The Effect of Americanization on the Earnings of Foreign-born Men Barry R. Chiswick University of Illinois at Chicago Circle The earnings of foreign-born adult white men, as reported in the 7970 Census of Population, are analyzed through comparisons with the native born and among the foreign born by country of origin, years in the United States, and citizenship. Differences in the effects of schooling and postschool training are explored. Although immigrants initially earn less than the native born, their earnings rise more rapidly with U.S. labor market experience, and after 10 to 15 years their earnings equal, and then exceed, that of the native born. Earnings are unrelated to whether the foreign born are U.S. citizens. I. Introduction In 1970, 9.6 million persons, or 5 percent, of the population of the United States were foreign born. In spite of the increased public interest in ethnicity and discrimination, and more recently the concern with the impact of legal and illegal immigrants and hence with immigration policy, the earnings and labor market behavior of the foreign born in the United States have not been the subject of much systematic research.1 This paper examines the effect of foreign birth and length of time in the United States on the earnings of foreign-born white men.2 Comments I received on earlier drafts from Gary S. Becker, George Borjas, Carmel U. Chiswick, Arlene Holen, Jacob Mincer, and Alfred Telia, and other participants in seminars at Columbia University and the University of Chicago have been most helpful and are appreciated. The research assistance of James Moser and Daphne DeRebello greatly eased the task. I alone, however, am responsible for the contents of this article. 1 Although the skills and earnings of the foreign born were once a subject of lively debate among economists (see, e.g., the 1919 article by Paul H. Douglas), they are now primarily of interest to sociologists and historians (see, e.g., Thernstrom 1973, Greeley 1976, and Featherman 1978). For a longitudinal analysis of the occupational mobility of immigrants and an analysis of the earnings of the sons of immigrants, see Chiswick (1977, 1978c). For a brief history of U.S. immigration policy, see Chiswick (1978A). 2 In 1970, 91 percent of the foreign bom were white. Eighteen percent of the foreign born were of Spanish heritage, of whom about 93 percent are white (U.S. Bureau of the [Journal of Political Economy, 1978, vol. 86, no. 5] © 1978 by The University of Chicago. 0022-3808/78/8605-0003J02.21 897 8g8 JOURNAL OF POLITICAL ECONOMY Although foreign-born white men aged 25-64 had approximately the same annual earnings in 1969 as the native born ($9,700), they differ in several important characteristics that are associated with earnings (table 1). Foreign-born men have a lower level of schooling, a mean of nearly 11 years compared with a mean of nearly 12 years for the native born. The foreign born also worked one less week in 1969, an average of 47 weeks for the foreign born compared with 48 weeks for the native born. However, foreign-born men are nearly 3 years older than are the native born (46 years compared with 43 years) and are less likely to be married. There are also substantial differences in place of residence. Foreign-born men are less likely to reside in rural areas (11 percent compared with 30 percent). They are also less likely to live in the South (13 percent live in the Census Bureau's definition of the South, compared with 29 percent for the native born). Some of these differences in earnings-related characteristics would lower the earnings of the foreign born compared with the native born, such as the schooling and marital status differences.3 Others would tend to raise the relative earnings of the foreign born, such as the greater proportion living in urban areas and living outside the South, and possibly the longer labor market experience. The effect of the latter depends, in part, on how much training was acquired in the United States and on the international transferability of training acquired in the country of origin. Thus, without multivariate analysis one cannot account for the extent to which factors favorable to earnings have offset any earnings disadvantages that may arise from being of a foreign origin. For this reason, the data are applied to a multiple regression analysis using a basic human capital earnings function that includes some demographic control variables. The statistical approach and hypotheses are developed in Section II. In Section III the earnings of foreign-born and native-born white men are compared, while in Section IV differences in earnings among the foreign born by country of origin are examined.4 Section V is a summary and conclusion. Census 1973a, table 1). The analysis is restricted to whites so as to avoid a confounding of the effects of race and foreign origin on earnings, and to men because the problem of estimating labor market experience for women in the data under study requires a separate analysis. 3 The difference in earnings attributable to schooling may be even greater to the extent that some aspects of schooling acquired in the country of origin provide country-specific human capital. For the same number of years of schooling, the foreign bom may have less schooling relevant to U.S. labor markets. For example, a Cuban emigre lawyer may have the same number of years of schooling as a U.S.-trained lawyer but may not be able to practice his occupation in the United States. * To economize on the number of tables, the relevant partial regression coefficients, rather than the full equations, are reported in some instances. The full regression equations are reported in Appendix A, Little is known about foreign-born persons who subsequently emigrate. Appendix B presents some indirect information on the number and characteristics of foreign-born emigrants to determine whether the self-selection in out- EARNINGS OF FOREIGN-BORN MEN 899 II. The Hypotheses and Statistical Approach This section sets out several hypotheses as to how the earnings of the foreign born would differ from that of the native born, and how earnings would vary among the foreign born by country of origin, the number of years in the United States, and citizenship. The statistical framework used for analyzing the data and the data base are also described. Hypotheses In labor markets in the United States, earnings are largely related to characteristics associated with productivity, although for some jobs certification of one form or another is important. This certification may be a union card, an occupational license, or a school degree. Recent immigrants to the United States are likely to have less of the characteristics associated with higher earnings than the native born. Being recent arrivals, they have less knowledge of the customs and language relevant to U.S. jobs, have less information about U.S. job opportunities, and have less firm-specific training (i.e., they are likely to have been at their current U.S. job fewer years than native-born workers).5 They are also less likely to have acquired the union card or occupational license relevant in the United States to apply the skills acquired in their country of origin. As time passes, however, the immigrant gains knowledge of the United States, acquires job-specific training, and either acquires the union card or modifies his skills accordingly. Thus, because knowledge and skills are not perfectly mobile across countries, other things the same, immigrants initially would have earnings significantly lower than native-born persons, but the gap would narrow the longer they are in the United States. The initial earnings deficiency, and the steepness of the subsequent rise in earnings, would be smaller the greater the similarity between the country of origin and the United States. The number of years since migrating would be less important for explaining earnings for immigrants from Canada, for example, than for immigrants from Germany. If the foreign and native born have the same level of innate labor market ability and work motivation, the earnings of the foreign born would approach, and might equal, but would not exceed that of the native born, ceteris paribus.6 migration from the United States would bias the regression coefficients estimated from cross-sectional data. It appears that because of their relatively small number and fairly similar characteristics to the foreign bom in the United States in 1970, they would not substantially bias the findings reported here. I am indebted to Victor Fuchs for having raised this issue. The appendices are available from the author upon request. 5 For an analysis of the effect of job change on the earnings of adult male workers, see Bartel and Borjas (1977). 6 The earnings gap would not close if a relevant knowledge deficiency persisted or if there were discrimination against the foreign born in wages, employment, union membership, or occupational licensing. On the other hand, in some jobs there may be discrimination in favor of the foreign born (e.g., the French chef). goo JOURNAL OF POLITICAL ECONOMY Immigrants may have a steeper experience-earnings profile after they arrive than do the native born, even if they receive the same total post-school training, if there is a difference in the nature and financing of their training. Becker (1964) has shown that for the same total investment in training, experience-earnings profiles are steeper the smaller the proportion that is firm specific and the smaller the proportion of firm-specific training financed by the employer. Having less knowledge relevant to U.S. labor markets, immigrants would gain information by "experiencing" a variety of jobs. Even if they do not intentionally change jobs as a means of gaining information, as their knowledge and skills relevant to the United States improve, there would be a tendency to move into jobs in which their productivity is now higher.7 As with youths just entering the labor force, recent immigrants would tend to have high quit rates. This will discourage job-specific investment financed by the worker and the employer. Employers are likely to have less information about the productivity of a job applicant who is a recent immigrant compared with a native-born person with similar general characteristics. It is more difficult to check school and previous employment references, and employers may be less familiar with the implications of foreign schooling for a worker's productivity. The greater risk associated with hiring a new immigrant would discourage employer investments in job-specific training.8 Economic theory suggests that migration in response to economic incentives is generally more profitable for the more able and more highly motivated.9 This self-selection in migration implies that for the same 7 For an analysis of the greater occupational mobility of immigrants during their first 10 years in the United States, see Chiswick (197Bc). 8 There is, however, an incentive for some firms to "specialize" in hiring immigrants from particular countries or ethnic groups. Such firms are likely to be small with either the owner, manager, or a few senior workers who are bilingual. These firms are effectively "halfway" houses for recent immigrants, with the workers moving on to more "American" firms as they acquire the rudimentary U.S.-specific skills (e.g., knowledge of basic English) and develop a record of job success in the United States. 9 Let r, be the rate of return from migration for the tth person and W.,e and Witi be the annual earnings the ith person would receive in the place of origin and destination, respectively. Migration involves opportunity costs (C„), the foregone earnings while migrating and establishing one's self in the place of destination. The opportunity cost may be thought of as a proportion of the earnings in the place of origin (C„ = pW.). Migration also involves direct costs {C„), i.e., the out-of-pocket expenditures incurred in migrating and reestablishing oneself and the psychic costs of leaving family, friends, and familiar surroundings. In a simple model in which wages are constant over time and one's life after migration is very long (infinite), the ith person's rate of return from migration is ri = (Wj,i — Wt,,)l(pW,j + Cd). Let us assume that the j'th person has greater labor market ability and motivation, which raises his earnings by 100/ percent (/ > 0) in both the place of origin and destination, as compared with the tth person, but that this does not reduce the time involved in migration or direct costs. Then, r, = (Wjj — W,,;)/ (pW.j + C.) = (W,,, - Wm,,)l[pW.tl + (C/l + /)] > r,. That is, if greater labor market ability and motivation raise earnings relatively more than they raise the cost of migration, the rate of return from migration is greater for the more able and motivated, EARNINGS OF FOREIGN-BORN MEN gOI schooling, age, and other demographic characteristics immigrants to the United States have more innate ability or motivation relevant to the labor market than native-born persons.10 If so, holding measured variables constant, as earnings rise with time in the United States, the earnings of immigrants may, but would not necessarily, exceed that of native-born persons. The earnings crossover is less likely to occur if the migration is less selected in favor of the more able or more highly motivated. The self-selection may be weaker, for example, if the migration is induced by political pressure in the country of origin, if it is the mass migration of an entire community, or if it is induced by the availability of more generous welfare benefits in the place of destination than if it is the more conventional economic migration of workers for higher real earnings. The number of years since migration at which this earnings crossover occurs, if it does occur, is a parameter of considerable interest. The effect of citizenship per se on the earnings of foreign-born persons can be studied. Aliens could earn less than naturalized citizens because of the wage effects of occupational segregation, direct discrimination in wages, or a lower quality of skills not reflected in the other variables in the analysis.11 As citizenship is not likely to be related to unmeasured skill characteristics and as most employers would not know the citizenship of foreign-born job applicants, holding constant the number of years in the United States, one would not expect aliens to be at a significant earnings disadvantage. The foreign born are less rural and less southern than the native born. Among white men, reported earnings tend to be lower in rural areas and in the southern states. A variety of explanations can be offered for the lower earnings, including a lower real income due to a lower quality of schooling in rural/southern areas, self-selection in the out-migration of the most able from these areas, and a compensating differential for lower living costs (including a more pleasant environment). By definition, the foreign born have migrated to the United States. They would tend to migrate to the area or region in which their skills would command the highest real income (see, e.g., Hansen 1940). After and they will have a higher propensity to migrate. For analyses suggesting higher rates of migration for those with more schooling, see Sjaastad (1962), O'Neill (1970), and Yezer and Thurston (1976). 10 In his study of immigration in the century prior to World War I, Marcus Lee Hansen (1940) wrote: "Countries of origin were dismayed by their loss when they saw their ports thronged with the sturdiest of their peasantry. Efforts to stem the movement were attempted" (p. 212). 11 In part because of Civil Service regulations and English language examinations, the foreign bom are underrepresented in government employment, especially in the federal and local governments (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1973a, table 8). Smith (1976) shows that compared with the private sector, other things the same, hourly wages for men are higher in federal employment, lower in local government employment, and about the same in state government employment. 902 JOURNAL OF POLITICAL ECONOMY arriving in the United States the nonmoney cost of migration is likely to be less for the foreign born than the native born, as the latter has stronger ties to the area many of them have lived in since birth. That is, interarea migration is less likely to have been sufficient to equalize urban-rural or North-South differences in real incomes for the native born than for the foreign born. If the coefficient of a dichotomous variable for rural or southern residence is negative for the native born but is zero for the foreign born, it suggests that cost-of-living differences are not relevant for explaining the native-born coefficient. However, if the foreign- and native-born coefficients are the same, it suggests that cost-of-living differences, rather than quality of schooling or self-selection in migration, are the causal factors. Married men tend to have higher labor force participation rates, invest more in human capital, and have better health than men who are not married. For the same age, schooling, and place of residence, married men have higher earnings. As a somewhat smaller proportion of the foreign-born men are currently married, marital status is included as a variable in the regression analysis. Variables for the occupation or industry in 1970 of the foreign born are not included in the analysis. Part of the process of change associated with time in the United States is the mobility of the foreign born to occupations and industries where their productivity is higher. It is, therefore, to be expected that the foreign born experience more changes in occupation and industry than native-born persons in the same age group. The occupational mobility of immigrants, including a comparison of the "last" occupation in the country of origin with the "first" occupation in the United States, has been studied elsewhere (Chiswick 1978c). Some testable hypotheses relevant for an analysis of the earnings of the foreign born can now be specified. (1) As there are aspects of schooling that are country specific, a year of schooling prior to immigration will have a smaller effect on earnings than a year of schooling for the native born. (2) As there are aspects of labor market experience that are country specific, a year of experience prior to immigration has a smaller effect on earnings than a year of experience for a native-born person. (3) As immigrants initially have less human capital specific to the United States than native-born persons of the same schooling and age, just after they arrive their earnings are lower than the native born. (4) After they arrive, as they make investments in postschool training and they informally acquire "experience" living in the United States, the earnings of immigrants rise at a faster rate than the earnings of the native born. (5) As immigrants have the incentive to make their largest adjustment investments just after they arrive, the absolute decline in the "knowledge gap" between immigrants and the native born is sharpest in these years. The rise in earnings with time in the United States is steepest in the first few EARNINGS OF FOREIGN-BORN MEN g03 years. (6) The effect on earnings of time in the United States, holding total labor market experience constant, is weaker for immigrants from countries that more closely resemble the United States. Holding years in the United States constant, the earnings of immigrants would be higher the more similar the country of origin is to the United States. (7) As immigrants tend to be more able, more highly motivated workers, if not for the disadvantages of their foreign origin, they would have higher earnings than the native born. After they have acquired U.S. specific skills, the earnings of the foreign born may, but need not, equal or exceed that of the native born. (8) For the same number of years in the United States, whether a foreign-born person is an alien or a naturalized citizen has no effect on earnings. Estimating Equation The empirical analysis of the effect of Americanization on earnings uses the human capital earnings function as the point of departure. This earnings function has been successfully applied to analyses of the determinants of earnings in a wide variety of countries. This is, however, its first application to a comparative analysis of the determinants of earnings of the foreign born in the United States. Native-born men are assumed to have made all of their investments in human capital in the United States. If rates of return (r) to all levels of schooling (S) are constant, a year of schooling requires an investment of a full year's potential earnings; and, if the men are in the labor force continuously after leaving school, the earnings function for the native born can be written as In Yn. = In r. + rS( + b,T, + b2Tf + Uit (1) where T is years of labor market experience, measured as age minus years of schooling minus 5; Yn ■ is earnings; and Ut is a residual (Mincer 1974). Among the foreign born, however, the total number of years of schooling can be decomposed into the schooling acquired before immigration (Sb) and the schooling after immigration (Sa). Similarly, years of labor market experience (T) can be decomposed into years of experience before (Tb) and after (T0) immigration. If there are country-specific aspects of training, the training acquired prior to migration (Sb, Tb) would have a weaker effect on earnings than years of training in the United States (Sa, Ta). Assuming that the effect of years of training in a country can be described by a quadratic experience variable, the earnings function of the foreign born can be written as In rt = In T0 + r„Sbti + + b\Tb