Monika

                                     Bronze head from Nymburk

            In 2015, a bronze head with a melon coiffure was found near Nymburk[INS: in…? :INS] .
The fragment of a bronze, folding tripod was found by an amateur archaeologist with a metal
detector, who brought [SB1] the find to the museum in Pardubice. The discovery raises questions
about its origin and age as the[DEL: re is no :DEL] context [INS: cannot be :INS] excavated with
[DEL: it :DEL] [INS: the find :INS] and [INS: there is :INS] no material to compare [INS: it :INS]
to. A significant detail, which will help us with the task, is the melon coiffure.

Origins of the hairstyle

One of the first examples of the melon coiffure is displayed on the stater from Ortagoria on the
Aegean coast of Thrace. The coin shows Artemis wearing the studied hairstyle. The city was first
mentioned by Strabo (7 fr. 47). The earliest arrival of the first colonists is [DEL: unsure :DEL]
[INS: uncertain :INS] , but [DEL: the earliest :DEL] [INS: an :INS] indication of its presence on
the historical scene[INS: can be :INS] date[INS: d :INS] [DEL: s :DEL] to after the mid-4^th
century BC (Tsetskhladze, G.R. , 106) when it minted coins with Macedonian influence (Waggoner,
1987, 21). The coiffure was very popular in Thrace, many literally [SB2] sources describe Thracians
as people who wore raised hair (Homer, Archilochus or Hipponax) and could be found on many
different artifacts from this region. The hair is divided into segments resembling ribs of a melon
running from the forehead to the nape of the head. Braided locks are gathered at the nape of the
head[SB3] .  The inclusion of the city within the hegemonic state of Macedony suggests that this
typology of Artemis became influential in vast number of areas of the Greek, as well as the
Scythian and Thracian, society (Lopes, E., 98).

The evidence to support this fact [SB4] is a gold plate in the Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg.
The ornament shows two Scythian warriors holding [DEL: out :DEL] their bows[INS: with arms
outstretched :INS] . They wear hair divided into bands forming large masses, gathered in impressive
chignons (Lopes, E., 100). In continental Greece, the hairstyle of Artemis became established too,
which can be supported by several depictions of the goddess in different sites. The tomb of
Persephone at Vergina displays Demeter wearing a melon coiffure in the painted frieze (mid. 4^th c.
BC).

Significant evidence of the popularity of the coiffure is numerous depots of Tanagra statuettes of
which female, draped women are commonly wearing the melon coiffure. [SB5] Tanagras are sufficiently
uniform. They range from 0,12 to 0,30 m. in height, are normally made in several moulds and are
retouched. The backs are shaped, often fully modeled. The bottoms are open, but when the figures
are set on a base, they usually [SB6] show a vent, commonly rectangular in shape. The repertory is
limited and is drawn exclusively from daily life. The most popular subject is draped women
(Thompson, D.B., 130). Other motives [SB7] are male figures, female standing figures, female ritual
figures, female heads, comic figures, prophylactic figures[SB8] , protomes, masks, animals,
miscellaneous votives, plaques and miniature votive pottery. Figurines following the old traditions
were primarily produced for dedicatory purposes. The variety of statuettes gives us a perfect tool
for datation of the hairstyle, as it contains older as well as the subsequent Tanagra statuettes.
The Tanagra statuettes are one of the most famous carriers of the melon hairstyle, which spread the
fashion in [DEL: the s :DEL] ociety throughout the Greek territories and to the Apennine peninsula,
Egypt and Asia Minor.

Typology

Analyzing different depots has brought to light a typology of the hairstyle which helps to date
individual finds. The first phase is represented by a series of deep parallel waves or twists
running back from the forehead to a large flat coil of plaits at the back of the head.  All of the
statuettes are dated to the third quarter of the fourth century B.C. These [DEL: are the :DEL]
[INS: provide :INS] examples of the coiffure which begun in Hellenistic times.  There are several
variants of the coiffure – the plaits are wound round the head rather than at the back of it (an
early stage of the true melon coiffure), the plaits appear wound in a coil around the back of the
head[SB9]  (figurine in the Metropolitan museum). The early phases of the variant of coiffure do
not seem to have had a very long life, probably [SB10] not more than twenty or thirty years
(Thompson, D.B., 121).

The second phase of the melon coiffure, in which the plaits at the back of the head have lost the
nature of a coil and assumed that of buns, is presumably [SB11] [DEL: to be :DEL] dated in the
third century B.C. on the evidence from Corinth. The bun turns into a knot early in the third
century and becomes the best known form of the melon coiffure, of which innumerable examples exist
from all over the Greek world (Thompson, H., Thompson, D.B., 1987, 221).


Věra

Young people in a Moravian town and village

As [DEL: was already :DEL] [INS: previously :INS] mentioned, lists of subjects of the Slavkov
Estate, did not keep track of the actual inhabitants in each year, but rather of those who belonged
to the town or villages. It is therefore almost impossible to find out [SB12] the exact number of
subjects living in the locality. At the beginning of the period studied, 731 subjects were recorded
in Slavkov and 496 in Křenovice. Towards the end of the period, there were 828 [DEL: subjects in
the Slavkov registers :DEL] and 724 [DEL: in the Křenovice registers :DEL] [INS: subjects,
respectively :INS] . However, most of them are not the focal point of this research[DEL: , :DEL]
which concentrates on young people who are in [DEL: the :DEL] [INS: a :INS] semi[INS: - :INS]
dependent position, as defined by John R. Gillis. From the demographic point of view, this
encompasses a period of approximately 20 years – between the ages of 10 and 29. For the purposes of
this article, only the age group 15[INS: to :INS] [DEL: – :DEL] 19 has been chosen, because [DEL:
at that time :DEL] most young people had left [DEL: their :DEL] home [DEL: and :DEL] [INS: but
:INS] were not[INS: yet :INS] married [INS: at that time :INS] [DEL: yet :DEL] . In total, there
were 5224 entries concerning people of this age. This data might be analysed and compared in
various ways according to factors influencing [INS: the :INS] lives of individuals. T[INS: he t
:INS] wo [DEL: of these :DEL] factors[INS: that :INS] have been chosen [INS: are :INS] [DEL: –
:DEL] death of father[INS: , :INS] and place of origin (i.e. the town or village).

Table no. 1 shows comparison between orphans and non-orphans.[1]


Several conclusions can be drawn from this table[SB13] . First, [DEL: a :DEL] [INS: the :INS]
complete family played a crucial part in the care of young people. In more than half [INS: of the
recorded :INS] cases, boys who had not lost their father lived with their parents at this age[INS:
, :INS] and th[INS: is :INS] [DEL: e :DEL] number is even higher for girls. This might be explained
by more work, which was provided by a complete household and farm. [SB14] As Michael Mitterauer
suggested, children were very important for the economy of the household.[2] Once the father died,
the family was incomplete and it was extremely difficult for a widow to keep her independent
position,[3] which is why older orphans did not often live with their mothers and had to work
elsewhere. In contrast, it was more common for non-orphans to leave the estate permanently, because
they migrated with the whole family. The same can be said about vagrants – in some cases all
members of the family started to wander. Higher education and professional training were available
to boys only. Non-orphaned boys were more likely to attend secondary schools and universities. This
might be [DEL: explained by :DEL] [INS: attributable to :INS] the cost[DEL: s :DEL] of education –
after the father had died, the income of the family was insufficient and the widow could not afford
to pay for [DEL: the :DEL] school. Moreover, orphans had to support their families financially.
However, this does not apply to apprentices and journeymen, whose training was[DEL: not :DEL] [INS:
un :INS] hindered by their father’s death. On the contrary, orphans learned crafts [DEL: in more
cases :DEL] [DEL: than :DEL] [INS: which :INS] their non-orphaned peers[DEL: , :DEL] [INS:  did
not. This :INS] [DEL: which :DEL] challenges Anne Kussmaul’s distinction between servants and
apprentices. Anne Kussmaul uses [INS: the :INS] [DEL: a :DEL] diary of Ralph Josselin to
demonstrate that servants were paid for their work, but apprentices (or their parents) had to pay
for their training.[4] Reinhold Reith shows that the reality was much more complex –[SB15]  masters
of some professions required their apprentices to pay, others did not and some were even willing to
pay wages.[5] It seems that orphaned apprentices on the Slavkov Estate did not become socially
disadvantaged and artisans provided conditions for their training. Orphans also often entered the
army, which might be considered a solution to the worsened economic situation. As Josef Grulich
suggested, enlistment into the army was in some cases a way to improve one’s social status.[6]


Table 2: Life situations of young people between the ages 15–19 – comparison between a town and
village

The second table [SB16] represents a comparison between young people living in a town and a
village. Townspeople were less likely to send their children [DEL: as servants :DEL] to other
households[INS: as servants :INS] , which might be explained by a different economic situation in
the town and better employment opportunities. As a result, its inhabitants were not forced to send
their offspring to other households as servants. As Michael Maurer points out, [SB17] poor girls
from villages often came to town in search for any work, but [SB18] the market situation in bigger
towns allowed them to increase their expectations.[7] This was the case in most European cities,
since a number of historians have found out that female servants outnumbered male servants in [DEL:
the :DEL] urban environment[INS: s :INS] .[8] However, village girls hardly ever [SB19] left the
estate at this age. Josef Grulich also found out that urban population was more likely to cross the
borders of the estate.[9] This might have been caused by better contacts of parents from the
town[DEL: , :DEL] [SB20]  who had [INS: the :INS] opportunity to send their children to more
distant employers. Moreover, men travelled for work longer distances than women in general, [DEL:
which is :DEL] [INS: a point :INS] also [DEL: claimed :DEL] [INS: made :INS] by Josef Grulich.[10]
Boys, unlike girls, were allowed to start their professional training[SB21] . Being an apprentice
or journeyman at this age was much more common for boys from the town than for boys from the
village (28 [SB22] % of records compared to 4 % of records). The urban environment apparently
provided more opportunities for craftsmen, which is why there were also more apprentices from the
town. As Josef Ehmer suggests, the early modern period was a time,[SB23]  when a higher number of
artisans lived in rural areas than before, but this was usually not the case east of Elbe.[11]
Reinhold Reith’s research into guilds in Augsburg in the 18^th century showed that the origin of
apprentices depended on the profession – guilds that did not require high payments for the training
and needed more workers were more likely to accept boys from the country.[12] It is very probable
that the number of young men from Slavkov was sufficient for the needs of local guilds and it was
not necessary to recruit men from the country. As far as military recruitment is concerned, there
is no significant difference between men from the town and village, [INS: a point :INS] which was
also concluded by Markéta Pražáková Seligová.[13]


Alica

Discussion and conclusion

This paper presents [DEL: the :DEL] [INS: an :INS] analysis of [INS: the :INS] meaning-making
processes in the civic engagement, specifically, of how civic activists understand their working
practices. Moreover, it sheds light on the ideological conflict in [INS: the :INS] Slovak civic
sphere [DEL: about :DEL] [INS: concerning :INS] non-heterosexual marriages and families performed
[SB24] by liberal LGBTI activists and conservative-Catholic activists, [INS: or :INS] so called
pro-lifers. My analysis suggests that these ideologically different groups draw on the same meaning
system when talking about their work. [SB25] I have called this meaning system the moral narrative
of helping. It is the narrative form of understanding built upon the structure of morally charged
meanings such as selflessness, others-orientation or activity. In the detailed discussion of the
constitutive meanings I show how they make the narrative intelligible and meaningful in the context
of civic activism. Furthermore, I discuss [INS: the :INS] role of this narrative in the ideological
conflict itself: civic activists shift the constitutive meanings of the narrative of their
opponents and by doing so they seek to discredit them.

It can be argued that we live in the movement world [SB26] where passionately contested issues of
our time are discussed in relation to civic activism everyday (Snow, Soule, Kriesi 2004: 4). This
study draws attention to [DEL: the :DEL] civic activism as [DEL: the :DEL] everyday work and brings
to light the specific people working as civic activists. It helps to understand civic activism also
as part of everyday ordinary life, not just in the moments of collective enthusiasm in the
demonstrations and protests. Finally, it shows that the cultural-collective meaning systems charged
with morality and emotions [INS: also :INS] play [INS: a :INS] role [DEL: also :DEL] in the
individual understandings of the own work.

The narrative of helping is just one out of more narratives in play when making sense of the work
in [DEL: the :DEL] civic engagement. For now[SB27] , I [DEL: left out :DEL] [INS: have
omitted/disregarded/ignored :INS] the discussion of democracy, freedom, human rights, religion,
science and their cultural and moral importance in activists’ understanding. These form together a
complex meaning system of understanding and their role deserves [DEL: a :DEL] special research
attention. Nevertheless, the moral narrative of helping is the focal point of activists’[SB28]
understanding of their work, since it frames the activities with the moral order, evokes emotions
and together with the constitutive meanings works as the coherent form of consciousness.


Tomáš

Following three essays offer comparative evolutionary glimpses beyond the realm of human.
[SB29] Luther Martin starts with[INS: an :INS] elaborative discussion of animal cultural behavior
focusing on [INS: the :INS] bowerbirds’ practice of nest decoration. He goes against [INS: the
:INS] general ethos of the volume while explicitly aligning with the stance of methodological and
functional cognition-culture separation (193-94). In excurse to prosocial capacity to sacrifice and
reciprocity[INS: , :INS] Henrik Høgh-Olesen draws comparison[INS: s :INS] between humans, primates
and monkeys in [INS: an :INS] aim to depict[INS: a :INS] “more balanced version of Dawkins’s (1976)
[selfish-gene] assumption” (215).  In story about[INS: the :INS] deep roots of human cognition in
primate fear of snakes and inseparatibility [SB30] of religion-culture origins[INS: , :INS] Tom
Sjöblom focuses on [INS: the :INS] cumulative gradual process of evolution. He takes religion as
“one of manifestation[INS: s :INS] of behavioral modernity” and while stressing the emotional
communication as a ground for symbolic behavior, he pinpoints it [INS: a :INS] “as fundamental
trait [for] religious behavior” (232-3).

The “Cognitive theories” part [INS: [of…?] :INS] open several philosophical essays. While still
staying in the explanatory enterprise, Jeppe Sinding Jensen addresses not only the concept of
culture but also the notion of meaning. In “almost reificating” (253) understanding religion as
program for “prescribed forms for intentionality and practice, [i.e. program of] how to think,
speak and act” (ibid.), [SB31] he fiercely critiques clear boundaries and one-way causality
thinking between cognition and culture. In contemplation about Ludwig Wittgenstein’s account of
religion and culture, Mark Addis remarks that “[it] is part of a form of life which is based on a
world picture.” (266, emph. TH). In this wittgensteinian terms for knowledge system scaffolding he
taps [INS: in :INS] to [SB32] the problem of differentiating religion and science. Within[INS: a
:INS] playful reading of some theistic topoi of appearance and disappearance and child peekaboo
play[INS: , :INS] Thomas Hoffman explores [INS: the :INS] Piagetian notion of object permanence and
[INS: the :INS] cognitive semantic notion of image schemas. In conclusion[INS: , :INS] he connects
the chosen topoi to [INS: a :INS] general cognitive frame and designate[INS: s :INS] “deeply
embodied, experiential and developmental patterns attested in child psychology” (281) as a possible
human universal for [INS: a :INS] border between [INS: the :INS] natural and supernatural. William
Waldron relies on the concepts of the interdependent origins of religion, cognition and culture
painted with conceptual brushes of Yogācāra Buddhist school. He challenges the conception of [INS:
an :INS] isolated mind as insufficient unit of analysis and calls for [INS: a :INS] systemic notion
of reciprocal causality driven by action in a study of cognition-culture continuum.

[INS: A c :INS] [DEL: C :DEL] hange of tone from broad philosophical views to specific empirical
and neuropsychological horizons comes with Uffe Schjoedt’s resource model of religious cognition.
His account concentrates on resource investment and motivation as important situational factors in
the “complexity of supernatural representation” (307) in[INS: an :INS] explicit polemical
discussion with typological models of high arousal/low frequency rituals (Lawson-McCauley,
Whitehouse).

The next three chapters address tool[DEL: s :DEL] -making and material culture. Peter Jackson deals
with [SB33] prehistoric archeology and raises concerns about academic preconceptions of religion.
In promotion of [INS: the :INS] bottom-up approaches[INS: , :INS] he critiques belief in
supernatural attribution based just on artefact properties and calls to shift [DEL: of :DEL]
attention to the broader categories of social action. Another explicit polemic with standard CSR
model depicts Mads Jessen in [INS: an :INS] archeological essay about extra-somatics of conceptual
thought. Within the Mjölnir case-study, he shows that “the construction of (minimally)
counterintuitive concepts […] largely depends on their physical context“[INS: :INS] (334-35). Final
excursion [DEL: to :DEL] [INS: of :INS] the material and tool cognition coming from Pierre Liénard
and Jesper Sørensen concentrates [DEL: itself i :DEL] [INS: o :INS] n the context of cultural
ritual with counterintuitive tools. In discussion of cognitive attractivity and ritual use of
artefacts with richer inferential potential[INS: , :INS] they propose two types of possible
breaches/transfers of ontological expectation, in tool design and in manipulation (non-functional
action).

[INS: The :INS] [DEL: L :DEL] [INS: l :INS] ast three chapters from Gretchen Koch, William McCorkle
Jr. and Peter Westh return to the belief cognition. In exploring the notion of [INS: the :INS] soul
connected with responsibility for actions[INS: , :INS] Koch questions the simple concept of empathy
as adaptive capacity to understand the mental states of others. She stresses the usually overlooked
active potential to inhibit it and further claims, that we may have “be designed to empathize
(project) inaccurately under certain circumstances, in order to pursue overriding interests.” (365)
McCorkle brings to the pool of cognitive theories his account of[INS: the :INS] ritualized
treatment of dead bodies. In analysis of cognitive processes triggered by dead bodies[INS: , :INS]
he explores the responsible mental systems as HADD, ToM, animacy, contagion/disgust and
person-file. However[INS: , :INS] to the standard evolutionary mechanisms[INS: , :INS] he adds
personality traits (especially Big Five psychoti[DEL: c :DEL] ms and toughmindness) as individual
context[DEL: , :DEL] [INS: s :INS] which modif[INS: y :INS] [DEL: ies :DEL] the resulting
reaction.  The last chapter from Peter Westh [DEL: is :DEL] revisit[INS: s :INS] [DEL: ing :DEL]
the account anthropomorfisation of gods concepts in Justin Barret and Frank C. Keil narrative
comprehension experiments. He proposes alternative explanation[INS: s :INS] to Barret-Keil
influential work about theological correctness, in which he attributes the found effects to the
narrative form of experiment instead of general anthropomorfic bias. While Westh agrees with the
notion in general, he stresses that there are “various cultural forms [,which] may act as cognitive
and interactional frames favouring specific conceptual structures over others.”(410)

 Although the book does not offer to its reader [INS: a :INS] consistent main narrative as its
sister publication Mental Culture: Towards a cognitive science of religion, which shares the
cognition-culture integrative aim, it is still of [DEL: an :DEL] exceptional value to anyone
who[INS: is :INS] search[INS: ing :INS] [DEL: es :DEL] [INS: for :INS] an accessible introduction
to the naturalistic thinking about the origins of culture and religion within the frame of
cognition. In the diversity of studies[INS: , :INS] it is not hard to find personal inspirative
[SB34] favorites, while the complexity of[INS: the :INS] main topic invites for comparative
hypertextual reading of the chapters as a network embedding the present CSR discussion.[INS: :INS]
[INS: [SB35]  :INS]

Ina

The “refugee crisis” and recent terrorist attacks in Europe are connected with rise of anti-muslim
and anti-immigration movements around Europe. Its manifestations in online (Awan 2014) and offline
hate as well as anti-Muslim hate crimes are becoming more frequent (Awan 2012). In this paper[INS:
, :INS] we focus on cases of cyber hate in Germany and the Czech Republic[DEL: , :DEL] which are
connected with protests against refugees and immigrant[INS: s :INS] . These issues are recently
[SB36] of great interest in both countries and are shaping public discussion, however in many cases
the discussions include also hateful commenting, including some cases that can [DEL: be :DEL]
already [INS: be :INS] classif[INS: ied :INS] [DEL: y :DEL] as hate crime[INS: s :INS] .

This article [DEL: provides :DEL] [INS: makes :INS] a contribution to the debate about the
identification and measurement of cyber hate in [DEL: space of :DEL] social media[DEL: , :DEL]
based on an explorative case study of anti-Muslim movements in Czech Republic - represented by the
Initiative against Islam (former Block against Islam) and Germany - represented by Pegida. Though
these two countries are in significantly different situations concerning the refugees, movements
which are opposed to immigration emerged in both countries, which use social media as platforms to
plan their actions, discuss and link to each other. [SB37] Based on the intergroup contact theory
that will [DEL: be :DEL] shortly [INS: be :INS] introduced[INS: , :INS] [DEL: in the following,
:DEL] the movements are expected to differ, as citizens of both selected countries do not have
equal opportunities to reduce their prejudices. While in Germany the citizens [DEL: are getting
often in touch :DEL] [INS: have frequent interaction :INS] with foreigners due to the great numbers
of refugees that [INS: have :INS] arrived in the country and the historically higher number of
Muslims [DEL: in the country :DEL] [INS: who have settled there/who live there :INS] , [INS: by
contrast, :INS] there is a significantly lower number of immigrants in the Czech Republic. To
verify our assumption that the extent of prejudices towards migrants differs in both countries, we
will take a closer look at the expression of hate speech (in our case cyber hate) that is voiced on
the pages of the movements as well as to trigger events and targets of hateful comments.

As mentioned, we base our research on the intergroup contact theory. [SB38] The most influential
hypothesis within this theory was developed [INS: in :INS] 1954 by Allport, who specified the
critical situational conditions for intergroup contact to reduce prejudice (Allport 1954, cited in
Pettigrew, 1998). More specific[INS: ally :INS] , Allport claimed that [INS: the :INS] positive
effects of intergroup contact are based on four conditions[DEL: , :DEL] which are[INS: : :INS]
equal group status within the situation,[SB39]  common goals, intergroup cooperation and the
support of authorities, law or custom (ibid.). In a large-scale study[INS: , :INS] Pettigrew (2006)
was taking [SB40] a look at over 500 earlier conducted studies, which in parts had come to
conflicting conclusions. Pettigrews research confirmed that contact between groups helps to reduce
prejudice[DEL: , and that :DEL] [INS: ; :INS] this was neither the result of a publication bias,
nor of participant selection (Pettigrew 2006).

Some researches (King & Sutton 2013; Awan & Zempi 2016; Burnap & Williams 2015[SB41] ) focus on the
problem of hate speech/cyber hate in the perspective of “trigger events”. King &[SB42]  Sutton
(2013, p. 888) pointed out [SB43] that the dynamics of cyber hate are related to recent events and
that cyber hate is often the result of events which incite to retribution of one group to another.
In our study[INS: , :INS] we try to identify these events through the connection between hate
comments on Facebook and their framing which we will identify via the context in which [DEL: a
:DEL] [INS: the :INS] statement was made. In this context, the research questions for our analysis
are:
  * What percentage of hateful comments can be found on both pages[SB44] ?

  * Who is [INS: the :INS] [DEL: a :DEL] target of hateful comments?
  * Which “trigger events” [DEL: are :DEL] lead[DEL: ing :DEL] to hateful comments on the websites
of the movement?

Based on the intergroup contact theory and research of King and Sutton (2013) we expect [DEL: the
:DEL] opposition towards foreigners to be lower in Germany than in the Czech Republic, as the
Germans are more likely to get in touch with [SB45] foreigners and therefore have more
opportunities to dismantle prejudice. This might also influence the character of cyber hate and the
targets of hateful comments, as well as their trigger events - in Germany we expect concentrated
cyber hate around concrete events in contrast to the Czech Republic, where we expect a higher level
of abstraction in the case of targeting[INS: , :INS] but also with regard to trigger events.

Ester

The comparative method is well known [SB46] among specialists from many branches of science,
including historians. Paul Veyne said that historians can research every problem from the point of
view of [DEL: the :DEL] Comparative History.[14] It is important for the demonstration of some
phenomena, which are visible only thanks to the comparison[SB47] . This article is an illustration
of using the comparative method in Church History by a specific example. The author has chosen
three non-Catholic churches for the research: The Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren,
The Czechoslovak (Hussite) Church and The Brethren Church. These Churches were chosen because of
their similar initial position in the Czechoslovak Republic[INS: , as they :INS] . [DEL: All of
them :DEL] [INS: all :INS] presented themselves as the best and only heirs to the Bohemian
Reformation, which is obvious [SB48] from their names. Despite the different theology or number of
members, this historical emphasis is the main point of the comparison.

The goal of the research is to compare (a) the attitudes of these Churches to the “historical
Christianity” and (b) the application of knowledge of the Reformation History in their present. For
this goal the author must set specific criteria [DEL: of :DEL] [INS: for :INS] comparison –[SB49]
one of them is determination of the studied area. In this case, it is quite simple, only the parts
of Czechoslovakia with active parishes of compared Churches will be used. On a real map, [DEL: it
means :DEL] [INS: this equates to :INS] Bohemia and Moravia. Another criterion is [INS: the :INS]
determination of the studied period which is more complicated than the previous criterion. The
first part of this determination is quite clear – [INS: the :INS] year 1918. It is [SB50] a
historic landmark for the whole of Europe, but it has particular significance for the Czech nation,
because of the end of Austro-Hungarian Empire and forming of the Czechoslovak Republic. This
landmark led the author to the synchronic type of comparing in the period 1918 – 1928. The year
1928 is set[DEL: , :DEL] because it was the 10^th anniversary of Czechoslovakia and the conditions
in society and in Churches were quite settled. Of course, the year which affected Churches (and
whole society) more radically, such as 1938, would be better for comparison[SB51] . However, a
period of twenty years would be too long for comparison. It is important to know that more compared
objects mean fewer criteria for compari[INS: son :INS] [DEL: ng :DEL] .[15] Furthermore, it would
not be possible to compare and interpret so many sources appropriately[INS: in the given time/word
constraints :INS] [INS: [SB52]  :INS] .

With specifying the comparison goal comes hand in hand [SB53] setting the criteria for the main
part of comparison. In the first goal, [INS: it is the intention of the author to compare the :INS]
[INS: :INS] attitude [DEL: to :DEL] [INS: of :INS] [DEL: the :DEL] “historical Christianity”[DEL: ,
:DEL] [DEL: the intention of the author is to compare the attitudes of :DEL] [INS: in :INS] the
above-mentioned Churches to three points: (1) to the first (apostolic) Church, (2) to the World
Reformation, (3) to the Bohemian Reformation. These parts [DEL: make up :DEL] [INS: establish the
:INS] criteria for “historical” comparing, although for the author the most important[INS: , :INS]
is the third [DEL: one :DEL] [INS: point of comparison :INS] .

[DEL: For :DEL] [INS: To gain an :INS] understanding [INS: of :INS] why the attitude to the
Bohemian Reformation is so important, it is necessary to know something about [DEL: the :DEL] Czech
History and the specific situation in Czechoslovakia after the end of World War I. There was [INS:
a :INS] [DEL: quite :DEL] [INS: noticeably :INS] [DEL: a :DEL] revolutionary religious situation in
the Czechoslovak Republic[INS: at this time :INS] . The biggest Church was [INS: then :INS] the
Roman Catholic Church, but for almost one million people[INS: , :INS] it was not very trustworthy
because of the relation to the Austro-Hungarian Empire and to the House of Habsburg. Out of this
million[INS: , :INS] more than 500 000 people joined the newly established Czechoslovak Church and
80 000 moved to the Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren. The rest of [INS: the :INS] people
remained without religious affiliation.[16] Besides that, the national pride related to the Czech
history was very strong, especially[INS: in relation :INS] to the Bohemian Reformation.

In the 19th century[INS: , :INS] the legacy of the Bohemian Reformation became an important part
[DEL: of :DEL] [INS: in the :INS] forming of the Czech nationality. Many historians were using this
part of history for accenting Czech national consciousness face to face the German nationality.
Around the turn of the century[INS: , :INS] some protestant Churches [INS: also :INS] began to
promote Czech nationalism related to the Bohemian Reformation too[SB54] , mostly because of the
young generation of priests. New ideas about uniting Evangelic Churches based on the Bohemian
Reformation confessions go hand in hand with this.[17] The foundation of the Evangelical Church of
Czech Brethren (ECCB) was the result of these ideas. It had been formed through unification of the
Protestant Churches of the Lutheran and Reformed confessions in Bohemia and Moravia in December
1918. New possibilities and easing of tension at the end of World War I have opened the way for the
renewal of efforts to connect the Churches. Only Czech speaking [SB55] Protestants were members of
ECCB; German speaking Protestants formed their own German Protestant Church in 1919. In 1918[INS: ,
the :INS] ECCB had about [SB56] 160 000 members and other 80 000 had come during next years from
the Roman Catholic Church.[18] With the unification, the Calvinistic theology prevailed over
Lutheran theology because of superiority of Reformed churches. Besides that, there was a strong
theological following of the Czech reformed tradition too.[19]

[INS: The :INS] [DEL: O :DEL] [INS: o :INS] rigins of the Czechoslovak Church, another important
Church in Czechoslovakia, were much different. It had been created by Catholic priests discontented
with conditions in the Roman Catholic Church. They were part of a longer process of efforts to
reform the Catholic Church. [INS: The b :INS] [DEL: B :DEL] asics of this movement [DEL: was :DEL]
[INS: formed the :INS] foundation of the Union of the Catholic Czechoslovak Clergy in 1902. Beside
other things[INS: , :INS] their requirements included the use of the vernacular in the liturgy or
voluntary clerical celibacy. Catholic modernism and its efforts were suppressed by Pope Pius X. in
1907.[20] After World War I these efforts to reform the Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia were
restored, but again the papal curia refused them. Due to this, the radical movement officially
established the new Church on January 8, 1920.  In the first weeks of its existence[INS: , :INS]
over 40 priests and 200 000 adherents who were former members of Roman Catholic Church became the
members.[21] After one year[INS: , :INS] the Czechoslovak Church already had 525 332 members.[22]
The theology followed reformed efforts of the Czech Catholicism in the 19th century, Catholic
modernism and Hussite tradition as well as Czech Brethren tradition.[23] Thus Czechoslovak theology
was a kind of mixture of Catholic and Protestant ideas and so wide to hold different ideas from
theological to national. In fact, the Czechoslovak Church was much more national movement than the
Christian Church.

[INS: The l :INS] [DEL: L :DEL] ast of three researched Churches, the Brethren Church (Jednota
českobratrská), was formed already in 1880 as Free Reformed Church by breaking away from the
Protestant Church of the Reformed Confession and thanks to[SB57]  the influence of missionaries
from the USA. “Free” in its name meant independent on the state and it really was; in first decades
of its existence it was even persecuted. In 1918[INS: , :INS] it was still a small Protestant
Church with only about 6 000 members in 34 churches.[24] [DEL: Next :DEL] [INS: The following :INS]
year[INS: , :INS] it changed its name to the Brethren Church to declare connection to the Bohemian
Reformation.[25] Of course, this Church was making efforts to get more members from the group of
people leaving Roman Catholic Church.

It is evident that all three Churches had similar efforts and desires; [DEL: all of them were using
:DEL] [INS: they all used :INS] references to the Bohemian Reformation and [DEL: all :DEL]
proclaimed themselves as [DEL: the :DEL] [INS: its :INS] only heir[DEL: s of it :DEL] . All these
facts are the foundations of comparing, because (as was already said) [SB58] it is important to
find simple characteristics common to compared objects.

The second goal, [INS: to understand the :INS] attitude to the present, goes hand in hand with
celebrating the Czech history and Reformation. Since this became a part of [DEL: the :DEL] Czech
nationality, Churches had started to compete for [DEL: who :DEL] the[INS: ir :INS] real heir of
Reformation[DEL: is :DEL] . It was not only a matter of prestige, Churches were also trying to win
new members from people leaving the Roman Catholic Church. Through this they were trying to show
their loyalty and patriotism. The next reason was the effort to improve their position in the new
state. The author would like to look at the position of these Churches in the Czechoslovak state
and society – what their role was, how they were accepted (e.g. in press) and how their position
changed. There is also [INS: an :INS] interest in relations between Church leaders and [INS: the
:INS] government, because some members of the Church were[INS: also :INS] members of the Parliament
[DEL: too :DEL] or had some influence. An unusual kind of contacts with the government is the
relationship with the first Czechoslovak president T.G. Masaryk. [SB59] This fact is even more
important, because Masaryk was a member of [INS: t :INS] [DEL: T :DEL] he Evangelical Church of
Czech Brethren and his family had a very good relationship with one priest from the Brethren
Church.[26] T.G. Masaryk’s ideas are closely connected with him, especially the idea of
“Czechoslovakism”, which is an assumption that the Czechs and the Slovaks are one Czechoslovak
nation. Moreover, the author would like to know [INS: the :INS] opinions of the Churches on this
idea, if or how they used it and what their connection to the Churches in the Slovak part of
Czechoslovakia was.

[INS: The n :INS] [DEL: N :DEL] ext interest is ambitions of the Churches: their goals, efforts to
gain a better position in society, more members etc. and how these ambitions were changing or
disappearing through the time. Last but not least, the author would like to compare relations of
the observed Churches and the Roman Catholic Church as well as relations to the other protestant
Churches in Czechoslovakia.

[DEL: In t :DEL] [INS: T :INS] his article has [DEL: been :DEL] mentioned [SB60] only one [DEL:
from :DEL] [INS: of :INS] many possibilities [DEL: of using the :DEL] [INS: to :INS] compar[INS: e
:INS] [DEL: ative :DEL] method in the Church History. Only the main points of the research, in
which the author want[INS: s :INS] to compare three non-Catholic Churches in a specific time and
area, were outlined. This research can bring new knowledge about relationships between Churches,
their position in the first Czechoslovak Republic and primarily about their usage of the Czech
nationalism for their own purposes. In conclusion[INS: , :INS] is good to remind [SB61] that almost
everything that researchers want can be compared, [DEL: but it cannot be forgotten to set :DEL]
[INS: though it is necessary to set :INS] appropriate criteria. Without this step, only parallel
stories will be told without comparing them.
________________________________

[1] Explanation of the life situations in the table – family – the young person stayed with any
family members (parents, widowed mother, stepfather, older brother, etc.). Servant (estate) – the
young person worked for an employer on the estate, servant (outside) – the young person worked for
an employer outside of the estate, gone – the young person left the estate permanently, vagrant  -
the young person probably does not have permanent accommodation and job and wanders around the
estate, soldier – the young man entered the army, student – the young man attended secondary school
or university, apprenticeship – the young man was an apprentice or journeyman, wedding – the young
person got married, others – a life situation, which does not belong to any previous
category.

[2] M. Mitterauer, Formen ländlicher Familienwirtschaft, In: J. Ehmer – M. Mitterauer (Hg.),
Familienstruktur und Arbeitsorganisation in ländlichen Gesellschaften, Wien/Köln/Braz 1986, p. 261.

[3] S. Ogilvie – J. Edwards, Ženy a „druhé nevolnictví“ v Čechách na počátku novověku [Women and
„Second Serfdom“ in Bohemia at the beginning of the Early Modern Period], „Historická demografie“
22, 1998, p. 40-41.

[4] Kussmaul, Anne: Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1981, p. 4.

[5] Reinhold, Reit: p 104.

[6] GRULICH, Josef: Motivace migraci a mobility venkovského obyvatelstva na jihu Čech v 17. až 18.
století. [The motivation of migration and mobility of rural population in the south of Bohemia in
the 17^th and 18^th centuries] In: Člověk a sociální skupina ve společnosti raného novověku. Eds.:
BŮŽEK, Václav – DIBELKA, Jaroslav. České Budějovice 2007, pp. 255–290.


[7] Maurer, Michael: Dienstmädchen, Frühsorge, Gotthardt [Hrsg.]: Gesinde im 18. Jahrhundert.
Hamburg  : Meiner , 1995  p. 171.

[8] E. Maur, Čeleď a tovaryši, p. 122. R. Sarti provides an overview of the ratio between the sexes
in various European cities in her article Notes on the feminization of domestic service: Bologna as
a case study (18th-19th centuries), In: Le Phénomène de la domesticité en Europe, XVIe-XXe siècles,
„Acta Demographica“ XIII, Praha 1997, p. 160–164.

[9] Grulich: Cyklus, p. 220.

[10] Grulich: Cyklus, p. 221.

[11] Ehmer, Josef: Rural Guilds and Urban–Rural Guild Relations in Early Modern Central Europe p.
144.

[12] Reith, Reinhold: Arbeits- und Lebensweise im städtischen Handwerk : zur Sozialgeschichte
Augsburger Handwerksgesellen im 18. Jahrhundert (1700 – 1806). Göttingen 1988. p. 105.

[13] Prazakova: p. 320

[14] P. Veyne, Jak se píšou dějiny, Červený Kostelec 2010, p. 16.

[15] Úvod do studia dějepisu, vol. I, ed. T. Dvořák …, p. 68.

[16] P. Marek, Církevní krize na počátku první Československé republiky (1918-1924), Brno 2005, p.
14.

[17] Z.R. Nešpor, Evangelické církve …, p. 146-147.

[18] P. Marek, Církevní krize …, p. 9-10.

[19] P. Filipi, Českobratrská církev evangelická, [in:] Český ekumenismus: theologické kořeny a
současná tvář církví, ed. A. Molnár, M. Kaňák, P. Filipi, Praha 1976, p. 177-178.

[20] F. Kovář, Deset let Československé církve 1920-1930. Přednáška proslovená na jubilejní synodě
duchovenstva čsl. církve v Praze, dne 8. ledna 1930, Praha 1930, p. 16.

[21] P. Filipi, Křesťanstvo: historie, statistika, charakteristika křesťanských církví, Ed. 4, Brno
2012, p. 178.

[22] P. Marek, Církevní krize …, p. 14.

[23] P. Filipi, Křesťanstvo …, p. 177-178.

[24] P. Marek, Církevní krize …, p. 8.

[25] M. Košťál, Životní příběh Aloise Adlofa, [in:] Alois Adlof: 150 let. Život, služba, odkaz, ed.
J. Štěpán et al., Praha 2012, p. 57-58.

[26] F. Urbánek, J. Štěpán, Kazatel František Urbánek: k 50. výročí úmrtí, Praha 1999, p. 28-29,
87-93.
________________________________

 [SB1]bring/come is used for here, while take/go with there; i.e.: the find would have been taken
to the museum (away from where it was found, and away from where you are situated – unless you are
writing from the musuem!) So, took woud be better here.

 [SB2]Do  you mean...literary?

 [SB3]Avoid repetition in quick succession

 [SB4]Since this comes at the start of a new paragraph, the anaphoric reference point (i.e.: this)
does not work well here, and so the reader is left unclear as to which fact is being referred to

 [SB5]rephrase

 [SB6]colloquial; use typically or commonly instead

 [SB7]do you mean motifs...?

 [SB8]can you think of a way to rephrase this so as to avoid so much repetition of the word
figures...?

 [SB9]rephrase to reduce repetition

 [SB10]colloquial

 [SB11]why? Wrong word...

 [SB12]avoid phrasal verbs in academic writing; use single formal verb equivalents instead; e.g.:
establish; specify; identify; highlight...are possible alternatives here

 [SB13]specifiy which one by referring to the number

 [SB14]unclear; rephrase

 [SB15]avoid use of the dash in academic writing

 [SB16]see earlier comment

 [SB17]avoid phrasal verb...

 [SB18]is this the correct conjunction here...?

 [SB19]semi-formal; use rarely here instead

 [SB20]rephrase

 [SB21]....this sentence almost feels incomplete... start it by when?

 [SB22]Check the need for this space here before the %

 [SB23]Not needed

 [SB24]??

 [SB25]Use a colon here

 [SB26]rephrase

 [SB27]sounds colloquial

 [SB28]where possible, avoid the possessive apostrophe in academic writing by rephrasing the
sentence

 [SB29]incomplete sentence

 [SB30]inseparability...?

 [SB31]unclear

 [SB32]colloquial

 [SB33]avoid phrasal verbs, where possible

 [SB34]inspirational...?

 [SB35]you may find this website on the use of articles helpful as a reminder of when they should
and should not be used:

https://www.grammarly.com/handbook/grammar/articles/

 [SB36]check tense...

 [SB37]unclear; rephrase

 [SB38]avoid repetition in quick succession

 [SB39]replace these commas with the semi-colon

 [SB40]check tense...

 [SB41]synthesised sources are usually placed in chronological order – earliest first

 [SB42]do not use the ampersand in-text, unless in brackets

 [SB43]avoid phrasal verbs in academic writing, where possible

 [SB44]vague

 [SB45]check meaning...

 [SB46]hyphenate

 [SB47]rephrase

 [SB48]colloquial; use apparent here instead

 [SB49]avoid the dash in academic writing

 [SB50]check tense

 [SB51]this sentence has a semi-formal/colloquial tone

 [SB52]add something like this here

 [SB53]colloquial

 [SB54]colloquial

 [SB55]hyphenate

 [SB56]colloquial; use approximately instead

 [SB57]colloquial

 [SB58]colloquial

 [SB59]unclear; rephrase

 [SB60]check tense

 [SB61]colloquial