American Economic Association
Some Economics of Ticket Resale
Author(s): Pascal Courty
Reviewed work(s):
Source: The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 17, No. 2 (Spring, 2003), pp. 85-97
Published by: American Economic Association
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Journal of Economic Perspectives?Volume 17, Number 2?Spring 2003?Pages 85-97
Some Economics of Ticket Resale
Pascal
Courty
More
than a thousand ticket brokers in the United States offer, at sub?
stantial mark-ups, a wide selection of tickets for the theatre, concerts,
sporting events and special events. According to some estimates, bro?
kers resell 10 percent of primary tickets, and this figure goes up to 20-30 percent
for top-tier seats (Happel and Jennings, 2002). In addition to brokers, who are
licensed businesses, many scalpers resell tickets on the street. Event promoters
typically try to discourage or prevent resale for profit. Most promoters limit block
purchases and support other measures that restrict brokers' access to tickets. Some
promoters also actively support laws that regulate resale and restrict resale markups.
In contrast, economists usually argue that resale increases efficiency, because
it channels tickets to those consumers who value them the most.
The textbook analysis of resale typically takes for granted that promoters
deliberately choose to underprice and that this opens the door for arbitrages (for
example, McCloskey, 1982). A variety of explanations for underpricing have been
proposed: uncertainty over sales leads to a preference for underpricing rather than
risk overpricing (Swofford, 1999); the social externality that being in a fuller
audience provides a more enjoyable experience than being in a sparse audience
(Becker, 1991); that customers of such events value being treated fairly (Kahneman
et al., 1986); and as a related point in the case of sport events, that a constant price
is necessary to attract loyal team fans (Salant, 1992). Krueger (2001) reviews these
arguments and discusses how they apply in the context of the apparent underpric?
ing of tickets for the Super Bowl.
However, to treat underpricing as the fundamental cause of secondary ticket
markets runs into several difficulties. The underpricing explanation does not seem
? Pascal Courty is Assistant Professor of Economics, London Business School, London,
United Kingdom. His e-mail address is (pcourty@london.edu).
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86 Journal of Economic Perspectives
to apply well to scores of events, including many musicals and concerts. Concert
ticket prices, for example, have dramatically increased in recent years, which
presumably has reduced the incidence of underpriced events. Considering the top
25 concert tours in 2001, attendance figures collected by Billboard Boxscore
Research reveal that only 39 percent of the concerts were sold out, and the average
occupancy rate across all concerts was 84 percent. Brokers are often quite active in
events that do not sell out; indeed, brokers are sometimes left with inventories of
unsold tickets. At the most fundamental level, if profits can to be made in secondary
markets, why can't event promoters figure out a way to capture them? How can
brokers survive in the presence of profit-maximizing promoters?
This paper offers a perspective different from the conventional underpricing
arguments on the phenomenon of secondary markets for event tickets. This
perspective borrows from the literature on airline ticket pricing, which has devel?
oped models based on the premise that some consumers learn new information
about their demands over time (for example, Gale and Holmes, 1993; Courty and
Li, 2000). In the context of event tickets, some consumers prefer to plan in
advance, wanting to know ahead of time which seat they will get and assuring that
they indeed get one, while others have to wait until the last minute because they will
not find out until then if they can join. This feature of consumer preferences can
explain the conflict between promoters and brokers. Promoters have to make
tickets available early in advance to satisfy the needs of those consumers who value
planning and would not attend if they were not able to secure early the property
rights for a guaranteed experience. However, among those who postpone the
decision to purchase a ticket, some will end up with a high valuation close to the
event date. If resale is possible, this situation opens the door for profit opportuni?
ties where brokers can buy early tickets that they resell later to those consumers who
eventually find out that they are eager to attend the event. With the additional
assumption that brokers can always undercut the promoter in the late market for
late buyers, I will show that the promoter cannot capture the profits earned by
brokers?and moreover, that the promoter cannot prevent brokers from entering
the market.
This paper starts by reviewing some basic facts on primary and secondary
markets for tickets.1 Then, I investigate how tickets have changed the nature of
event admission and event pricing, and I discuss why some event promoters issue
tickets while others use cash-on-entry admission. I will present a model to capture
the behavior of brokers and discuss some evidence that is consistent with this
model.
1
Although this paper refers to previous work on tickets, it does not present a complete and exhaustive
review on the topic. For such a treatment, the interested reader should refer to Courty (2000).
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Pascal Courty 87
Figure 1
Ticket Markets
Act/ Promoter/ Venue
Box Office
Ticketing Agency
Brokers/Scalpers
Consumers
An Overview of Markets for Tickets
Primary Market
Tickets are first sold in primary markets. To give an idea of the parties involved
in the primary market, consider the organization of a typical entertainment event,
like a concert, as illustrated in Figure 1. A promoter hires an act, rents a venue and
the three agree on a revenue sharing rule. The promoter, sometimes together with
the act, chooses the price of tickets and when to start advertising and selling tickets.
The venue sells tickets through the box office where the event will be held and the
promoter (or the venue) also contracts with a ticketing agency. Tickets issued at the
box office or by the ticketing agent have a "face price" printed on them. Although
the ticketing agency charges a processing fee on top of the face price, it typically
sells a majority of the tickets because it can reach a much wider audience than the
box office.
Estimates of the total value of tickets sold each year vary greatly. Considering
the concert business alone, Amusement Business estimates in 2000 that 44.3 million
concert tickets had been sold for a total value of $1.6 billion worldwide. The world's
largest ticketing company, Ticketmaster, sold 86.7 million tickets in 2001 valued at
more than $3.6 billion. According to Forrester Research, the market for event
ticketing in the United States totalled $15.5 billion in 1999. Other estimates of the
total market for tickets vary in the range of $7 billion to $60 billion, with the range
depending on the set of events that are taken into account (Happel andjennings,
2002).
Secondary Market: Brokers and Scalpers
Ticket resale is ubiquitous. The auction website eBay, for example, has a
category dedicated to event tickets and conducts thousands of ticket auctions.
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88 Journal of Economic Perspectives
Across all listings, eBay estimates that it will sell $150 million worth of tickets in
2002. Although this figure may seem high, it represents only about 1 percent of
total ticket sales based on the Forester Research estimate. On a given day (in August
2002), more than 22,000 tickets were for sale on eBay, with about 9,000 for concerts
alone, and auction prices above $1,000 were not uncommon. Although some of the
exchanges in the secondary market are driven by early buyers who genuinely
intended to attend the event at the time of purchase and changed their mind, the
majority of exchanges are initiated by professional brokers who buy tickets early
with the intent of reselling them at a profit.
Broker markets are usually quite competitive in most large metropolitan areas.
Brokers are typically small firms with a few employees and about $3 million in
revenue per year (Happel andjennings, 2002). They advertise in places like phone
directories and on the Internet. Some even post bonds to guarantee the service they
provide (one concern being that they sell forged tickets). They typically carry a
large inventory of tickets for many events with a variety of seats, although they tend
to concentrate on the best seats in the venue. Brokers may also provide seating
charts, updated event calendars and sometimes packages including accommodation
and other travelling arrangements. Brokers usually sell tickets at prices above face
price. Also, while most concert venues divide the house into a few sections and offer
the majority of tickets at two or three price points, brokers may charge different
prices for different seats within the same section.
Ticket brokers are independent agents who are not affiliated with, nor endorsed
by, the event promoter. Event promoters and ticketing agencies typically
tend to limit brokers' access to the primary market. Brokers obtain tickets through
many channels, including box office, ticketing agency, first-time buyers and by
other methods. They also exchange tickets through national networks. One website
that offers clearinghouse services for U.S. brokers is Ticketsnow.com.
In contrast to brokers, who are officially licensed businesses, scalpers sell
tickets in front of the venue just before the start of the event. Scalpers have a poor
public image. They are often perceived as pushy and price gouging, in part because
they typically do not post prices, and they often violate laws limiting the prices at
which tickets can be resold. The word "scalper" was first used in the late-nineteenth
century to refer to those who buy and sell at a profit, but at a price lower than the
official one, unused portions of long-distance railway tickets. The term was later
used to name those who resell tickets for events above face price.
Promoters and ticketing agencies often attempt to exclude brokers from the
secondary market. For example, promoters restrict the number of tickets a single
buyer can purchase at the box office and control large purchases made by credit
cards at the ticketing agency. Ticketmaster stipulates in its contract with indepen?
dent outlets that physically deliver tickets (like video stores) that "the providing of
tickets to third party scalpers or brokers through preferential sale or other?
wise . . . will be considered a material breach of this Agreement" (Office of New
York State Attorney General, 1999). Some concert promoters have gone as far as
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Some Economics of Ticket Resale 89
issuing bracelets, rather than tickets, that are distributed in advance and that
cannot be removed without obvious sign of manipulation.
Tickets for many events also indicate in small print that they are nontransferable
revocable licences. However, these restrictions are typically not enforced. The
most likely explanation for this lack of enforcement includes the lack of feasibility
of checking the identification of thousands of consumers in a short time. In that
sense, event tickets are different from airline tickets where nontransferability
restrictions can be more easily enforced. In practice, tickets for sports and enter?
tainment events can be easily exchanged because they are not issued to any specific
consumer, while airline tickets cannot be used by anyone other than the original
person to whom they were issued. Although promoters and ticketing agencies may
not be able to enforce nontransferability restrictions, they sometimes try to impair
resale for profits by supporting resale laws and facilitating their enforce?
ment. Ticketmaster, for example, states on its Canadian website at (http://www.
ticketmaster.ca/h/resellers.html) that it "supports laws that prohibit the reselling
of tickets for more than the designated purchase price."
Resale Legislation
Although event tickets can easily be traded, such transactions are not necessarily
legal. About one-third of U.S. states regulate resale, although the nature of
these legislations varies greatly across states. According to the National Conference
of State Legislatures at (http://www.ncsl.org/programs/lis/ticketscalplaws.htm), at
least 16 states prohibit resale or limit the mark-up above face price, at least four
states require a license to broker tickets, effectively regulating entry, and four states
grant localities or municipalities the ability to license or prohibit resale of tickets.
A number of municipal ordinances govern ticket resale, as well. However, no
federal laws restrict ticket resale, which means that even if an event takes place in
a state where resale is restricted, tickets can still be traded in other states where
resale is allowed. A good reference for updated information on resale legislation
is eBay, which has to collect this information to maintain the legality of the trades
that take place on its website at (http://pages.ebay.com/help/community/png-
tickets.html?ssPageName=TixPolicy).
Resale laws have been enforced. For example, New York, which is the largest
local market in the United States for entertainment events, has run several largescale
investigations, which have resulted in prosecution, against resellers who sell
tickets above the regulated premium defined as $5 or 10 percent of the face price
(Office ofNew York State Attorney General, 1999).
Innovations in Event Admission
In the absence of tickets, admission to events proceeds on a cash-on-entry basis,
and seating is typically open. Tickets serve two complementary functions: they allow
consumers to book in advance and to choose the seat they want in the venue. The
history of ticket use sheds some light on why some promoters offer tickets while
others choose different modes of admission.
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90 Journal of Economic Perspectives
Historians typically argue that commercial entertainment started in sixteenthcentury
England with the introduction of for-profit theatres.2 These theatres were
traditionally divided into sections, but in the absence of tickets, consumers had to
be charged incremental amounts to access more exclusive sections, as suggested by
the following description from 1576 (quoted in Baker, 1904, pp. 5-6): "Those who
go to Paris Gardens, the Bell Savage, or the Theatre to behold bear-baiting,
interludes, or fence play, must not account of any pleasant spectacles unless first
they pay one penny at the gate, another at the entry to the scaffold, and a third for
a quiet sitting." Although tickets were not introduced until much later, circular
pieces of metal known as "checks" were used in early theatres to dissociate payment
and admission. With checks, consumers would pay once at the entrance and
subsequently redeem their checks in designated sections of the theatre. This step
also eliminated the need to handle cash in each section.3
Although checks were used early in the history of commercial entertainment,
they were rarely sold in advance either at the theatre or at alternative locations.
Advance booking was used only for special events, known as benefit performances,
in which case the proceeds would be given in whole or part to the beneficiary
(typically the east), who would be responsible for selling tickets (Hume, 1984).
Incidentally, this is the origin of the first paper tickets. Otherwise, for standard
events, advance booking was only used for private boxes located in galleries. The
office that managed box reservations was called the "box office." Advance booking
was the privilege of the few who could afford luxury boxes. Other affluent parties
who wanted a desirable seat but could not afford a box would tell their servants or
engage "place keepers" to go early and hold well-located seats until curtain time.
Another reason for holding places was that overbooking would occur regularly
because theatres would not keep track of sales. The practice of holding places
lasted until around the nineteenth century when systematic seat numbering was
introduced in theatres and operas, which permitted the introduction of the two
major innovations in event admission, namely, advance booking and assigned
seating.
Before discussing how assigned seating and advance booking changed the
nature of the ticket pricing problem, let me emphasize two plausible reasons for
why these innovations emerged. First, tickets reduce the transaction costs that result
if consumers have to wait in line or send place keepers to secure premium seats.
Second, consumers have different needs, and tickets may allow the promoter to
satisfy a broader range of consumer preferences. In particular, tickets address the
needs of those consumers who want to plan in advance and who will not join unless
2Because the conditions governing event admission are ill-documented until the nineteenth century,
and research on tickets is still at an early stage, I focus here only on those facts that are widely accepted.
For example, the Greeks and Romans also offered large-scale entertainment events, but these events
were typically not for profit, and admission followed a political logic (Futrell, 1997).
3
Cheung (1977) studies the problems that occur when the venue is divided in different sections, but the
enforcement of property rights is imperfect.
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Pascal Courty 91
they know the type of seating experience they will get. This second reason suggests
that the concept of demand, which would be defined in the case of tickets as the
distribution of valuation in a given population of consumers at a given point in
time, may not be a useful starting point to understand many outcomes in ticket
markets, because it misses the key point that different consumers decide at differ?
ent points in time if they want to attend an event. This pattern is similar to demand
for air travel, where the leisure travelers typically plan in advance, while business
travelers plan at the last minute.
Assigned Seating
The first defining characteristic of ticket pricing is assigned seating, where
each seat is numbered and consumers buy the right to a specific seat. Because each
seat offers a distinct experience, reserved seating opens the possibility to refine
further the practice of differential pricing beyond segmenting the venue in sections
(Rosen and Rosenfield, 1997). Potentially, each seat can be priced individually.
In addition, assigned seating is also closely related to the issues of congestion.
To understand this point, it will help to contrast assigned seating with "free
seating." Free seating was used in the early days of theatre and opera where the bulk
of the audience sat on benches or stood, and it persists today in many venues.
Under free seating, where "seats" are not clearly defined because the audience is
shepherded into a common area and no seats are reserved, the quality of the
theatre experience is uncertain. Consumers do not know if they will be able to
secure a desirable location and, more importantly, the physical space for consumers
may become congested, especially in prime viewing locations where the crowd
mashes together. Under free seating, the market for premium locations cannot
clear through prices. However, it may clear through quality, since quality declines
with congestion, and one would expect congestion, and therefore quality, to vary
across locations.
Advance Booking
The second defining characteristic of ticket pricing is advance booking, which
pleases the consumers who want to be able to plan in advance and to know for
certain which seat they will get. Thus, the existence of advance booking triggers
some consumers to buy in advance, shifting the competition for seats before the
event date (DeGraba, 1995). This insight introduces the issue of the optimal timing
of ticket sales for the promoter, including the possibility of intertemporal price
discrimination where the ticketing agency gives discounts to consumers who buy
early (Dana, 1999) or offers a menu of options with varying upfront prices and
levels of refund in the event of cancellation (Courty and Li, 2000). The opportu?
nities for intertemporal price discrimination will largely depend on the ticket
agency's ability to prevent resale. When resale is possible, advance booking opens
the possibility for third parties to buy tickets in advance and to hold them until the
event date, with the intent to resell them close to the event date.
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92 Journal of Economic Perspectives
A Model of Ticket Resale
As suggested above, an important characteristic of ticket markets is that some
consumers want to plan in advance while others prefer to wait until the last minute.
This feature of the demand for tickets may explain the conflict between event
promoters and brokers.
Let's assume that the audience is composed only of two types of consumers:
"diehard fans," who plan their social calendars well in advance, and "busy profes?
sionals," who make decisions at the last minute. This consumer characterization
does not suggest that busy professionals enjoy the event less than diehard fans, only
that these two market segments plan their social calendars differently. Indeed, a
consumer could qualify as a diehard fan for one event and as a busy professional for
another.
There are nf diehard fans who place a value v on attending the event. Diehard
fans have to make commitments to attend the event, including issues like travel,
accommodations and time off from work. If they do not commit in advance to
attend, they are not willing to pay anything for a ticket. In contrast, busy profes?
sionals do not find out whether they want, if they want to at all, to join the event
until the last minute. There are Np busy professionals wanting to attend with
probability np/Np. Busy professionals are willing to pay V, such that V > v >
Vnp/Np; that is, busy professionals are willing to pay more than are diehard fans in
the event they find out that they want to join, but they are willing to pay less in
expectation, that is, before they have found out if they want to join. Assume, in
addition, that the number of busy professionals who want to attend is small relative
to the number of diehard fans, nf^> np, so that it is optimal to sell early to diehard
fans.
The timing of events is outlined in Figure 2. The promoter first chooses the
seating capacity N and incurs a fixed cost ciVwith c < v. The promoter then offers
n0
< N tickets for sale in the early market at price p0. Consumers and brokers can
buy a ticket. I call a broker someone who buys a ticket with no intention to attend
the event, and although I assume free entry in the broker market, I also assume that
only brokers can resell tickets. This assumption simplifies the presentation, and I
will show later that this does not change the main result. After the early market,
busy professionals discover if they want to attend the event, and then a late market
for tickets takes place.
The point of the model is to establish a benchmark case where brokers
enter, earn a profit, and the promoter cannot take any of these profits away.
This outcome cannot happen if one assumes that the promoter and brokers
compete equally in the late market, since under that scenario they would share
the late profits. But equal competition in the late market does not seem to
capture precisely the nature of price competition in ticket markets. Brokers
typically adjust their prices until the last minute, depending on their ticket
inventory and on the market situation, while the promoter does not. This
pattern could arise because brokers are more flexible or because they are better
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Figure 2
Time Line
Some Economics of Ticket Resale 93
informed since they can aggregate demand information across different events.
To capture this asymmetry, I will assume that the promoter first chooses the late
price for tickets, and then brokers choose their prices. Obviously, price flexi?
bility in the late market should ideally be treated as an endogenous choice,
since the promoter could develop similar competencies as those of brokers. The
model, however, establishes a natural benchmark case. Later, I will return to this
assumption, and I will discuss the strategies that promoters have explored to
deal with brokers. Finally, I assume Bertrand competition between brokers in
the late resale market.
As it turns out, the only subgame perfect equilibrium is for the promoter to sell
enough tickets to satisfy the diehard fans and the number of busy professionals who
are expected to attend at the price that diehard fans are willing to pay; that is, to
sell w. 4np
tickets early at price p0
= v. Then, n* diehard fans and np brokers buy
early and brokers resell their tickets to busy professionals late at price p1
= V.
To understand why this is the equilibrium, it's useful to consider why the
promoter cannot do better by changing its strategy, neither by altering the price
nor the quantity sold. For example, the promoter can only capture the diehard
fans by selling tickets in the early market, so having the promoter hold back all
the tickets to sell as many as possible near the event date at the higher price V
will bring in less revenue, based on the assumption that diehard fans are
relatively numerous compared with busy professionals. Alternatively, consider
the situation in which the promoter attempts to sell only enough tickets for
diehard fans in the early market and then attempts to carry the remaining
tickets over to the late market. For the promoter, it will only make sense to
attempt such a strategy if it is possible to get a price at least higher than the cost;
that is, a promoter selling tickets in the late market at a price c > p1 > 0 cannot
be an equilibrium. But if the promoter can sell a given number of tickets in the
late market at p1
> c, it can also sell the same number of tickets at V, so it has
to be that p1
= V in any subgame perfect equilibrium in which the promoter
sells tickets in the late market. But selling tickets at Vis not an equilibrium
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94 Journal of Economic Perspectives
either, as brokers would enter and undercut slightly that price. Therefore, the
promoter cannot profitably sell tickets in the late market.
In short, the only equilibrium arises when the promoter sells tickets early to
capture the diehard fans and selects a venue that can cater both to diehard fans and
busy professionals. The key result is that profit maximization on the side of the
promoter leaves profit opportunities for brokers. The promoter cannot capture the
profits earned by brokers and even more surprisingly, the promoter cannot preempt
brokers and deter them from entering. The promoter would like to sell to
busy professionals in the late market but cannot do so, because brokers have
already bought the tickets that were meant for them.
Now return to the assumption that only brokers can resell tickets. If diehard
fans could resell, then they would compete with brokers in the late market, and this
would bring the late price down to v. This is a possibility, but only if enough
diehard fans are willing to change their plans. There are at least two reasons why
this may not happen. First, diehard fans have to make an early personal investment
in travel and work plans to join the event, which implies that the value that diehard
fans place on the event is more than just what they paid for their ticket in the early
market. If their personal investment is high enough, then they will not be willing to
resell in the late market. Second, the behavioral economics literature has shown
that people typically report higher valuations on objects after they become owners
of the objects, a phenomenon known as the endowment effect (Kahneman,
Knetsch and Thaler, 1991), and Krueger (2001) has found some evidence suggest?
ing that this hypothesis applies to tickets.
Why Would Promoters Want to Deter Brokers?
The model suggests two reasons why promoters would want to deter bro?
kers. First, those consumers who buy late lose out in equilibrium since brokers
capture some of their surplus. Consumers may lobby promoters on the basis that
brokers do not add any value and rob them of their surplus. Consumers would
ask promoters to intervene and restrain brokers with the belief that in the
absence of brokers, they would be able to get tickets at face price. I will call this
the "caught in the middle" rationale, since the conflict is really between
consumers and brokers, and promoters are caught in the middle. Under this
rationale, promoters play a public relations game to dissociate themselves from
the bad image that is associated with selling tickets at large premiums. This
rationale is consistent with the popular debate on ticket scalping and with the
justification for resale laws that brokers deprive consumers from the right to buy
tickets at face price (Diamond, 1982). Note, however, that prohibiting brokers
will benefit consumers only if promoters do not increase prices in the late
market.
This insight suggests a second rationale for why promoters may want to deter
brokers, and this is because they want to capture the profits that can be earned in
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Pascal Courty 95
the late market. This corresponds to a "profit maximization" rational. To capture
the late profits, the promoter must eliminate brokers. The model shows that a
promoter cannot fully cash in on late sales unless resale is prohibited. On that
count, the model suggests one reason for why the outcomes observed in the
markets for event tickets and airline tickets are so different. Airlines can prevent
resale, so there is no secondary market for airline tickets. As a result, airlines can
charge more from those consumers who value flexibility, and they can capture
some of the rents from last minute travelers. The example of the airline industry
suggests that promoters will not be able to appropriate the late market profits fully
unless they take full control of the distribution chain, which means eradicating
independent brokers. Courty (2003) presents a more general model and identifies
conditions under which a profit maximizing promoter prefers to encourage or
deter brokers. Karp and Perloff (2002) address the same question, but present a
different analysis.
Some of the evidence points toward the "caught in the middle" hypothesis. For
example, the Office of New York State Attorney General (1999) concludes from
several investigations on resale practices in New York: "The stance of the venues, as
well as Ticketmaster and Telecharge (original ticket distributors), has been coop?
erative throughout this investigation. . . . However, even the positive steps they have
taken to clear up the ticket distribution process have been reactive rather that
proactive."
But there is also some evidence that points toward the profit maximization
rationale. For example, some promoters put aside some of the most exclusive seats
that are typically favored by busy professionals. Some Broadway theatres have tried
that strategy. About 50 seats for the Broadway show "The Producers," for example,
were put aside and offered at a much higher price ($480 versus $100) to compete
with brokers, as suggested by Marco Landesman, one of the managers who experimented
with this scheme: "What we're trying to do here is strike a blow at the heart
of the scalping operations" (Winship, 2001). Under such a differentiation strategy,
the promoter gets an edge over brokers in the late market because it keeps control
over premium seats. Interestingly, even in that specific instance the promoters were
possibly afraid of the negative image of charging much higher prices, so they
pledged to donate about half of the price premium ($150) to the Twin Towers
Fund.
Another piece of evidence consistent with the profit maximizing rationale is
the practice by some sports promoters?for example, baseball teams like the
Chicago Cubs and Seattle Mariners?who have started to hold some tickets until
close to the event date and to use auction-type mechanisms to price according to
supply and demand, effectively competing with brokers. Along the same line,
Ticketmaster is developing an online reseller system to compete with brokers and
scalpers (Angwin, 2002). Presumably, these auction-type mechanisms will limit
brokers to the extent that tickets are traded until close to the event date, so that
there is no unfulfilled demand from last minute consumers.
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96 Journal of Economic Perspectives
Welfare Implications
The model of ticket pricing presented here does not suggest any welfare
recommendation either in favor or against brokers. If resale were prohibited,
ruling out brokers, then the surplus appropriated by brokers would either go to
promoters or to consumers depending on the price that promoters would charge
in the late market. Overall, it would be welfare neutral since there would be no net
change in total surplus. More realistically, however, one should go beyond the
model to assess the welfare impact of brokers.
On one hand, one may argue that brokers just take advantage of the situation
and waste resources in rent-seeking activities. Although brokers make profits in the
model sketched earlier, one would expect that due to competition and entry?for
example, through distribution and promotion activities?at least part of these
profits would be diluted. Under that interpretation, brokers should be banned, and
this would increase welfare through the elimination of inefficient rent seeking.
On the other hand, brokers provide a service: availability in the late market.
They invest in activities that may create value in three ways. First, they seek new
consumers who may not consume otherwise. Brokers aggregate tickets for multiple
events, satisfying a broad range of consumer demands. Second, brokers help
market clearing. In fact, brokers sometimes earn large profits, but at other times are
left with unsold tickets. Some brokers even argue that they provide a form of
insurance for the event promoter by buying tickets early and endorsing the event.
Third, brokers price discriminate, and it is possible that the promoter ends up
selling more tickets with the presence of brokers. Under that interpretation,
brokers are welfare enhancing, since they help the promoter to sell to consumers
whom the promoter would find it hard to reach or otherwise attract.
? / benefited from discussions with Gary Becker, Mario Pagliero, Sam Pelzman, Allen
Sanderson and Gurdeep Stephens. I am especially thankful to Robert Hume for sharing his
knowledge on the history of tickets. I also particularly gratefulfor the thoughtful and detailed
comments from the editors of this journal, Alan Krueger, Timothy Taylor and Michael
Waldman. I am responsible for all remaining errors.
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Some Economics of Ticket Resale 97
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