PART I
CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES
THE DEVELOPMENT OF CRITICAL GERONTOLOGY
"990s, three important streams emerged in the growing debate the nature of an ageing society. First, the continuation of political y perspectives, this emerging from early work from Estes (1979), (1981), Guillemard (1983), and others (see Minkler and Estes, and 1998; Phillipson, 1991; Estes, 1993, for reviews of this area).
there is the work of researchers from the humanities, with nt studies from scholars such as Thomas Cole, Harry Moody, Achenbaum and Andrew Wernick. Some of the main perspect-hom this tradition were brought together in a number of volumes t in the early 1990s, these combining the research of historians, , and other scientists (see, especially, Cole et al., 1992; Cole et al., Schaie and Achenbaum, 1993; Bengston and Achenbaum, 1993). i, there is the emergence of biographical and narrative perspect-t gerontology, this building on the work of Malcolm Johnson (1976) faber Gubrium (1986). Advocates of this approach have made import-:ontributions to critical gerontology (see, for example, Gubrium, as well as extending our knowledge about the social construction life (Ruth and Kenyon, 1996a),
_together, these intellectual trends may be seen as illustrating the nee of a critical as opposed to traditional gerontology (Phillipson Walker, 1987; Baars, 1991). The critical elements in this gerontology around three main areas: first, from political economy, there is ess of the structural pressures and constraints affecting older , with divisions associated with class, gender and ethnicity being
14
reconstructing old age
emphasized (Estes, 1993). Second, from both a humanistic as well as a biographically orientated gerontology, there is concern over the absence of meaning in the lives of older people, and the sense of doubt and uncertainty which is seen to pervade their daily routines and relationships (Moody, 1992). Third, from all three perspectives, comes a focus on the issue of empowerment, whether through the transformation of society (for example, through the redistribution of income and wealth), or the development of new rituals and symbols to facilitate changes through the life course (Kaminksy, 1993).
Critical gerontology in fact draws on a variety of intellectual traditions, these including: Marx's critique of political economy; the Frankfurt School (Adorno, Horkheimer and Marcuse), and more recent researchers from this tradition such as Jürgen Habermas (1971; Moody, 1992); psychoanalytic perspectives (Biggs, 1997); as well as contemporary sociological theorists such as Anthony Giddens (1991). These different approaches are used both to challenge traditional perspectives within gerontology, and to develop an alternative approach to understanding the process of growing old.
Central to the idea of a critical gerontology is the idea of ageing as a socially constructed event. In respect of political economy, this is seen to reflect the role of elements such as the state and economy in influencing the experience of ageing. In relation to the humanities, the role of the individual actively constructing his or her world is emphasized, with biographical approaches emphasizing an interplay between the self and society (Kenyon, 1996). The idea of lives as socially constructed is perhaps the key theme of critical gerontology, with different points of emphasis depending on the approach taken.
Despite the growth of critical perspectives, it is clear that several uncertainties need to be faced if the scope and ambitions of this approach are to be fully realized. The meaning of critical gerontology is itself somewhat evasive, with its construction around a variety of discourses within the humanities and social sciences (Green, 1993; Biggs, 1997). At its simplest, critical gerontology, as Baars (1991) puts it, is concerned with:'. .. a collection of questions, problems and analyses that have been excluded by established [mainstream gerontology]'. These vary from questions about the role of the state in the management of old age (Townsend, 1981), to issues about the purpose of growing old within the context of a postmodern life course (Cole, 1992).
The focus of this chapter is on identifying the range of theories and perspectives contained within critical perspectives. The chapter will conclude with an assessment of the progress in this field, especially in respect of extending our knowledge about the contemporary crisis facing older people in the developed world.
1
i humanistic as well as a concern over the absence I the sense of doubt and iiv routines and relatice-rspectives, comes a focus an ugh the transformation ■ i of income and weaHM mbols to facilitate change*!
iety of intellectual tradh-rical economy; the Frankfort and more recent researcheis] mas (1971; Moody, 19*1: well as contemporary scor-(1991). These different a| itional perspectives w;tnzr approach to understanding;
y is the idea of ageing is z economy this is sec- ~~. md economy in influence-": humanities, the role of the world is emphasized, with terplay between the setf as socially construct: -gy, with different points of]
5, it is clear that several ambitions of this approach critical gerontology is itself j Mind a variety of discourses] ireen, 1993; Biggs, 1997). All t991) puts it, is concerned and analyses that have been ology]'. These vary from management of old ase of growing old within the 92).
the range of theories and sc-;~ves. The chapter will s ir, this field, especially in e contemporary crisis facing
:he development of critical gerontology is
ement theory and social gerontology
I gerontology must be seen, in part, as a response to the limitations al theorizing' in the study of old age. At least up until the ■ dominant approach was to focus upon ageing as a problem {horn concerns and anxieties residing within the individual. The ■heal ideas, developed by researchers such as Cavan et al. : Havighurst (1954), were built around concepts of individual rrt', 'activity', and 'life satisfaction'. Lynott and Lynott argue
tepts were to be understood to be a working language describing the process of growing old. They were not part of a formal theoretical ee major problem was whether or not it provides an adequate Moon of ageing. Rather, the concepts were treated as the 'facts' of T"j£ old . . . [Ageing] was seen as a process whereby individuals - not i systems, structures of domination or ideologies - hope to alter them-i some way to deal satisfactorily with their experiences. The problem t retirement, poverty, ill health, and/or social isolation per ss; these were itions, seemingly 'natural ones'. Being natural, they were accepted by hers as the way things were, the facts of elderly life. (1996: 750)
i precisely the 'naturalness' of the concerns facing older people l«ame to be questioned from the 1970s onwards. Other theoretical ives had, of course, emerged to provide an account of the of old age. Disengagement theory (Cumming and Henry, .far example, led the way in providing an account which related [dar-sing needs of the individual to those of the social system. The was developed in the late 1950s by a group of gerontologists [ with the Committee on Human Development at the Univer-wt Chicago. The group included Havighurst, Neugarten, Cumming 1 Henry. The researchers considered that properly to understand old I elderly people had to be studied within their own environments as I to hospitals or nursing homes. The environment selected was Cits*, Missouri, a large metropolitan centre. Here, a panel of : =ied 50 and over were chosen as subjects, and interviewed over of years. The theory of disengagement was derived from > of these interviews. i central postulate of the theory has been summarized by Cumming Henry as follows:
is an inevitable mutual withdrawal or disengagement resulting in interaction between the ageing person and others in the social . he belongs to. The process may be initiated by the individual or by i in the situation. The aged person may withdraw more markedly from
16
reconstructing old age
some classes of people while remaining relatively close to others. His withdrawal may be accompanied from the outset by an increased preoccupation with himself; certain institutions in society may make the withdrawal easy for him. When the ageing process is complete the equilibrium which existed in middle life between the individual and his society has given way to a new equilibrium characterized by a greater distance and an altered type or relationship. (1961: 14)
A key assumption in the theory concerned the way in which what was termed 'ego energy' declines with age. As the ageing process develops individuals were seen to become increasingly self-preoccupied and less responsive to normative controls. The theory is predominantly a psychological one, although references to social components locate it within functionalism in theory and conservatism in political ideology. The sociological premise is that, since death occurs unpredictably and would be socially disruptive if people 'died in harness', there is a functional necessity to expel from work roles any older person with a statistically higher risk of death.1
Disengagement theory, while heavily criticized by researchers, was of considerable significance in developing theoretical debates around the social dimension of ageing. Passuth and Bengston (1996) suggest thar it was the first formal theory that attempted to explore the relationship between individual and social aspects of ageing. Disengagement theory also stimulated a range of complementary as well as alternative theoretical approaches, these including: modernization theory (Cowgill and Holmes, 1972); exchange theory (Dowd, 1975); life course perspectives (Neugarten and Hagestad, 1976); and age stratification theory (Rile) et al., 1972). Although challenging many core assumptions of the disengagement model, these theories furthered the debate about the experience of growing old, applying in the process central concepts from within the social sciences.2
Disengagement theory had a third, and possibly more significant, impact on debates about ageing. For many researchers, conventional theorizing in gerontology itself became part of the research problem. Gerontological research - in its traditional form — was seen to be colluding with a repressive and intolerant society (an issue raised by social activists such as Maggie Kuhn). The concept of disengagement could be viewed, it was argued, as legitimating a form of social redundancy among the old. Zena Blau, an American sociologist, drew support from older people as well as researchers when she argued that:
The disengagement theory deserves to be publicly attacked, because it can so easily be used as a rationale by the non-old, who constitute the 'normals' in society, to avoid confronting and dealing with the issue of old people's marginality and rolelessness in American society. (1973: 152)
to others. His with-eased preoccupation I withdrawal easy for brium which existed has given way to a an altered type of
| in which what was : process develops, occupied and less nantly a psycho-locate it within cal ideology. The iictably and would ere is a functional i with a statistical^
W researchers, was of [debates around the k 11996) suggest that -xplore the relation-lg. Disengagement well as alternative on theory (Cowgill e course perspect-stion theory (Riley prions of the dis-: about the experi-itral concepts from
more significant, ers, conventional t research problem, was seen to be in issue raised by pt of disengage-| a form of social sociologist, drew i she argued that:
1 because it can so ite the 'normals' in le of old people's
:
j precisely the concern identified by Blau which suggested the rcr a different kind of gerontology. Traditionally, theory in social ' had avoided questioning the social problems and conditions : r.der people, a point made by Carroll Estes in her seminal book - Enterprise. By the 1970s, however, this came to be questioned xt of political radicalization and economic recession. The result emergence of a different - critical - gerontology, one initially around ideas drawn from Marxist political economy. The next i of this chapter identifies some influences on this approach and '-cuments advanced by its proponents.
: r^e of political economy
c political economy perspective developed in the context of the crisis _ rublic expenditure from the mid-1970s onwards (Phillipson i rAaiker, 1986). Traditional perspectives in gerontology had operated ±t assumption of continued growth in state expenditure in areas a ss pensions and welfare. The basis for this was undermined, ■ever, with the rise in unemployment and inflation during the 1970s.
Esde this economic collapse was a significant political and econ-fcdiange, with cuts to public expenditure in general and welfare ; in particular. Given that a substantial proportion of social ■Hadirure was allocated to older people (Myles, 1984), they were [nablv subject to a sustained political attack by right-wing govern-■B in Britain, the USA and elsewhere. This was to bring a significant - ;: it. perceptions about older people. The post-war vision of axes to the elderly, as a crucial element of citizenship, now faced a T--.:-r: challenge. Older people came to be viewed as a burden on Mem economies, with demographic change, especially the declining fm at vounger to older persons, seen as creating intolerable pressures rdrlic expenditure.
A critical response to this crisis came from a number of studies that al 2 broad political economy approach. These included: The Aging fcrpnse by Carroll Estes (1979); The Structured Dependency of the ■Err.- bv Peter Townsend (1981); 'Towards a Political Economy of Old s In- Alan Walker (1981); Political Economy, Health and Aging by Estes aL (1984); Old Age in the Welfare State by John Myles (1984); and tfKsro and the Construction of Old Age by the present author (1982). A major concern of these studies was to challenge a view of growing :is; reriod dominated by physical and mental decline, an approach B*jeu as the biomedical model of ageing. This model was attacked for association of age with disease, as well as for the way that it
18
RECONSTRUCTING OLD ACE
individualized and medicalized the ageing process (Estes and Binner. 1989)- The alternative approach taken was to view old age as a social rather than biologically constructed status. In the light of this, many of the experiences affecting older people could be seen as a product of a particular division of labour and structure of inequality, rather than a natural part of the ageing process. Alan Walker (1981) developed this perspective with his concept of the 'sTjcuulSFeation of dependency' in old age, and Peter Townsend (1981) used a similar term when he described the 'structured dependency' of older people. This dependency was seer, to be the consequence of the forced exclusion of older people from work, the experience of poverty, institutionalization, and restricted domestic and community roles. Finally, Carroll Estes (1979: 2) introduced the term the 'ageing enterprise': '. . . to call particular attention to how the aged are often processed and treated as a commodity in our society and to the fact that the age-segregated policies that fuel the ageing enterprise are socially-divisive "solutions" that single-out, stigmatize, and isolate the aged from the rest of society'.3
The basic tenets of the political economy model have been defined in terms of developing 'an understanding of the character and significance of variations in the treatment of the aged, and to relate these to polity economy and society in advanced capitalism' (Estes, 1986). Political economy has challenged the idea of older people being a homogeneous group "unaffected by the dominant structures and ideologies within society. Instead, the focus is on understanding the relationship between ageing and economic life, the differential experience of ageing according to social class, gender and ethnicity, and the role played by social policy in contributing to the dependent status of older people (Minkler and Estes, 1998). Political economy also gives central consideration to the role of the state as an active force in managing the relationship between the individual and society. Estes (1998: 20) argues that the study of the state is fundamental to understanding old age for three main reasons: first, it has the power to allocate and distribute scarce resources; second, to mediate between the different segments and classes of society; third, to ameliorate conditions that threaten the social order. These activities have, as we shall see, been crucial in the construction of old age, with different points of emphasis over the course of the twentieth century.
The political economy perspective has been applied to a variety of concerns within the field of ageing. First, Graebner, Phillipson and Guillemard used this approach to examine the institutionalization of retirement (see Chapter 5). The retirement experience, its timing and eventual outcome were related to the supply and demand for labour and the production relations of a capitalist society. The growth of state pension schemes was itself related to economic factors, with, for example, the experience of mass unemployment being a stimulus behind legislation in countries such as the USA and Britain.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF CRITICAL GERONTOLOGY
19
s (Estes and Binnev I i old age as a social I light of this, many of I seen as a product of a I inequality, rather than a k£r 1981) developed this I •on of dependency' in old I term when he described lis dependency was seen older people from work, and restricted domestic 9: 2) introduced the term attention to how the aged in our society and to the he ageing enterprise are .;~ arize, and isolate the
nxiei have been defined in character and significance I to relate these to polity. * (Estes, 1986). Political pie being a homogeneous and ideologies within the relationship between ner.ce of ageing according lie played by social policv Ider people (Minkler and 1 consideration to the role relationship between the that the study of the state e main reasons: first, it 1 resources; second, to | ses of society; third, to mier. These activities have, of old age, with different irieth century.
1 applied to a variety of Graebner, Phillipson and the institutionalization of
perience, its timing and
2 demand for labour and '■ The growth of state pen-actors, with, for example,
t stimulus behind legisla-
rhe political economy model was significant in developing ■ of counter-arguments to perceptions of demographic change •of the state's fiscal crisis. Blaming older people was seen as a : Ibscuitng '. . . the origins of problems [which stem] from the I economic system and the subsequent political choices that are , 1986: 123). Attacks on the burden of the elderly population to legitimize a transfer of responsibilities from the state to older persons. At the same time, the class basis of old age :-: that inequalities were nol only maintained but were in [ through the encouragement of privatization in areas such i care and financial support (Estes et al, 1996). the political economy approach also contributed, as already to theorizing about the relationship between age, race, class ■ lEstes, 1991; Minkler, 1996). This helped to produce a range r questions for social gerontologists to explore. For example: how ; individual's lifelong identity change (if at all) with retirement? specific transformations in respect of class and occupa-ntities? If so, what implications might this have for a political r of ageing?
ir, political economy also provided a critical analysis of the of health and social services. These were seen to reinforce dency created through the wider economic and social system, services were criticized for stigmatizing older people, com-■g their problems through the imposition of age-segregated stes, 1979; 1993). In practical terms this analysis raised issues [challenging older people's experience of being passive consumers bJtare and medical services. It also raised questions about the ritip of professionals to older people: how far do they challenge expectations that elderly people have about services? To what do they contribute to the experience of old age as a period of
! critique of political economy
ncal economy perspective is still being developed in a variety of by its original proponents (see, for example, Estes et al., 1996; and Estes, 1998). At the same time, a number of important ; have been made of this approach. Three in particular may be hied. First, an important concept developed in the theory is the r: structured dependency' (Townsend, 1981; 1986). This draws to the way in which social and economic relations foster
20
RECONSTRUCTING OLD AGE
passivity in old age. At the heart of this process is the role of the state as a system of control and domination. Accordingly:
The approach is one whereby society is held to create the framework of institutions and rules within which the general problem of the elderly emerge or, indeed, are 'manufactured'. In the everyday management of the economy and the administration and development of social institutions the position of the elderly is subtly shaped and changed. The policies which determine the conditions and welfare of the elderly are not just the reactive policies represented by the statutory social services but the much more generalised and institutionalised policies of the state which maintain or change social structure. (Townsend, 1986: 2)
This leaves unclear, however, the link between structures at a macro-sociological level, and individual behaviour and action. In this sense, structured dependency could be said to be over-deterministic in its approach, failing to address the way in which individuals could themselves challenge the impact of different forms of institutional control (Giddens, 1991; Bury, 1995).
Second, political economy has been charged with failing properly to address issues of gender. Bury (1995), for example, points out that the problems experienced by men and women do not arise solely through the operation of the labour market, but are 'part of a set of culture-bound gendered relationships' (Bury, 1995: 20). Political economy has, it is argued, underplayed the impact of gender differences in status and power and, as well, the effects of the cumulative oppression faced bv women. This argument almost certainly carries more weight in the UK than the USA, where these issues have been more comprehensively addressed (see, for example, Arendell and Estes, 1991; Ovrebo and Minkler, 1993; Calasanti and Zajicek, 1993; Calasanti, 1996; Ray, 1996). On the other hand, the failure in Britain may be less the problem of the political economy of old age, and rather more the limitations of sociological work in genera] in dealing with gender inequalities in old age (the study by Arber and Ginn, 1991, is a notable exception here).
Third, political economy has been vulnerable to the charge of ignoring broader issues of meaning and purpose in the lives of the old. Focusing on questions of structure has tended to sideline, it is argued, the important moral and existential issues faced by older people. These areas have certainly been more central to the tradition of theorizing represented in the humanities. On the other hand, wider concerns have been explored in debates around generational equity (see Chapter 7), where the idea of interdependency between generations has been a major theme in political economy perspectives (Walker, 1996; Phillipson, 1996; Minkler, 1996).
Despite the above criticisms, political economy has continued to play an important (and subversive) role in monitoring and explaining struc-
the development of critical gerontology
21
■ role of the state as
me the framework of i Erf the elderly emerge lent of the economv Buttons the position ices which determine the reactive policies itch more generalised pain or change social
pctures at a macro-Crion. In this sense, ceterministic in its tiduals could them-institutional control
failing properly to points out that the arise solely through set of culture-bound economy has, it is r,ces in status and iprression faced by
weight in the UK K comprehensively 11991; Ovrebo and 1996; Ray, 1996). On the problem of the Imitations of socio-fialities in old age eption here), r charge of ignoring tt the old. Focusing lit is argued, the leer people. These it: on of theorizing ider concerns have hr see Chapter 7), Etiens has been a er 1996; Phillipson,
■ continued to play d explaining struc-
. in the welfare state. It has also been pivotal in challenging tarnist' or 'apocalyptic' demography which has become common-in the 1990s (Robertson, 1998). This development raised a new set icems around both societal attitudes and cultural assumptions Ihe position of older people - what has been termed the 'moral ■ of ageing' (Minkler and Cole, 1998). Awareness of the moral to growing old has become an important issue both within economy and through the influence of work from within the Des. An assessment of some of the arguments from this latter tive will now be considered.4
■ crisis of meaning
—roach taken by political economy highlighted the role of the state apital in the construction of ageing as a demographic crisis, tr response has been to locate problems of ageing within a broader ten, one linked to the limitations both of western culture and '.--Stic social and natural sciences. The former has been addressed c—.as Cole (1992), in his book The Journey of Life: A Cultural History zr.s in America. In this study, Cole traces what he sees as the :cai shift from viewing ageing as an existential problem, to one fd around scientific and technical management. Cole argues:
! early twentieth century, ageing had been largely cut loose from earlier ;.nu5, cosmological, and iconographic moorings, made available for modern r.zik enquiry. Laboratory scientists and research physicians attempted to aff religious dogma and mystery surrounding natural processes. Rejecting ndental norms and metaphysical explanations, they turned to biology ? hope that nature itself contained authoritative ideas and explanations of I age. (1992:192^)
argues that ultimately this has proved a dangerous illusion in t of understanding the nature of ageing. Scientific enquiry cannot , he argues, the essential mystery and 'fatedness of the course of By presenting ageing as a technical problem, we have lost sight of 1 fact that it is 'biographical as well as biological'; that 'old age is an rience to be lived meaningfully and not only a problem of health : disease'. Cole concludes that:
■ must acknowledge that our great progress in the material and physical renditions of life has been achieved at a high spiritual and ethical price. Social city has not enhanced ontological security or dignity in old age. The elderly nue to occupy an inferior status in the moral community marginalized by
22
RECONSTRUCTING OLD AGE
an economy and culture committed to the scientific management of growth without limit. (1992: 237)
This position has also been developed by Harry Moody (1988; 1992: 1993), in a series of papers drawing out the implications of a humanistic approach to the study of ageing. Moody is concerned with the development of a critical gerontology that breaks from the positivist tradition and which acknowledges the central place of meaning and interpretation in the construction of social life. For Moody, the abstract language or social science and the ordinary language of daily experience are tied ir_ ways that demand explication or interpretation. There are no straightforward 'facts', in other words, about social ageing. Moody (1988: 32 illustrates this point by taking what seems to be the 'deceptively simple question: What is it that constitutes retirement? How do we know, for example, how many people are retired at any given time or how-retirement behaviour has changed over time?' Moody suggests tha; answering such questions is somewhat complex, because:
to some extent retirement is a shared meaning of social events, an interpretatior of why an individual no longer participates in the paid labour force. One and the same individual may have been laid off or be partially disabled and may then describe him or herself to a survey researcher as 'retired', whereas other? might describe the individual as 'unemployed'.. . The failure of researchers to acknowledge the preinterpreted world is no innocent error. The uncritical acceptance of retirement rates as an unambiguous 'fact' about the social world becomes a kind of mystification of the lived experience of unemployment and chronic illness, and this mystification has political as well as ideologica. consequences. (1988: 32)
Moody's development of a critical gerontology is to define it against what he sees as its opposite, namely, that of instrumental gerontology. This he views as the province of conventional social science, where the emphasis is upon the development of new tools to predict and contro-human behaviour. Social gerontology, according to this view, is dominated by a form of rationality that seeks to objectify what is essentially a human and subjective experience. Instrumental reason forces us to stand outside ageing as an individual process, suggesting that it can be controlled through a variety of technical interventions. To set agains: this, the task of a critical gerontology is to reinsert the notion of ageing as a 'lived experience', one which demands a dialogue between the older person, the academic community, practitioners, and other relevant groups. Moody suggests, however, that critical gerontology must gc beyond merely a negative critique of current practice and ideologv offering as well its own vision of a different approach. Accordingly:
A critical gerontology must also offer a positive idea of human developmen that is, ageing as movement toward freedom beyond domination (autonomy
THE DEVELOPMENT OF CRITICAL GERONTOLOGY
cement of
grou-
ty (1988; 199>| of a humanis .'ith the develop ] iitivist tradition-arid interpreta rice tract language cc irience are tied in f
are no straight Moody (1988: 32 sptively simple n do we knoi en time or howl :>• suggests that
an interpretaticr Dur force. One and | K" disabled and i fced', whereas others I re of researchers to I r. The uncritical I the social world ur.employment and I «11 as ideologica] I
■fine it agains: gerontology. This nee, where the iict and control | view, is domi-is essentially a ices us to stand that it can be I i. To set against ten of ageing as hveen the older other relevant elegy must go and ideology, ccordingly:
I development: :on (autonomy.
rcendence). Without this emancipatory discourse (i.e. an expanded ing) we have no means to orient ourselves in struggling against : of domination. (1988: 32-3)
n fact for an emancipatory praxis (or practice) which can conventional categories of work, sex roles and age stereo-re seen to circumscribe the possibilities of human develop-
i produce a 'shrunken and fragmented view of what the life
tbe' (Moody, 1988: 35).
ritv and social research
inn to 'reinsert' human subjectivity into the study of ageing has 1 several important developments - notably with the encour-ci qualitative and interpretive methods in ageing research. Two ? illustrate this theme: first, the interest in biographical perspective study of ageing; second, the influence of a phenomenologi-r:3:ed sociology.
rcucal perspectives have an extensive pedigree in the social »-:th notable examples including: the symbolic interactionist ■ of the Chicago School (Blumer, 1969), and the work of sociol-Flhe life course such as Thomas and Znaniecki (1966). Johnson . drawing on sociologists such as Erving Goffman and Howard : developed the notion of ageing as a 'biographical career'. He put lSie case for 'reconstructing biographies' in order to identify the nt of life histories, and the way that these have 'sculpted t problems and concerns' (Johnson, 1976; see also Thompson et al., h and Kenyon (1996a) note the influence of Bertaux's volume md Society: The Life History Approach in the Social Sciences, this ; the importance of using biography as a methodological ►vithin social research, ntly, the biographical perspective was extended by research-i as Coleman, Birren, Ruth and Kenyon, with the key arguments : together in a collection edited by Birren et al. (1996) entitled I Biography. The view adopted was that biographical approaches 'unBtribute towards understanding both individual and shared i of ageing over the life course. Examining reactions to personal and turning points could provide researchers with unique insights f way individuals construct their lives. Equally, however, studying rovides a perspective on the influence of social institutions such as Land the family. Biographical data thus helps us to understand what I arc Kenyon (1996b) refer to as the possibilities and limits set by the reriod in which people live.
Ruth and Kenyon (1996b) summarize the value of using biographic^ materials as threefold: first, at a general level, they contribute to thd development of theories of adult development and ageing; second, the;-provide a focus on both the public and the personal way in which live develop; third, they are important in determining ways to enhance the quality of life. Central to the biographical approach is the idea of the 'reflexivity' of the self, or the way in which individuals both influenc the world around them, while modifying their own behaviour in response to information from this world. This idea (which strongly parallels th= I sociology of the self developed by Giddens, 1991, and others) leads to ; view that focuses on a 'responsive' and 'changing self. Ruth and Kenyc emphasize this point in the following way;
A potentially optimistic feature of viewing human ageing biographicallv that there is an openness or flexibility to the human journey . . . While there : continuity, there is also change and the possibility for change. In other words! there may be no necessary connection between the events of our lives, ouri number of years, and the meaning ascribed to those events; stories can I re-written, plots altered, and the metaphors traded in and traded up . . according to the needs of the self. (1996b: 6)
As this quotation suggests, narratives or stories are seen to play a centra role in the construction of lives. We express what is meaningful abou ourselves through the telling of stories.5 Story-telling is of importance i a wider cultural sense, hence the importance of oral history as a metho of communicating the significance of particular lives and communitie: for society as a whole (the work of Thompson and Bertaux best illustrates this point).
At an individual level, however, the telling of stories is a medium fed the integration of lives; for explaining discontinuities as well as con-l tinuities. Talking to people about the story of their lives (their 'auto biographies') gives the researcher access to the way in which people] 'age from within' (Ruth and Kenyon, 1996b). Invariably, this provides ui with a different perspective to that of traditional gerontology, when the physical and social changes accompanying ageing are seen as thd primary forces influencing the individual. Against this, researchers sue as Kaufman present a more challenging view of the self:
The old Americans I studied do not perceive meaning in ageing itself; rathe: they perceive meaning in being themselves in old age . . . When old people talk about themselves, they express a sense of self that is ageless - an identin that maintains continuity despite the physical and social changes that con with old age. (1986: 6-7)
The emphasis on stories and narratives is especially prominent in I work of the American sociologist faber Gubrium (1993). Gubrium concerned with, as he puts it, 'the manner by which experience is give
: development of critical gerontology
2'^
using biographic^ contribute to the i ageing; second, theB ■I way in which liv
ways to enhance »ch is the idea of thq pals both irrfluer.c jehaviour in respo: strongly parallels rnd others) leads to Elf'. Ruth and Kenvi
eing biographicallv : mey ... While there i I cr.AT.ge. In other wordsj pvents of our lives, ouj m events; stories can 1 Jin and traded up . .
f seen to play a centra is meaningful abou ; is of importance i I history as a metho and communitie Bertaux best illus-J
is a medium for]
as well as cor. ves (their 'auto ay in which peopld iably, this provides i 1 gerontology, when [eing are seen as thj this, researchers sue 5 self:
in ageing itself; rather] ■. . . When old people is ageless - an identih icaai changes that con
ailv prominent in ■ 2993). Gubrium ii experience is give
■ argues that while a focus on individual thoughts and feelings ant, the context in which these arise must also be studied.
■ being used here to refer to the way in which people both share lop their own ideas about growing old, and the settings in •anings are assigned. Gubrium (1993) argues, for example, that 1 pay attention to how respondents raise and explore their own m response to those of the interviewer. Rather than dismiss ectures as so much research debris, the process itself identifies : issues about the construction of ageing:
. ^:. ndent states that his or her feelings or thoughts about something , Ipay as much attention to the 'what' it depends on and the 'how' of an as to the eventual answer. When someone asks me what i mean ar question, i believe it important to zero in on how that meaning worked out. When a respondent states or marks that she both Cii disagrees with a particular questionnaire item ... it is important to be**" a single question can have a seemingly contradictory response, than treat the response as methodologically meaningless, i wonder mds of questions could make such ostensible contradictions reasonable. I
is work acknowledges two important issues about the social of ageing: first, certain aspects of ageing remain uncharted and for many (if not all) individuals: researchers as well as r respondents have in this context the task of working out and [ upon the meaning of this stage in the life course. Second, it is ■ case that many situations that affect older individuals (or their me literally beyond their experience, thus creating complexities in . :t naming and identifying feelings and beliefs.6 Much of Gub-:• has focused on the issue of Alzheimer's disease, examining ■r in which the meaning of the illness is derived and commnni-. He uses the example of support groups for people with Alzhei-IV show the way in which these can provide a basis for speaking I interpreting the caregiving experience. For Gubrium (borrow-Lostsxpt from social anthropology), the 'local cultures' of residential kday centres and support groups will provide important contexts ; through and assigning meanings to particular experiences. > e-proach, language is seen to play a crucial role in the construc-f reality. Lynoft and Lynott make this point as follows:
ot asking how things like age cohorts, life stages, or system needs and determine one's experiences, the phenomenologists turn the : around and ask how persons (professional and lay alike) make use of { explanations and justifications in their treatment and interaction
■ another . . . Facts virtually come to life in their assertion, invocation, i and utility. From this point of view, language is not just a vehicle
WTnfcolically representing realities; its usage, in the practical realities of r Kfe, is concretely productive of the realities. (1996: 754)
26
RECONSTRUCTING OLD AGE
Gubrium (with Wallace, 1990) draws out an important and somewh subversive conclusion from this fact, namely, that 'ordinary theorizrr (for example by older people themselves) should have equal (comp* mentary status) to that of professionals. People are not merely responded in the passive sense of the term; they develop facts and theories of the own, and the relevance of these deserves wider recognition. Using ti standpoint of social phenomenology derived from Schutz and Husse. Gubrium and Wallace argue that:
When we suspend the natural attitude and allow the ordinary theorer: activity of the aged and others to become visible, a whole world of reason about the meaning of growing old . . . comes forth. We find that theory is n something exclusively engaged in by scientists. Rather there seem to be tn existing worlds of theory in human experience, one engaged by those who ■ the experiences under consideration, and one organised by those who make their professional business systematically to examine experience. To the e\:e we all attend to experience and attempt to understand it or come to terms w: its varied conditions, we all theorise age. To privilege scientific theori$ir simply on the basis of its professional status makes scientistic what otherw could be firm recognition of the theoretical activity of ordinary men m women, along with the opportunity to refocus social gerontology frombe&j iours to meanings embedded in ordinary discourse. {'1990: 147)
The different perspectives discussed in this section take as th standpoint the centrality of the human subject in defining the soc world of ageing. Through the medium of language, people describe f. story or stories which make up their lives. Attention to these giv the researcher access not just to how particular individuals experien growing old, but also to the way in which ageing is constructed. Such view provides a powerful corrective to the tendency - dominant ' traditional gerontology - of seeing older people as 'empty vessels reacting to, rather than shaping, experiences in later life. Taken togeth however, the focus on meaning provided by humanistic gerontology ai biographical perspectives on ageing have a number of limitations, nature of these will now be discussed and summarized.
Constructing later life
There are at least three main problems which can be cited, shared different degrees by both humanistic and biographical perspectiv within gerontology. First, an important theme running through th biographical approach is that of the self actively constructing his or h social universe. However, the view of the self is inconsistent in th literature. At one extreme is Johnson's (1976) notion of the biographic
•tant and somewh i 'ordinary theorizii I have equal (comjj H merely respondem and theories of the ignition. Using I i Schutz and Hussed
ordinary theoretic le world of reason ind that theory is no ?re seem to be rw: aged by those who livd by those who make I Brience. To the exte~ t or come to terms wil scientific theorising istic what otherwise of" ordinary men and ontology from behav-J 147)
on take as the:: fining the soda1 reople describe the ntion to these give dividuals experience i constructed. Such < encv - dominant as 'empty vessels" life. Taken together.| rtic gerontology and of limitations. The
be cited, shared to phical perspectives! imning through the! tructing his or herj inconsistent in the| of the biographies
the self would seem to be largely derived from the making up a person's life. At the other extreme is ľ: me storied self, in which the underlying plot is open to l«v!sion. Although Kenyon (1996) denies the charge of solipsism, ;ibr what he sees as the 'fundamental interpersonal dimension', •ch to the self seems at times somewhat too literal and open-■ particular, there is insufficient acknowledgement in this that social and structural constraints may compromise both i development and interaction with significant others in the f the older person.
í problem concerns the extent to which social inequalities are account in the subjective approach. Gubrium (1993), for rrzkes a powerful case for a social gerontológ}' which avoids ; certain voices and silencing others'. But this assumes that I researchers are able to overcome forms of oppression which í penetrate the language and relationships around which daily ucted. Assuming the methodological stance suggested by be effective for certain groups, less so for others. For k-African or Asian groups, the experience of exclusion may í even explicit attempts to foreground all, rather than particu-t of ageing.
Ibe work of Moody and Cole, in providing a critique of reason, seeks to demonstrate the way in which existing cr.s of ageing are linked to forms of social control. Instrumental í seen to reify or mystify structures of social domination, thus : the status quo. As a formal critique, the arguments advanced derable power. But the alternatives produced seem to lack Moody refers to the need for 'emancipation', and for a vision of how the social order might be different' (1992: 295). i of the emancipation and the nature of a new social order is : Of course, the response might be that it must be left to those ; old themselves to define a different type of adult development, " in Cole's terms) wrould recover a sense of 'mystery' about the ŕ m the life course. However, specifying the basis for emancipa-seem to be important and cannot be left entirely open-
; above review suggests, a number of strands may be identified the broad area of critical gerontology. All may be seen as ; a valuable contribution to the debate about the way in which
28
RECONSTRUCTING OLD AGE
older age is socially constructed. As suggested, political economy h played a central role in highlighting structural inequalities within la: life, and has challenged the specific form of crisis construction influer. ing the debate on ageing populations. Humanistic gerontology h advanced understanding about the experience of ageing as part of 1 whole course of life. At the same time, it has challenged the way which older people have been marginalized within society, emphasizir. the extent to which life appears emptied of meaning and signifkan: Finally, biographical perspectives draw out the importance of ways I coping and managing which have been formed over the life conn? Placing the individual within the context of a particular life history viewed as central for understanding how individuals adapt and respo to change in old age.
These different ideas and tendencies within gerontology will be uf as a basis for exploring changes in the social construction of later life. V shall use these theories as tools for illuininatirig some of the contni-dictions and conflicts experienced by older people in their daily liv The next two chapters build upon the theories reviewed in this chapt by examining in more detail the nature of this social construction. T: task of the next chapter is to examine this through the policies an* practices towards older people which developed after the Second Wot! War, a time when western society identified old age as a time for a rang of interventions in the field of economic and social policy.
Notes
1 Fennell et al. (1988) summarize some of the literature on disengagem theory. Hochschild's (1975) article remains one of the most incisive critiques the theory.
2 Lynott and Lynott (1996) provide an excellent account of theoretical issues the sociology of ageing.
3 See Estes (1993) for an examination of the approach taken in this book.
4 The critical reaction to studies such as Callahan's (1987) Setting Limits, w also influential in the development of the moral economy approach.
5 See McLeod (1997) for a valuable discussion of biographical and narratr perspectives as applied to the counselling field.
6 Giant (1998) explores this aspect in her powerful account of her mother experience of dementia.