American Economic Association Art and Money Author(s): William N. Goetzmann, Luc Renneboog and Christophe Spaenjers Source: The American Economic Review, Vol. 101, No. 3, PAPERS AND PROCEEDINGS OF THE One Hundred Twenty Third Annual Meeting OF THE AMERICAN ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION (MAY 2011), pp. 222-226 Published by: American Economic Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29783743 . Accessed: 26/02/2014 07:27 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . American Economic Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Economic Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 147.251.185.122 on Wed, 26 Feb 2014 07:27:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions American Economic Review: Papers & Proceedings 2011, 101:3, 222-226 http://www.aeaweb. org/articles.php ?doi= 10.1257/aer. 101.3.222 Art and Money By William N. Goetzmann, Luc Renneboog, and Christophe Spaenjers* Beauty is commonly a gratification of our sense of costliness masquerading under thename of beauty. ?Thorstein Vehlen Unless cast inplatinum and covered with dia? monds, as in the case of a 2007 Damien Hirst sculpture, a work of arthas little intrinsicvalue. Nevertheless, works of arthave fromtime to time fetched shockingly high prices, at least from the perspective of ordinary wage earners. The highest amounts have been paid for creations of deceased artists,but also living artists?Hirst being the exemplar?have commanded multi million dollar or pound sums for theirwork. It is still largely a puzzle what determines these prices and theirpattern over time. Yet it is clear that theprice of an artobject is limited only by the amount that collectors are willing and able topay for it.Given the interest of many high net worth individuals in art,we analyze the impacton artprices of timevariation inhow much money thewealthiest members of society can spend. One way tomeasure changes in wealthy indi? viduals' buying power is to look at stockmarket returns.Equities are typically held more widely among themost affluent.A number of studies have indeed looked at therelation between stock market and artmarket trends.1In thispaper, we extend thiswork over amuch longer time frame, startingour study in the firsthalf of the nine? teenth century. A complementary approach to proxying for collectors' ability to purchase art consists of studying theevolution of top incomes over time, especially if thehighest incomes also go to the wealthiest individuals.We thereforeempirically investigate the linkbetween the income distribu? tionon theone hand and artprices on theother, a relationship which has not been analyzed before.2 I. Data In this section, we firstconstruct a long-run art price index. Since the index is largely based on London sales and is expressed in British pounds (GBP), we also collect equity market and income data forGreat Britain. Insofar as it was mostly British individuals who bought the considered artists at British auctions over our time frame, thisprocedure seems justified. A. Art Prices We start by building a long-term art price index.To do so,we go back to the auction sales data collected by Gerard Reitlinger (1961), who investigated the history of the British paintings and drawings market. Despite the*Goetzmann: Yale School ofManagement, 135 Prospect Street,New Haven, CT 06511 (e-mail: william.goetzmann@ yale.edu); Renneboog: CentER, Tilburg University, P.O. Box 90153, Tilburg, 5000 LE, theNetherlands (e-mail: lue. renneboog@uvt.nl); Spaenjers: CentER, Tilburg University, P.O. Box 90153, Tilburg, 5000 LE, theNetherlands (e-mail: c.spaenjers@uvt.nl). The authors would like to thank Anthony Atkinson, Fabio Braggion, Elroy Dimson, Marc Goergen, Richard Grossman, Benjamin Mandel, Kim Oosterlinck, Emmanuel Saez, Darius Spieth, Radomir Todorov, John Turner, and seminar participants at Cardiff Business School, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Queen's University of Belfast, Tilburg University, and the Financial History Workshop at the University of Antwerp for help? ful comments and data. Spaenjers thanks theNetherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) for financial support. Part of this paper was written while Spaenjers was visiting Columbia University, whose hospitality is appreciated. 1 For example, William N. Goetzmann (1993) docu? ments a lagged relationship between art prices and the stock market. Olivier Chanel (1995) presents evidence that stock markets Granger-cause art prices. Takato Hiraki et al. (2009) show thatpositive wealth shocks to Japanese inves? tors affected theirart purchases in the 1980s, lifting theprice level in the global artmarket. While the latter authors treat art as a luxury consumption good, Benjamin R. Mandel (2009) constructs a model inwhich a positive correlation between equity returns and art returns is induced by the use of art as a savings asset. 2 In contrast, in the real estate literature, Joseph Gyourko, Christopher Mayer, and Todd Sinai (2006) and Stijn Van Nieuwerburgh and Pierre-Olivier Weill (2010) have recently acknowledged the importance of the distribution of income in determining housing price levels. 222 This content downloaded from 147.251.185.122 on Wed, 26 Feb 2014 07:27:01 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VOL. 101 NO. 3 ART AND MONEY 223 well-documented selection issues with the Reitlinger data (Guido Guerzoni 1995), they still constitute a unique historical overview of auction sales since the eighteenth century. The artistswhose sales are listed in this source mostly conform to English standards of taste. All transactionprices are expressed inGBR Reitlinger's data have previously been used to estimate the returns on art by, among oth? ers,William J.Baumol (1986) and Goetzmann (1993). In linewith these studies, we identify all repeated sales within Reitlinger's book. This gives us a dataset of 1,096 sales pairs until 1961, excluding buy-ins (i.e., items for which the reserve price has not been met). We then look up all 6,661 works listed in Reitlinger (1961) in the dataset constructed by Luc Renneboog and Christophe Spaenjers (2009), which contains more than one million auction sales until 2007, and try to identify resales of those sameworks inGreat Britain.We treata transaction as a resale only when there is a unique match of a nonambiguous title,which occurs in253 cases.3 In totalwe thusend upwith a dataset containing 1,349 repeated sales. Since thedata are very sparse for thefirstdecades cov? ered by Reitlinger, we delete the 13 pairs for which thepurchase occurred prior to 1765. This leaves us with 1,336 repeated sales. To estimate a price index, we follow the Bayesian formulation of a repeat sales regres? sion,which imposes some additional restrictions on theestimation, outlined inGoetzmann (1992, 1993). The Bayes formulation avoids spurious negative autocorrelation in the estimated return series and is particularly useful when thenum? ber of observations is relatively small. Prior to applying theregression toour dataset,we deflate all transaction prices to real GBP. More details on our estimationmethodology can be found in Goetzmann, Renneboog, and Spaenjers (2010). We show the time series of the index val? ues since 1830 in Figure 1. The figure sug? gests a relationship between the real economy and art prices. For example, we see significant 1,000.0 omomomom coldooocoloooo 0000000)0)0)0)0 T-T-T-1-T-T-1-