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70 DYNASTIC EMPIRE, < 176:>-18<>7
most successful general, Francis's brother the Archduke Karl, already minister of war, was empowered, a* Generalissimo, to carry-out military reform. Count Johann Philipp Stadion, an anti-French I Rhinclander from a family with a tradition of service to the Holy :: Roman Empire, became foreign minister, ironically in the year :: when Francis, under French pressure, declared this Empire at an end f 1806); this act and his prior assumption of the title of Emperor ofAustria were, however, also designed to deprive Napoleon ofa pos- ;:: sible weapon for his German ambitions and to safeguard Vienna's !; position. A censorship relaxed at Stadion's request brought out a stream of publications appealing to the 'public spirit' which had made revolutionary France so formidable and which Stein was seek-l ing to mobilise in Prussia. Joseph Hormayr's Patriotic Journal for theM Austrian Empire, founded in 1808, and Sartori's Literary Annals of M the Austrian Empire (1806 10) gave intellectual underpinning to the new patriotism. The government itself commissioned a volume of % patriotic poems in honour of the Landwehr, the militia called into being for the Hereditary Lands by the Archduke Karl's reforms!! Meanwhile, German-speaking intellectuals flocked to the Austrian:::! capital. The Catholic converts Friedrich and Dorothea Sehlegéli headed the religious and Adam and Johannes Müller (unrelated!! the political champions of a revalued medievalism, affirming the vu%i tues of an organic society based on hierarchy and faith. The Prussian! Friedrich Gentz, a one-man conservative think-tank and advocate of the need to remove the French threat to the European balance of power, wrote the official proclamation of war on France of April 1809, calling on Aus triam to fight for 'all those sweet, holy and eterljj nal things bound up with the concept ofa particular fathciland'.' ji Crowds fought for copies of the order of military command with! which Austria began the war.
For once, enthusiasm appeared little different in the Monarchal! non-German lands. French emissaries had differed as to whetpÉ! Hungarian noble dissatisfaction with Vienna could be turnedstey French advantage, one of them claiming that the generals, ministEÜI and orators of revolutionary France were household names to the-Hungarian gentry, reactionary though they were! In the e\ent. Napoleon's appeal to the Hungarians to rise, issued in French, LaÜfi and Hungarian, fell on deaf cars. The Hungarian noble radical j Batsányi, resident in Paris, who appears to have corrected its livam garian style, proved isolated among his peers. The Hungarian Dae!, which had protested in 1807 against the Crown's refusal to heed its
METTRRN ICH'S AUSTRIA 71
grievances, in 1808 had empowered the king in advance to summon the feudal levy if needs be, and the call-up was duly successful the next year. Bohemia was also quiet. The ever loyal peasant Vavak, : whose earlier attempt at a Landwchr song - 'we still have our Czech :;"bloocl... we have our crown and our King sits on the throne' was thought by his betters to be too warlike for the Czech 'national char-l^acter', promptly obliged with a second version: 'How could we have :filhmgs-better? Among us is no want, no misery, no constitution, only ,! peace. There is also plenty to drink ... Our masters treat us in a reg-ijIMar manner ... Brothers, no moaning! Let us say joyfully: Up with llBohemia's monarch, long live all social orders!'-1 p:::: All this w-as to no avail. Austria went to war in April 1809 before P;hHe Archduke Karl's preparations were complete and he became, ||«yeh after his success at Aspern, the protagonist of peace. The. issue jlwas decided by Napoleon's occupation of Vienna and victory at J; Wagram and lack of effective support from coalition partners Britain and Prussia. In the subsequent peace of Schonbrunn Austria lost ilriUch of her Slovene, and Croatian territory to new, French-ruled, ITttyrian Provinces', forfeited Salzburg and  the Innviertel to Bavaria and yielded her gains from the third partition of Poland to the equally new 'Duchy of Warsaw'. Into the bargain, Francis's Q\m daughter, Marie Louise, was to marry the Corsican upstart, a humiliation as embarrassing as his abandonment to execution of :ip\ndreas Hofer, loyalist leader of the 1809 Tyrolean revolt against ||8feiew Bavarian masters. The patriotic propaganda was banned liihd Hormayr imprisoned in 1813 on suspicion of plotting a new Iyiolean rising. Indeed, the whole attempt to create a spirit of pan-jjjKharchical patriotic defiance of France had an air of insubstantial-lil|pihoe it was German national feeling to which the great majority of those concerned appealed. Had not the Archduke Johann, active in the T\ rol, exclaimed that he was German in heart and soul? Emperor rfSMJ^Siwas sufficiently uncertain of the Czechs to order the closure of §§jSt societies set up by Bohemian military and political leaders as a '.'.'.means of injecting patriotic values into the. population. The ultimate lifiSt of tlie long wars against revolutionary France was to fix defini-lliltfejy the conservative character of the Austrian slate.
Metternich, Francis and Conservative Absolutism
ij;Lx.tcnially, loo, concern to combat resistance to established sftuthorhy came to overshadow older traditions of policy, like the
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