Piotr Wysocki
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Poland


ØHistorical  background and regional developments that led to Visegrad cooperation
Ø
ØDevelopment of V4 cooperation
Ø
ØCurrent pattern of V4 cooperation
Ø
ØCooperation in the field of energy security
Ø
ØQuestions
Ø

Major regional developments that shaped ECE international politics in the early stage of transition
and democratic consolidation:
Øcollapse of the Soviet Union and multilateral regional structures of the Warsaw Pact and the
COMECON, which left inter-state relations ‘still considerably swayed by Realpolitik calculations
and the search for a stable regional balance of power’,
Øappearance of free and sovereign Ukraine, that changes the geopolitics of Europe,
Ødisintegration and split of USSR, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia that makes the region more diverse
and isolates Russia from her former ECE neighbours
Ø‘prevalence of national minorities and arbitrarily drawn borders’.
Hyde-Price, A., Patterns of International Politics, in: S. White, J. Batt, P. G. Lewis (eds.),
Developments in Central and East European Politics 2 (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 1998).

‘One way or the other, one thing is certain: For the first time in history, we have a real
opportunity to fill the great political vacuum that appeared in Central Europe after the collapse
of the Habsburg Empire with something genuinely meaningful. We have an opportunity to transform
Central Europe from what has been a mainly historical and spiritual phenomenon into a political
phenomenon’


Not only the wish of Central European countries to be perceived as ‘European’ by complacent West,
but also their attempt to become full members of the European Communities and NATO.

Most important factors that led to regional grouping:
Øupsurge of the Central European identity
Øapprehension that united Germany may dominate the region
Øwish to strengthen the regional position by the participating countries
Øconviction that regional cooperation strengthens stability
Ørecognition that regional cooperation is an indispensable requirement for the region’s integration
into European structures.


Ø‘Central European Summit’ in Bratislava 9th April 1990
Ø
ØThe Visegrád meeting 12th - 15th February 1991

In a declaration adopted by the presidents Lech Wałęsa, Václav Havel and Arpad Gönz the parties
formulated their objectives, from among the most important were:
Øfull restitution of state independence, democracy and freedom,
Øelimination of all existing social, economic and spiritual aspects of the totalitarian system,
Øconstruction of a parliamentary democracy, a modern State of Law, respect for human rights and
freedoms,
Øcreation of a modern free market economy,
Øfull involvement in the European political and economic system, as well as the system of security
and legislation.


The Krakow summit of 6th October 1991

ØThe Krakow meeting adopted The Krakow Declaration of the Triangle States, in which it was
proclaimed, that the principal task set by Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary was a full-range
integration into the European political, economic and juridical as well as security system. The
first step on the way to accomplish this task was an association with the European Community.
ØThe Triangle declared pressing measures on abolition of barriers in mutual trade turnovers and
planned signing appropriate agreements on trade liberalisation as soon as possible.  Shortly after,
a working group was established.


 Signed in Kraków on 21st December 1992.  The objectives of the Agreement were:
Øto promote through the expansion of trade the harmonious development of the economic relations
between the Parties and thus to foster in the Parties the advance of economic activity, the
improvement of living and employment conditions, and increased productivity and financial
stability,
Øto provide fair conditions of competition for trade between the Parties,
Øto contribute in this way, by the removal of barriers to trade, to the harmonious development and
expansion of world trade.


The year 1993 marked an end of the idealistic and enthusiastic period of international politics in
Central Europe.
Reasons of the breach:
ØDisintegration of the Czechoslovak federation,
ØForeign policy of the new Czech government,
Øconflicts in Yugoslavia and Chechnya,
ØNATO reluctance to accept new members,
ØBreaking point in the economic development of the Visegrád countries,
ØRivalry between V4 countries.

ØCritical assessment of the hitherto foreign Czechoslovak policy
Ø“Argument of two Václavs” - ‘Non-political politics’ and ‘moral reconstitution of society’ opposed
by Klaus’ liberal conservative belief in the power of free market,
ØPolicy of ‘Czech uniqueness’ based on the conviction that to join the EC, the candidate state
needs to fulfil certain criteria,
ØPolicy orientated on developing internal economic and political stability, which in the eyes of
the Prime Minister, was more profitable than constant pressure on the West.
‘Visegrád does not apply to us. It was a process, which was artificially induced by the Western
countries’
CEFTA – the only field of understanding

ØSlovak Prime Minister Vladimír Mečiar with his nationalistic rhetoric that evoked the feelings of
hostility among the 600 000 Hungarian minority and the angry response of Budapest,
Ølong-drawn-out question of Grabčíkovo-Nagymáros dam, the huge hydroelectric project from the
communist times with far-reaching implications for ecology and politics,
ØIntensified political and economic contacts with Moscow, that caused the disapproving reaction of
Prague,
ØSlovakia left out in the process of NATO enlargement.


In January 1994 Clinton came to present his project of Partnership for Peace to the V4,
Prague refused to elaborate the common position of the Group and tried to arrange the meeting to be
the American President’s visit to the Czech Republic with some common appearance of the Central
European leaders at the end,
Prague did not organise the multilateral talks with the American President and blocked the common
declaration on the Partnership for Peace.

ØThe decision of NATO to invite Visegrád countries (without Slovakia) to the Madrid summit
intensified the regional contacts. Closer coordination of pre-accession efforts became necessary.
The Russian opposition towards the enlargement of NATO contributed to further step-up.
ØAfter the 1995 enlargement the EU began to pay more attention to the East and launched
preparations for necessary reforms preceding the eastern enlargement. Within the framework of
Agenda 2000, the Commission presented opinions on the preparation of individual associated
countries. The Commission recommended the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia to
open the negotiations. The Luxembourg European Council accepted the suggestion and stated that the
accession was to be launched on 30 March 1998.
ØChanges of governments that occurred in all V4 countries in 1997 and 1998 revived the ideas of
Visegrád and Central Europe and opened a new chapter in the region’s partnership.

ØAfter the elections of September 1998 political domination of internationally neglected Vladimír
Mečiar came to an end.
Ø
ØNew wide coalition government of Mikulaš Dzurinda unified four parties of the former opposition.
The Premier announced the Bratislava intention to cooperate with the three neighbours.
Ø
ØThe tensions between Bratislava and Budapest eased off, as the new agreements on the
Grabčíkovo-Nagymáros dam were signed.
ØThe context of fulfilment of the Schengen treaty - PL, CZ, and HU would be obliged to establish
their borders with Slovakia an external EU border.


Slovakia’s answer to the Visegrád invitation was immediate. The government held a view that all the
V4 members were ‘disadvantaged by Slovakia’s exclusion’. However, the efforts to include Slovakia
in the mainstream of the regional politics seemed to be insufficient ground to resurrect the V4.

The Bratislava summit in May 1999, hosted by the Prime Minister Dzurinda, was the first summit in
the quadrilateral formula. It adopted the programme document called the ‘Contents of Visegrád
Co-operation’

Ø decision not to institutionalise the grouping,
Øconsultations and issuing, as and when the need arises, of joint statements on issues of common
interest,
Øregular meetings of V4 ambassadors,
Øexchange of information on long-term strategies and concepts of foreign, security and defence
policy,
Øexchange of views on the stability and security of the Central and Eastern European region’,
Øtransfer of the experience with the EU integration,
Ønew fields of mutual actions - internal affairs, education, culture, society, youth and sport,
science and technology, environment, infrastructure and cross-border cooperation,
Øcreation of joint fund supporting Central European projects,

Ø economic issues deliberately left out - these should remain within CEFTA’s jurisdiction,
Øthe cooperation was to be realized through regular meetings on various levels,
Øprime ministers’ meetings to be hold twice a year,
Øsupport for other representatives’ contacts, such as the meetings of the heads of state, the
regular communication between the parliaments, the intensive contacts between ‘intermediary bodies’
of civil society,
Østress on governmental not presidential cooperation,
Øcreation of a presidency on a rotating basis with a mandate for one year.

ØMajor purpose: to promote and develop cultural cooperation, exchanges in the field of science,
research, cooperation in education, youth exchanges and regional cooperation.
ØThe special attention and preference was given to ‘projects involving the greatest number of
member countries and contributing to greater awareness of the jointly shared Central European area.
Ø
ØThe members committed themselves to contribute to the project with the amount of 250 000 Euros a
year.
ØFor the purposes of managing the fund the Secretariat was established in Bratislava, what
constituted the first and only organisational structure of the V4.

Signed in Kroměříž in May 2004. Main goals:
Østrengthening of the Central European links and identity
Øhelping other countries that wish to join the EU to accomplish their goals by transferring of the
transition and accession experience,
Øcontributing to the common policy of the EU, especially towards the Eastern and the Southern
Europe, the field that Central Europe had a unique knowledge on.

A will to continue the cooperation and use the facilities it gives:
ØThe cooperation, ‘rooted in centuries of interlinked history and based on similar political,
economic and social developments in the past decades, will enrich the community of European nations
and contribute the building of a reunited, democratic and prosperous Europe’.

l
ØEnergy security
ØEastern Partnership
ØClimate change and greenhouse gas reductions
ØEU enlargement
ØPromotion of democracy
ØOther

lFlexible instrument of ad hoc cooperation
lCooperation with Eastern Partnership countries
lCooperation with Western Balkans
lOther partners:
lB3, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania
lBenelux
lNordic Council
lChina, Taiwan, Japan
lIsrael, Egypt
lGermany


High Level Group  for Energy Security established during the Prime Ministers summit in Wieliczka (3
June 2009).

Major goal of the HLG – to revive and strengthen the cooperation in the field of energy and to
prepare the rules of  cooperation in the creation of north-south energy corridor.

V4+ Energy Security Summit was held in Budapest on the 24th of February 2010 with participation of
V4 and Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Serbia, Slovenia and Romania.

ØDecision to integrate gas networks and diversify routes and sources of supplies:
ØBy promoting the North-South interconnections through all V4 countries, between the planned
Croatian and Polish Liquefied Natural Gas terminals and also
ØBy further promoting and implementing the Nabucco and the NETS projects,
ØBy supporting the Constanta LNG terminal and other LNG and CNG projects in the wider Black Sea
Region
ØDecision to hold regular HLG meetings and to set up "ad hoc" working groups at expert level on
different projects such as the North-South interconnections and other regional interconnectors, oil
supply in the region, etc.

North-South
energy corridor
- interconnectors
polskie LNG.bmp

Main goals:
Øto provide alternative gas supply for the region
Øto create a two-way mutually connected transit and supply network

Benefits of the project:
Øeasy to achieve and low-cost investments to eliminate the infrastructure gaps
Øenhancing internal integration of EU market
Øcreating a regional market – more attractive for external suppliers
Øenabling prompt reaction to potential crises


V4 Ministers responsible for energy security letter to the Energy Commisary G. Oettinger:
Ø development of North-South Gas Corridor
Ødevelopment of energy infrastructure on the European level

As a result the European Commision put the N-S Gas Corridor on the list of priorities of the EU
energy infrastructure package in November 2010.
The list of priorities was adopted by European Council on 4th of February 2011.

Thank you