer 2003
the contrast between state institutions and the domestic but there were no established pathways to employment
realm. Despite its official demise, state socialism and no clear role models for negotiating the changing
continued to structure significant portions of everyday educational system and job market. As one lyceum
life. Most particularly for Polish youths, secondary student in Krakow remarked, "I don't know how to be
schools still, by and large, trained students for independent at this time." This instability was
employment in a centralized economy wherejobs were particularly critical for young adults who were supposed
guaranteed. Most students attended technical or trade to be choosing career paths. Because unemployment
programs designed to track them into particular rates for recent graduates hovered around 50%, many
specialties such as electronics or agriculture, while decided to stay in school as long as they could. At
fewer than 25% attended college track lycea. worst, this would postpone their entrance into the ranks
Nevertheless, the very state industries they were being of the unemployed, and at best they might actually learn
educated for were in the midst of being dismantled, and some skills that would enable them to get a job in a
were laying off large numbers of workers. This more stabilized economy a few years down the line,
disconnect between public institutions and personal Young Poles said they prefer not to think too seriously
expectations contributed to concerns about instability about the future, and in this way maintained a
andexpressionsof frustration that a normal life was so generalized sense that conditions were bound to get
difficult to achieve in Poland. "Normal" was variously better (they have to get better, some would interject,
used to describe living in a country that was not always because they can't get any worse). Many adopted a
fighting some enemy, or occupied by some foreign "wait and see" attitude, hoping that once they finished
power, where economic policies lead to industrial school or university, conditions would stabilize and a
productivity and stable employment with reasonable normal life would follow.
salaries, where consumer goods were easily available When she was in her final year of lyceum
(in contrast to the old system) and affordable (in contrast (college preparatory high school) in Krakow, Ewelina
to present conditions). On a more personal level, a told me, "It's hard to live normally in Poland. If my
normal life typically meant marriage, children, and mother's family who went abroad didn't help us, we
enough money to set up an independent household couldn't live normally, that is at a certain level. Father
(eventually) and perhaps even to have a car. Most felt had to emigrate, too, for a while." She attributes her
they would be glad to work, as long as their job was ability to live at an acceptible level of affluence to
reasonably profitable, interesting, and not too time material help provided by an aunt who lives in Australia,
consuming. Work was seen as a means to the more and because her father sent money home when he
highly valued goal of a stable, comfortable home life. I worked abroad for two years. Specifically, it allowed
was most struck by the modesty of the aspirations young them to renovate their apartment and buy a large
Poles expressed. They emphasized their desire to live television and fancy stereo. Their apartment is small--
during "normal" times when no national cause demands two rooms for her parents, her brother, and herself (and
extraordinary sacrifices of them, thus allowing them to in recent years her grandmother, as well)--but it
focus their energies on face to face social groups-- compares favorably with those of her neighbors. She
family, friends, and neighbors--without being accused lives in a working class neighborhood where many have
of self-interest or lack of patriotism. had a hard time finding jobs in the new economy and
Discourse on the "normal" also reflects the have been unable to do basic upkeep on theirapartments,
relation between aspirations and expectations of let alone improve them. In 1993, Ewelina viewed
respondents. Where aspirations and expectations economic and political changes in Poland favorably,
correspond, people are more likely to view Poland as a Her father had been active in the Solidarity Trade Union,
normal country. In the early 1990s, people did not know and had come under hard times during the 1980s. His
what to expect of the future because new political and experiences may in part have contributed to Ewelina's
economic institutions were still being established, and strong support of marketization. "I think things will
the relationship between the government and citizens change," she told me while she was still in high school,
was being redefined. Some high school students called "it won't be so horrible as long as everyone helps each
themselves the "lost generation" because they had been other." She told me she wants to be a lawyer, and she
raised to live under state socialism, but suddenly the hopes that just as one would normally expect," if she is
old models were discarded. Instead, they were being good at what she does she will succeed,
told that they should think for themselves and innovate,
JSAE Spring/Summer 2003
High school students in the early 1990s them. "We want normal work, but if we can't live
described the free market and privatization as "normal" normally, we'll have to finagle something," said one.
in contrast to state socialism that didn't work. For Another said all he wants to do is "survive like a normal
instance, one lyceum student said, "It's normal for person. Now after school, what? I'll end up on the
people to want to profit personally." The free market kuroni6wka. Either that or finagle something
exemplifies for most an important domain of freedom, (kombinowa). I'd earn far more if I were to emigrate."
as well as an economic system based on a realistic vision These students felt they would have to resort to
of human nature. People need the promise of personal abnormal means to achieve the material conditions they
gain to motivate them. Despite the general support for associate with a normal life. Kombinowanie refers to
marketization of the economy, these reforms introduced figuring things out, making do, or achieving a desired
new problems. Many complained about the abnormality goal. Significantly, the exact means by which the goal
of the job market. A technical school student in Lesko is achieved remains vague. This is because
said "it's not normal to earn as much on unemployment kombinowanie usually involves recognizing and making
as you do as a forester. Therefore, I'm going to use of unofficial pathways, social connections, and
university." Reflecting the "wait and see" attitude that chance opportunities. More often than not, the means
was so predominant at the time, he did not consider cannot be spelled out clearly, nor can it be anticipated,
university an opportunity to gain marketable skills so Also, kombinowanie can involve illegal activity, or more
much as a place to spend a few years until wages caught commonly, activities whose legality is ambiguous,
up with the increased cost of living. Under state socialism, kombinowanie was viewed as a
Another technical school student from Krakow necessary means of compensating for shortages. On
said, "It's not normal that people become politicians to one hand, it was associated with cheating or stealing,
earn money, and even the educated don't find work, but on the other, people expressed pride in the ingenuity
What would be normal is decent pay for work, and an with which they managed to acquire goods and
education that leads to work in your area of study." services.3 The students' comments above reflect a
He, too, emphasized the importance of fair growing unease over the observation that market
compensation for labor, but he also expressed the desire reforms should make kombinowanie unnecessary, but
for education to pay off. Students in technical and trade instead growing unemployment makes it more necessary
programs were particularly frustrated that they were than ever.
not being taught skills that would be directly applicable The question of what is normal was also raised
to the jobs they would find upon graduation. Most of in relation to the construction of national identity. In
the students I spoke with had chosen these schools when school, students learned the characteristics of the
getting a job in their area of specialization right after romantic tradition in literature that developed during
graduation was still a reasonable expectation. Indeed, the 19lh
century when Poland ceased to exist as a country
this was the main purpose of technical and trade and was divided among the Russian, Prussian, and
education under state socialism. The complaint about Austrian empires. Polish romanticism emphasized love
politicians' wages was also a common one in the early of the captive nation whose only chance of liberation
1990s, when elected officials were one of the few groups was through poetry, divine deliverance, and waging
that earned eight times the average national wage. This battles that seem destined to fail. In a Polish class at a
was also at a time when numerous political factions technical school in Krakow, for instance, students were
made it difficult for representatives to agree long enough introduced to romanticism through the poetry of Adam
to pass legislation or implement reforms. With the Mickiewicz, one of the key Polish patriotic writers,
exception of a few politicians such as Jacek KuroD, Students were asked to identify the characteristics of
who really seemed to have the best interest of the people romanticism they found in their reading--the emphasis
in mind, most politicians were criticized as opportunists, on emotions, passion, hypersensitivity, and even
KuroD spoke plainly, favored everyday clothes rather insanity, in contrast to reason. Their teacher told them
than suits, and was the main proponent of the program that the term "lud" (folk) is used 495 times in
of unemployment compensation that became known as Mickiewicz's writings, illustrating his interest in the
the kuroniowka. common people. She alsojoked that the romantics are
Other comments by technical school students sometimes called the "Gallery of Lunatics" (galena
made it clear that they feared they would not be able to wariatow) because of all the crazy characters who do
find work and thus the normal life would be denied crazy things. She made the point that it is not normal
JSAE Spring/Summer 2003
to die for love (whether it be love of another person or
love of the nation). Romanticism, however, places
feeling before knowledge and intellect. This lesson was
meant to convey that sometimes extraordinary, even
foolhardy actions were the only way to regain national
autonomy, but the teacher also poked fun at the crazy
romantics. Students also made the point that now is
not the time for romanticism in Poland, but rather for
responsible work toward pragmatic (economic) goals.
Although the romantic path (conceptualized as
not normal) helped bring about social transformation
where reason and patience had failed, the demise of
state socialism and the introduction of democratic
reforms was seen by most as a return to a kind of
normalcy (the way things should be) in Poland.
Nevertheless, most felt disoriented once this long-desired
goal was achieved (it was not normal, in the sense of
familiar), and frustrated that material conditions seemed
to have gotten worse instead of better. Some attributed
this state of affairs to Polish national character,
commonly talked about in terms of mentality
(mentalnosc). As Janek explained shortly after
graduating from lyceum, "under normal circumstances,
Poles can't mobilize. In difficult situations, they can
and do." Others insisted that Poles are normal, just
like any other European people. "Normal" was used to
justify stances toward other ethnic groups, also--one
person in Krakow said it is not normal to see German
signs in Silesia; by contrast, a technical school student
from a rural village in southeast Poland said, "it's
normal to have Ukrainians in my village. They just
have different holidays. In a larger place, each group
would close into its own circles. But such isolation is
not automatic."
Clearly, discourse on the normal life is a
commentary on the existing social order. In the early
1990s, criticism of state socialism transformed into
criticism of the state for abandoning social services and
letting loose the worst offenses of the free market.
Similarly, outrage over uncertainty arising from the
threat of political persecution was replaced by outrage
over economic uncertainty. Even though they expressed
positive feelings toward theirplace of birth, high school
students told me things were not the way they should
be, and the fault lay with larger social institutions that
were beyond their control. Satisfaction with the
expansion of the free market was tempered by concerns
about the loss of job security, and pleasure over the
increased availability of goods was dampened by the
prohibitive prices. Young Poles in secondary schools
were the first generation in forty years to face the
possibility, and in many cases the likelihood, of
unemployment when they finished school. This very
real source of uncertainty had significant impact on
attitudes toward capitalist reforms. While few wanted
to return to the former state socialist economy, and even
fewer believed such a return was possible, fear of
unemployment and associated uncertainties made young
Poles equally skeptical about marketization. Laments
and litanies of complaint abounded about old and new
system alike.
The late 1990s
The good sense of young Poles' "wait and see"
approach to the future has been confirmed by my visits
to Poland since 1997. By the late 1990s, most of my
respondents had already faced the difficult challenges
they anticipated several years earlier. Despite varying
degrees of success finding their place in the new system,
overall, they no longer had the sense that the ground
had shifted under them. Urban youths in particular
expressed a complacency about their future, in marked
contrast to the uncertainty that plagued them just a few
years earlier, and even those whose prospects remained
grim seemed more oriented toward coping with what
was available to them. The market economy was taken
for granted, and they had grown familiar with the kinds
of jobs available and the expectations of employers.
They were also more mature as individuals, with a better
sense of their abilities, interests, and opportunities. In
the private realm, many were married, and were
managing tojuggle parenthood together with school and
work. In the public realm, the political system became
more stabilized; Aleksander Kwasniewski has proven
to be a popular president, reelected by a strong majority,
and prime ministers have remained in office for years
instead of just months as they did in the early 1990s.
At the same time, I observed a widening divide between
the experiences of urban residents, most of whom feel
that their goals can be achieved by living and working
in Poland, and many rural residents who continue to
struggle with the problems associated with a weak local
economy. Correspondingly, urban residents were more
likely to assert that Poland is a normal country than
were rural residents. Below, I focus on reflections I
recorded in 1999 about what it means to live normally.
Most of the comments I quoted in the previous
section were made during formal interviews, but
respondents made use of the term "normal" by their
own initiative. In 1999, by contrast, I asked specifically
whether respondents think Poland is a normal country.
When asked what I meant by normal, I explained that I
have often heard Poles say that Poland is not normal,
JSAE Spring/Summer 2003
and I would like to know what that means. Significantly,
few people hesitated before answering my question, but
in contrast to what I had heard so often in 1992 and
1993, only about a third of my respondents asserted
Poland is not normal. Equal numbers said Poland is
normal or described both normal and abnormal aspects
of life in Poland. The continued predominance of
negative assessments of conditions in Poland in
unsolicited usage of the term "normal" suggests it is
used in a formulaic way, as part of the genre of laments
about what is wrong with everyday life in Poland. When
asked directly, however, the term takes on different
associations. I suspect that, because I am a foreigner,
when asked directly, some were more inclined to defend
their country than they were to criticize it. The range
of responses also shows that assessments of normalcy
are a vehicle for remarking on social conditions in
Poland, and they reflect idiosyncratic and contextual
stances. The question of normalcy continued to provide
a means of contrasting the ideal and the familiar in
Poland, and acted as a vehicle for remarking on the
affects of capitalism and representative democracy on
individuals' goals, aspirations, and expectations.
When assessing their country, respondents
tended to use metaphors of transition. Micha3
, who
runs his own real estate rental agency while completing
a law degree, said "Poland is moving in the direction of
normalcy." Marek, who studies public administration
at night while working with computers during the day,
emphasized, "Poland can't be a normal country right
now because of the changes it has undergone in recent
years--it is neither a normal capitalist country, nor is
it a normal socialist country." These university educated
urban residents nevertheless feel that Poland will
eventually attain the stability and affluence of Western
nations. Indeed, urban and rural alike use Western
capitalist systems, such as the US and Germany, as
their standard of measure. Many explained, "Poland
is getting closer to the West." For instance, Staszek,
who grew up in Lesko, went to university in Krakow,
and now lives with his wife and son in the southeastern
city of Przemysl, told me "the value of work in Poland
is becoming equal to the West." He used himself as an
example, saying he enjoys spending long hours at his
job as a computer programmer. His employers have
recognized his efforts. They send him on business trips
abroad, and pay him enough that he will be able to buy
his own house soon.
Ewelina, a law student in Krakow, struggles to
sort out the positive and negative aspects of state
socialism. She suggested that Poland has become more
normal, but that people's expectations are out of line:
People think that a normal country is one that
provides everything. But the state should insure
peace and order, and that is all it should do.. .Ways
of thinking need to change. [The state] shouldn't
meddle with what I do as long as I don't harm
others.
Even though people were used to the security of the
social safety net provided under state socialism, she
believes the disadvantages of an overly controlling
centralized system outweigh these benefits. Therefore,
she supports smaller government and less economic
regulation, which requires that Poles take more
responsibility for their own well being.
Residents of the rural Bieszczady Mountains,
by and large, are more negative about the degree of
normalcy that their nation has attained. Bogdan, a
Bieszczady native studying in Krakow, told me, "our
normal is not normal." He voiced a sentiment that was
often repeated to emphasize the strange commonplaces
of everyday life under state socialism. He gave
examples of behaviors that continue from the state
socialist period--the rudeness of bureaucrats in
administrative offices, and the habit of stealing from
the workplace--to illustrate the continued strangeness
of everyday life in Poland. Joasia, a school librarian in
the Bieszczady region, emphasizes that changes
occurred too quickly. Rural residents and farmers, in
particular, were not given the time to adjust to the new
ways of thinking necessary to earn a living.
Janek, who works as a bartender, also
emphasizes the lack of stability in Poland:
For me normal would be that I could work and
earn enough for basic expenses, a hobby, and a
place to live. I don't require luxuries. But you
can't do that in Poland. This is not normal. For
example, Anka [his wife] has to go to America to
work. I can't even afford to buy compact discs or
books. Tell me, is that normal? If the standard of
living improved, I would stop saying that it's not
normal.
Since graduating from high school, Janek has tried a
number of occupations. He went to college for a while,
worked in Italy, found a job in Warsaw, and opened a
bar in the village where he lives. None of these
endeavors worked out for him, and the only steady job
he has been able to find is bartending in a local resort
hotel. He and his wife live in a room on the top floor of
Anka's grandmother's house. A separate household
occupies each of the three floors below them--those of
Anka's grandparents, sister, and aunt respectively.
Since high school, Anka has spent part of each year in
JSAE Spring/Summer 2003
Chicago with her mother who moved there when Anka Pajo (2001) makes the point that because
was fifteen. More than anything, Janek and Anka want nationness and belonging are social constructions, the
to settle in a place where they can live together and find territory in which one is born and raised may not always
work that pays a living wage. They have decided this be perceived as the "natural" homeland where one
will be easier to achieve in the United States than in belongs. Rather, as in the case of Albanian discourse,
Poland. Janek explains, "[the US] is a more normal the West can be referred to as "fatherland,"
country because you can still go there with nothing and "motherland," or "home," which helps to explain why
earn enough for basic expenses, a place to live, and 20% of the Albanian population have emigrated since
still save something. Here [in Poland], unfortunately, I 1991, and why most of those remaining in Albania say
can't imagine that." Recently, a former classmate of they would emigrate if they could. Basch, Schiller and
Anka's told me that Janek finally was granted a visa to Szanton Blanc's (1994) characterization of
the US and he was planning to join Anka in Chicago transnationalism, the phenomenon whereby migrants
where she recently gave birth to their daughter. In sum, establish a sense of connection and belonging in two or
Janek and Anka define normalcy in terms of (public) more places, seems to better describe the process of
economic conditions and the effects they have on their migration in Poland. Most economic migrants feel a
(private) personal lives. They have decided that a great deal of ambivalence about leaving their native
normal life is not achievable in Poland, and so they land, and most say they would not choose to leave if
have fallen back upon a tactic chosen by generations of they felt they could earn a decent living in Poland.
Poles before them--migration to a more stable and Migrants'continued attachment to Poland is supported
economically developed country. institutionally, too; Poland allows dual citizenship, and
Primary claims Poles make to demonstrate the even makes it difficult to revoke Polish citizenship,
abnormality of life in Poland include low wages and Also, migrants are encouraged to vote in Polish
limited employment opportunities, in contrast to the elections, and to maintain emotional and economic ties
supposed normal countries where Poles can go, either with Poland.
temporarily or long-term, and earn a decent living. At the other end of the spectrum, urban
Continued reliance on migration contributes to the educated Poles are more likely to say that Poland is,
ongoing sense of instability in Poland, but at the same indeed, a normal country, and that a normal life is
time, it helps to mask some of the weakness of the Polish attainable within its borders. Correspondingly, they
economy by making possible a middle class lifestyle show little interest in long-term migration, but rather
for some while keeping others from abject poverty.4 go abroad for vacations and school. Some say that
The possibilities and windfalls from migration also Poland has achieved stability, and they point to
contribute to a general faith in the unexpected, the transformations in the city in which they live to illustrate
atypical, and even the miraculous. Particularly in it. Krakow has been reinvigorated by an influx of shops,
impoverished rural areas, the ongoing examples of cafes, and tourist services while still maintaining its
migrants who return home having earned enough over artistic, historic, and academic flavor. As in other major
a few years to build a house and buy a car reinforces cities, the unemployment rate is 5% or below, in contrast
for those who do not leave the sense that Poland is to a national average that has fluctuated between 9%
somehow behind, and that life is easier and better in and 15%.5 Ewelina, a law student, says that the changes
other places. In people's conceptions, the instability that have occurred give Poles a chance to live normally,
brought about by migration tends to be underplayed. She also pointed out that Poland is safer than France or
Many, like Janek, return from abroad with less than Germany, where there is more crime. Others attribute
they had when they left. In fact, Janek described the Poland's normalcy to the existence of free speech,
life Poles lead in Italy as abnormal because of poor freedom of information, democracy, and respect for state
working conditions, exploitation by employers, and the laws. Grzesiek, a technical school graduate who works
inability to speak Italian. Others, in order to maintain as a computer repairman, said Poland is the same as
the house and car obtained through migrant labor, must any country--it has its own laws and its own culture,
continue to travel abroad periodically, thus disrupting Aneta, who quit university to become a television
households and families. Disruptions in the families of producer, said in a tone somewhere between sincerity
those who choose not to return are even greater, as with and irony, "you have the freedom to do what you want
Janek's wife Anka, whose mother left her in the care of and make money."
her grandmother when she was a young teenager.
JSAE Spring/Summer 2003
Others describe Poland as normal because what society, especially if their access to the things they desire
actually occurs from day to day is not nearly as absurd is limited (1995:187). Berdahl (1999), in her study of a
nor extraordinary as it was in the past. When I asked village on the former border between East and West
him if he thinks Poland is a normal country, Wojtek, a Germany, notes that the hegemony of the West conveys
doctoral student, responded: a sense that Easterners are or should be moving in a
I think it is. There's nothing here that could be particular direction. At the same time, she makes the
considered abnormal. The state is developing. We point that interactions with the imagined West are
have an economy and democracy, such as it is. variously interpreted "through a dynamic and subtle
And we have normal people. They know more or interplay of imitation and resistance" (Berdahl 1999:9).
less the principles of economy in the world. They ^ ,ˇ , ˇ .. r> ˇ , ˇ .
. , , , t ,, ! . Correspondingly, just because Poles express admiration
don t close themselves off from other cultures. - , ,,. f . . , ,
TU u e *u , of the West does not mean they accept it as a model
I hough, of course, there are some exceptions such J r
as Fascists, for example. But such people are uncritically. On the contrary, the West must compete
everywhere w
't n
people's sense of attachment and loyalty to their
Wojtek takes a pragmatic stance here. Economic and Pl a c e o f o r i
Si n
'a n d
' significantly, it must compete with
political ideals have been achieved, more or less, despite P o l e s
' idealized vision of the West itself,
remaining imperfections. Still, these flaws are normal P o l i s h h i s t o r
y a n d
literature has long portrayed
because they also exist in other developed countries in P o l a n d a s
""Justly kept from its rightful place in the
the West. h e a r t o f
Europe (Davies 1984, Mucha 1999). This
In sum, discourse about "the normal life," while geographic metaphor has been used to protest the
far from uniform, reveals understandings about social Peripheral role Poland has played in world politics,
changes in Poland since 1989. As the public realm U n l i k e t h e
Albanians described by Pajo, whose
stabilizes, it becomes clear that greater opportunities attachment to the West seems to replace their attachment
are concentrated in urban areas. Discourse about the t 0
Albania, the West is not conceptualized as "other,"
normal life also reveals ways in which the public-private but rathe
r as ^e Pro
Pe
r home of Poland. My interviews
dichotomy is being reconfigured in Poland. Poles still reve
al, and surveys conducted by the Center for Public
differentiate between the public realm dominated by the Opinion Research (CBOS) confirm, that most Poles
state and, increasingly, by market forces, and the private a r e
Pr o u d o f t h e i r nation
- I n d e e d
'i n t h e fal1
of 2001,
realm that remains the realm of personal relations, but f u l l
y 5]% of t h o s e
surveyed responded that they are
public and private are no longer conceived of as so "ve
ry P">ud to be Polish," while 37% said they are
sharply in opposition. Indeed, it is through changes in > o u d
enough" to be Polish (Cybulska 2002). When I
the public realm that most see the possibility of asked young Poles in 1993 ifthey are proud to be Polish,
achieving the normal life they desire. m o s t s a i d ves
- S o n i e
attributed this pride to Poland's
Portraits of the West in relation to forces of long history, the beautiful countryside, and the bravery
globalization °^ P°les in battle. Others expressed a selfThe
role given to the mythologized "West" peripheralizing consciousness when they told me they
deserves closer consideration because Poles usually fe
el pridejust because of the fact of their birth as Poles,
define what should be normal in relation to the standard e v e n t h o u
gh t h e
y don't have any good reason for being
of living in more developed capitalist democratic Proud
- They were taught to be proud of their nation,
systems in the West. As such, discourse on the normal b m w h e
n v
>ewed from the perspective of world power
can help to reveal important dynamics that have come dynamics, theirs is neither a strong nor a wealthy
to define globalization, in particular the impact of country. Below, I focus on youths who seek to both
contrasts between societies characterized as modern and i m i t a t e a n d r e s i s t
influences from the West in a variety
traditional.6 Globalization is often portrayed as ° ways.
marginalizing traditional cultures. Liechty (1995) EwelinaandMicha3
, bothof whom study law,
identifies what he calls a "self-peripheralizing voiced criticisms of some of the models that are being
consciousness" among urban Nepalese youths who adopted from the West by remarking upon negative
adopt an international standard of value based on changes that accompany some of the positive reforms,
economic development and foreign consumer items, The cost of normalcy, they say, is that some achieve a
Modernism and dependence "converge to provide an h i
gh e r
standard of living, while others end up in poverty,
'education'for young people that is alienating," making Micha3
also emphasizes the danger of aggressive
youths feel marginalized as members of their own business practices that threaten everyone'srightto make
10
JSAE Spring/Summer 2003
their own fortune if they want to. Many of my "If the system hadn't changed, I wouldn't have been
respondents express uneasiness at the growing income able to do what I do. I probably would have been some
inequality in Poland that, in turn, leads to other kinds kind of horribly desperate television journalist. I
of social inequality. Such ambivalence about economic wouldn't have been able to work with Americans, nor
reforms may be seen in differing assessments of the to do an independent film. I would have had to escape
free market versus capitalism. When I asked them about from here to do these things." Here, she suggests that
these two, most support the movement toward a free the economic and political changes allow her to live a
market economy because it provides individuals with normal life in Poland.
the freedom to improve their material conditions through Jurek, an architect, has also benefited from the
their own effort and ingenuity. Capitalism, by contrast, social transformation of Poland. He goes so far as to
tends to be associated with corrupt business owners suggest that Poland could act as a model for Europe:
who manipulate the wealth they already have to exploit We could have a large influence on Europe where
others. Thus, they conceptually separate the positive there is no faith, and where life is uninteresting,
outcomes of marketization from the negative. as far as famil
y matters are
concerned. There is
Overall, Ewelina feels that changes in Poland s o m u c h f r e e d o m and lack o f v a l u e s that ] think II
have given Poles a chance to live normally. Indeed, she fl be
f TM 0
' t h e w
"l c
!t 0 S u r
T this Way
. . . , .. , for another 100 years...We have a chance now.
studies law, as she told me she wanted to when she was For fif years w e haven,t b e e n threatened by w a r
in lyceum. However, she feels frustrated by the We haven't had such a chance for 300 years. Every
continuing power of social networks that make certain time w e started t0 d o something good, war came,
opportunities such as admission to Law School easier For the moment, there is no war, and this is a
for some than for others. She believes that she did not chance. We never had the opportunity to develop
get into the day program at her university because others entirely. No one has seen what we are capable of.
with lower test scores were admitted through bribes And now we can show them,
and family connections. Talent is still not enough to Jurek puts into practice his optimism in his own life,
get ahead in the market economy, despite the new public He is taking full advantage of the increasing demand
rhetoric. Put another way, the old rules of private for resort homes and tourist services in the Tatra
connections as a means to public opportunities continues Mountains south of Krakow. His projects are
to be maintained within the capitalist economy. Thus, particularly popular in this region because his innovative
the actual experience of market reforms does not match designs blend traditional features with contemporary
up to the ideal of a system where opportunity is based needs. He says the quirks and imperfections of his
on merit. nation are what make it unique. This "incorrectness,"
Aneta, who works as a television producer and as he calls it, is what also can make Poland a model for
aspires to be a film director, embodies the contradictions the rest of Europe,
between the desire to imitate and resist influences from Conclusion
the West. She alternately criticizes Poland for being In conclusion, discourses of the normal, public,
backward and messed up, and expresses passionate and private in Poland provide insight into the ways
loyalty to her homeland. Aneta speaks flawless English, young Poles position themselves and their nation in
which she perfected while living with her aunt in the relation to global influences. Although these terms act
United States during her freshman year of high school. as shifters, and express a variety of opinions, they tend
She says that she used to want to live in the US, but not to be used to emphasize what should be rather than
anymore. In fact, she attributes Poland's problems to what is. Young Poles' views are shaped by globalization
a misguided tendency to look to the West for models: in a variety of ways: through comparisons with other
"We [Poles] don't govern ourselves normally because nations, the influences of global political and economic
for fifty years of beating the Polish soul, everyone systems, and the ongoing flow of migration. Young
believed that America was better." Aneta produces edgy, Poles' words reveal both attraction and resistance to an
youth-oriented television shows, and does not need to idealized West, and express both attachment to and
travel to America to accomplish her goals. Rather, she criticism of Poland. They also reflect the more limited
wants to write and direct what she calls "Polish films." opportunities for rural residents compared with
Aneta thus cultivates her Polish identity, but at the same university educated urban residents, which contributes
time makes use of media-related opportunities that are to different orientations toward the future within and
a direct outgrowth of opening to the West. She explains, beyond the borders of Poland.
JSAE Spring/Summer 2003
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Acknowledgements. Fieldwork for this project was
funded by IREX and the University of Alabama
Research Advisory Committee in 1999 and 2000, and
by IIE-Fulbright and the Institute on Global Conflict
and Cooperation in 1992-1993. I thank my respondents
in Krakow and in Lesko who generously shared their
lives with me. An earlier version of the paper was
presented at the American Anthropological Association
Meeting in Washington DC in 2001. I especially thank
the discussant of the panel, Susan Gal, for her insightful
comments, as well as the other panelists and those in
the audience who also offered their thoughts.
Additionally, I thank the members of the UA
Interdisciplinary and Interpretive Writing group, who
offered helpful suggestions about an earlier version of
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to see this article through to completion.
Endnotes:
1 The predominance of college students and graduates in
my sample can be attributed to a number of factors. When
1 first conducted group interviews in high schools,
administrators tended to steer me toward the college-track
classes. The students I interviewed who were in three year
trade school programs tended to have very little to say in
response to my questions about Polishness and recent
changes. I also tended to choose the students who had the
most to say within the group interviews for in-depth
individual interviews; generally, these students continued
their education beyond high school. It seems fair to infer,
then, that my original research questions were posed in
such a way that people inclined toward more academic
pursuits were more interested in them and better able to
answer them. Whereas most of my urban respondents went
on to university, fewer than half of my rural respondents
did. This reflects national trends; urban Poles are indeed
more likely to pursue a higher education than rural ones,
even though the percentage of university graduates in both
my urban and rural sample is higher than average.
2 In addition, a recent article by Fehervary (2002) considers
the relations between discourse of the normal and material
culture in contemporary Hungary.
3 See also Wedel (1986) and Hann (1985:91) for a
discussion of kombinowanie. Hann only considers the
negative connotations of the term, but I have found that
meanings are far more complex and varied, as I describe
above.
4 Basch, Schiller, and Szanton Blanc (1994) make the same
point about transmigrants generally.
5 These were the rates between 1991 and 2000. Since
2000, national unemployment rates have risen as high as
18%.
6 Philip Thomas (2002) asks similar questions about
attachment to place in relation to postcolonial distinctions
between modern and tradition in Madagascar.
13