Urban Studies
49(1)43-60, January 2012
Multiple Transformations: Conceptualising the Post-communist Urban Transition
Luděk Sýkora and Stefan Bouzarovski
[Paper first received, February 2009; in final form, November 2010]
Abstract
This paper develops a conceptual framework for interpreting the process of urban change in post-communist cities. The departure from the legacies of the communist past has been effected through multiple transformation dynamics of institutional, social and urban change. While institutional reforms have been largely accomplished, the adjustment of urban land use patterns to new societal conditions is still ongoing. Hence, post-communist cities are still cities in transition. Using this interpretative framework and referring to a wide spectrum of academic work, the paper provides an overview of urban restructuring in post-communist countries over the past two decades with a specific focus on the examples of mutual integration of the three fields of transformation.
Introduction
Even though the past few years have seen the publication of a wide range of scholarly contributions to the field of post-communist urban studies (see, for example, Hamilton et al, 2005; Tsenkova and Nedovic-Budic, 2006; Boren and Gentile, 2007; Stanilov, 2007), we would argue that they too often focus on providing broad descriptions of urban transformation dynamics, rather than
developing critical interpretive or explanatory frameworks. In this paper, we offer a more explicit grounding of the theorisation of urban change in post-communist cities.
We argue that the post-communist city is an important object of study whose investigation brings new insights into urban studies. Hence, we first scrutinise the notion of the post-communist city. We explicitly react to
Luděk Sýkora is in the Department of Social Geography and Regional Development, Faculty of Science, Charles University, Albertov 6, Praha, 128 43, Czech Republic. E-mail: sykora@natur.cuni.cz.
Stefan Bouzarovski is in the School of Geography, Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Birmingham, Edgbaston, Birmingham, B15 2TT, UK. E-mail: s.bouzarovski@bham.ac.uk and the Department of Social Geography and Regional Development, Faculty of Science, Charles University, Albertov 6, Praha, 128 43, Czech Republic.
0042-0980 Print/1360-063X Online © 2011 Urban Studies Journal Limited DOI: 10.1177/0042098010397402
44       LUDĚK SÝKORA AND STEFAN BOUZAROVSKI
debates where the continued ability of the notion of 'post-communism' to offer a relevant framework for the analysis of various phenomena in former socialist countries is being put into question. Such thinking avoids post-communism, assuming that transition/ transformation is already over and that cities should be approached from perspectives that dominate Western debates set within the relatively stable environment of a globalising capitalist society (Tasan-Kok, 2004).
In the main body of the paper, we develop a conceptual framework for interpreting the process of urban change in post-communist cities. We argue that the departure from the legacies of the communist past has been effected through multiple transformation dynamics of institutional, social and urban transitions. These multiple transitions follow a specific temporal sequence. In general, they move from addressing universal to more specific areas, from the political application of normative concepts to spontaneously unfolding social changes. In other words, urban transformations would not happen without transformations in the basic political and economic rules, which allowed for and stimulated economic and social restructuring that was in turn expressed in urban change.
We argue that the nature of urban restructuring in post-communist countries has a common logic. By proposing a framework that suggests a layering and sequencing of institutional norms, social practices and urban spatial formations in the transformation of the post-communist city, we address the complex web of underlying relations and driving forces of urban change. We offer an overview of key themes under each of the levels of transformation with references to an extensive body of literature on post-communist urban change. The theoretical framework allows us to relate and integrate specific themes and insights into the complex picture of post-communist urban restructuring.
Current knowledge of post-communist cities is highly uneven. Budapest, Prague and Warsaw have been over-represented in the academic literature on post-socialist cities since the early 1990s, with Ljubljana, Tallinn, Moscow and Sofia joining them in the 2000s. Cities such as St Petersburg and Kiev have only recently become objects of urban research (Popson and Ruble, 2000; Axenov et al, 2006; Boren, 2005). A few metropolitan areas serve as the major source of knowledge. They are not typical, but rather specific cases that usually represent the leading edge of social and urban change in their respective countries. Despite the unequal terrain of knowledge, we think that a focus on those cities and urban processes which are moving the frontier is justified by their key role in society, and because they set examples of developments that are likely to impact other cities and regions.
Theorising the Post-communist City: Multiple Transformations
Even though the series of deep-seated political and economic transformations in the former communist states of eastern and central Europe (ECE) is already two decades old, it is still difficult to describe urban areas in this part of the world with the aid of a stable set of attributes. Their defining feature remains the incessant and relentless process of structural transformation that has started to unfold since the end of communism.
Post-communist cities are cities under transformation.1 Urban landscapes formed under socialism are being adapted and remodelled to new conditions shaped by the political, economic and cultural transition to capitalism (Sykora, 2009a). Cities in former communist countries can no longer be seen as socialist cities. Their development is now largely governed by market forces and democratically elected governments. Yet, they are not fully developed capitalist cities either. Looking at their morphology, land
THE POST-COMMUNIST URBAN TRANSITION 45
use and social segregation, we can document typically capitalist city areas and districts, while sections of urban landscapes resemble frozen mirrors of socialism. The reorganisation of urban landscapes in post-communist cities that began with the institutional reforms of the 1990s is far from complete.
The post-communist transition is sometimes understood and interpreted as a set of institutional changes that were accomplished by national governments during the 1990s. Accepting this perspective, urban change in the countries whose governments have completed the prescribed institutional reforms can now be interpreted in a post-transition framework (see Leetmaa et al.,2009, about the transitional 1990s and the post-transitional 2000s) and hence we may speak about 'cities after transition' (the network of urban researchers on post-communist urban change bears a name CAT—Cities After Transition; http://citiesaftertransition.webnode.cz/). However, we consider this perspective to be narrow. We offer an alternative, more inclusive perspective on post-communism. For us, post-communist transition involves a much wider set of social and urban processes, including transformations in the urban spatial organisation of the built environment, land use and residential segregation.
Although cities are now in a time-period that we can call'after-institutional-transition', they are also engulfed by a series of socioeconomic transformations, reflected in processes of urban change marked by the reconfiguration of the built environment, land use patterns and residential socio-spatial differentiation. Thus, while the classic transition understood as institutional transformation may be formally over, post-communist cities are still verymuch undergoing other post-communist transformations. For instance, we would argue that many of the contemporary land use changes in post-communist cities are outcomes of adjustments to new social conditions and can be interpreted as a part of the transition.
The key aspect for understanding post-communist urban change is the distinction between: the short-term period, when the basic principles of political and economic organisation are changed; the medium-term period, when peoples' behaviours, habits and cultural norms are adapted to a new environment and transformations in a number of spheres and begin to effect broader societal change; and the long-term period, in which more stable patterns of urban morphology, land use and residential segregation are reshaped. Hence, we argue that understanding and interpreting post-communist urban restructuring reflects the interactions between three aspects of post-communist transition: the institutional transformations that created a general societal framework for transition; transformations of the social, economic, cultural and political practices exhibited in the everyday life of people, firms and institutions and resulting in social restructuring; and, the transformation dynamics of urban change (Figure 1).
Before proceeding to discuss the three dimensions of transition that form the core of our argument, we would like to revisit one of the key academic debates relevant to the region we are studying: the bi-decennial controversy between the concepts of transition and transformation. The term 'transition' has mainly been associated with the neo-liberal agenda of shock therapy, based on the radical replacement of the basic political and economic institutions of socialism with democratic and market arrangements (Blanchard et al, 1994; Aslund, 2002,2008). Conversely, the purpose of the concept of 'transformation' has been to accentuate the continuity and path-dependence of post-communist developments, while highlighting the hybrid nature of post-communist realities with respect to the recombination of socialist and capitalist elements as constituents of the new post-communist society (Nielsen et al, 1995; Stark, 1992, 1996; Pickles and Smith, 1998; Smith and Swain, 1998; Pavlinek, 2003).
46       LUDĚK SÝKORA AND STEFAN BOUZAROVSKI
Transition I: Institutional transformations
democratic government elections, privatization, price liberalization, foreign trade liberalization
Transition II: Social transformations
internationalisation, economic restructuring, social polarization, postmodern culture, neo-liberal politics
Transition III: Urban transformations
city centre commercialization, inner city regeneration, outer city suburbanization
Figure 1.   Multiple transformations.
We offer a more inclusive approach that accommodates the two opposed perspectives on this issue. We use the term 'transition' to accentuate the general departure from communism towards societies that more or less embrace the market and democratic principles. We reserve the concept of'transformation' to connote the great number of particular institutional, social and urban reconfigurations. We understand the post-socialist transition as a broad, complex and lengthy process of social change (Herrschel, 2007), which proceeds through a multitude of particular transformations (Sýkora, 2008).
Transition I: Institutional Reconfigurations
The onset of post-communism was marked by the ousting of the communist party regime and central planning, with the general aim of creating a democratic political
system and a market economy. In many post-communist countries, basic reforms of the political system were achieved in the first months after the collapse of communism. The first democratic elections at the national level were followed by democratic elections at the local level and the decentralisation of power to local governments (Enyedi, 1998; Bunce, 1999; Tosics, 2005a). Newly established democratic governments focused on the reduction of direct state intervention, the privatisation of state assets, the liberalisation of prices and the establishment of free trade relations with an aim to develop the private sector, stimulate the development of markets and reorient trade towards the international economy (EBRD 1999).
Later, the concepts and practices of transition were widened from the initial imperative of minimising the state towards redefining the state in the sense of "improving the quality
THE POST-COMMUNIST URBAN TRANSITION 47
of state and private institutions and ensuring that they work well together" (EBRD, 2009, p. 96). It became recognised that, in order to function properly, the private sector needs market-supporting public institutions and policies that include
a functioning legal system to enforce contractual obligations; regulation to deal with external effects and incentive problems; safety nets to allay concerns about social cohesion; physical and intellectual property rights protection; and competition policy (EBRD, 2009, p. 96).
In their entirety, the rejection of communism and the acceptance of capitalist features have placed the post-communist institutional transition on a somewhat similar trajectory. However, despite their main shared direction—a democratic political system and a market economy—institutional market reforms have not been uniform. Major differences have emerged between the
countries that have managed to apply more comprehensively the Western concept of capitalism, and those whose development is more based on the locally specific recombinations of selected aspects of socialism, capitalism and unique features that have emerged during post-communism. Furthermore, even the quick and effective transformers have differed in the concrete application of reforms. Even though transforming societies, countries and cities do not share the same post-communist development paths, as they are moving in a similar direction away from communism (see Figure 2).
The main outcomes of institutional transformations, which
influenced urban development were 1) new societal rules established on democratic policy and (free) market principles; 2) a vast number of private actors operating in the city (including property owners); 3) an openness of local economic systems to international economic forces (Sykora. 1999a, p. 81).
Politics
democratic institutions
Figure 2.   Institutional transformations: multiple country trajectories.
48       LUDĚK SÝKORA AND STEFAN BOUZAROVSKI
Some institutional transformations— especially the privatisation of state-owned assets, including housing—have exerted important impacts on the development of cities and their neighbourhoods and urban zones (Sykora and Simonickova, 1994; Eskinasi, 1995; Haussermann, 1996; Bodnar, 2001; Korhonen, 2001; Kahrik, 2000, 2002; Kahrik et al, 2003; Dawidson, 2004). For instance, massive privatisation of housing leading to the dominance of owner-occupation (Brade et al, 2009) strongly determined the mobility of population, as well as possibilities for co-ordinated urban regeneration.
Space does not permit a comprehensive account of the impact of institutional transformation on particular urban locales. Aside from the explanation of a myriad of various government-managed transformation processes, we would also have to acknowledge differences in the nature of institutional transformations among countries. For illustration purposes, we use the example of the use or refusal of restitution (the return of nationalised properties to their previous owners or their descendants) in selected countries, which has created strikingly different conditions within urban property markets.
While Czechia, Estonia and Germany chose to return properties to their pre-socialist owners, Hungary and Romania did not follow this path (Eskinasi, 1995; Haussermann, 1996; Bodnar, 2001; Kahrik, 2000, 2002; Kahrik et al, 2003; Dawidson, 2004). In the former two states, restituted properties created a favourable context for the development of property markets in attractive urban neighbourhoods and the suburban ring. The supply of restituted real estate has been a decisive condition for the rapid commercialisation of the central city, the gentrification of some inner-city areas and the suburban 'explosion' of former rural hinterlands. While apartment buildings in the inner city of Prague were not only privatised, but remained in single ownership thanks
to this method of privatisation, inner-city housing privatisation in Budapest has been characterised by the sales of individual flats and the consequent fragmentation of ownership within single buildings.
Restitution in Prague and Tallinn provided a significant supply of real estate for inner-city property markets, leading to dramatic land use changes in attractive locations. Commercialisation and gentrification quickly followed thanks to the supply of restituted properties in the form of a building as a single property. This was in contrast with Budapest, where restitution was not applied. The ownership fragmentation within single buildings in Budapest prevented the quick restoration of properties, while slowing down population change and gentrification (Sykora, 2005). Without judging which of these outcomes has been better for the city and its inhabitants, the example of restitution demonstrates that the application of different strategies in the course of government-managed institutional transformations had different implications for subsequent urban and neighbourhood change.
Transition II: Social Practices and Organisation
The outcomes of the institutional transformations—particularly the market rules of resource allocation, the vast number of new private owners, entrepreneurs and firms, and the openness of local economic systems to an international economy—have formed the basic conditions for the spontaneous emergence of a series of economic, social and cultural transformations. This 'second' transition in the domain of social organisation and practice has heavily influenced urban change through the dynamics of internationalisation and globalisation, economic-restructuring-induced deindustrialisation, the growth of producer services, increasing social differentiation, new modes of post-modern culture and
THE POST-COMMUNIST URBAN TRANSITION 49
neo-liberal political practices (Sýkora, 1994, 2009a; Buzar, 2008). Although such processes operate in all post-communist countries, their intensity and character are modified by specific local conditions. In the paragraphs that follow, we discuss these contingencies in further detail.
Transnational companies and foreign direct investment started to play a decisive role in reshaping local economies and geographies, as well as determining the position of post-socialist countries, regions and cities in the global economic order (Turnock, 1997; Parysek, 2004; Hamilton and Carter, 2005; Tsenkova, 2008). In major cities, internation-alisation was strongly present in producer services that formed the soft infrastructure for the capitalist system's expansion to new markets, and later in consumer services and industrial production. Foreign managers and high-salary employees of foreign companies formed a specific segment of the demand in the high-income housing market (Badyina and Golubchikov, 2005; Medvedkov and Medvedkov, 2007; Sýkora, 2005). By contrast, labour immigrants constituted the bottom tier of the socioeconomic hierarchy in some countries (Drbohlav and Dzúrová, 2007) leading to the formation of new ethnic enclaves. Foreign investment in real estate—office, retail and industrial, as well as residential space—began to change the face of urban landscapes and skylines (Adair et al, 1999; Tasan-Kok, 2004; Stanilov, 2007; Sýkora, 1998, 2007a). The highly uneven balance between Western and domestic actors—the former possessing a larger capital stock and access to a more extensive pool of resources (Ghanbari-Parsa andMoatazed-Keivani, 1999; McGreal et al, 2002)—was further increased by the policies and measures favouring foreign enterprises with a strong capital base.
Considering that the economic restructuring processes involved deindustrialisation and tertiarisation (Kavetskyy and Ostaphiychuk, 2005; Tosics, 2005b), post-communist
economic development has been marked by both economic decline and growth. City economies were integrated into the global economy in a highly uneven manner. Capital cities ranked well thanks to their role as national command-and-control centres and gateways into national economies. Successful medium-sized regional centres provided cheaper and well-skilled labour for routine production within the global assembly line. At the same time, peripheries were left with a mixture of hope and depression.
Urban economic decline was closely related to the closure of industrial enterprises and affected virtually all post-communist cities. The growth of economic activities was concentrated in the service sector. The development of consumer services, particularly retail, affected most cities (Nagy, 2001). However, it offered low paid-jobs and has not brought any substantial strengthening of the urban economic base. For urban development, the most important was growth in advance producer services. However, it provided benefits only for major command-and-control centres, usually capital cities (Gritsai, 1997a; 1997b). This left the remaining urban areas struggling for foreign direct investment in manufacturing that would bring reindustrialisation and jobs for the local population.
Economic restructuring had profound effects on urban landscapes. Deindustrialisation left extensive brownfields behind it, posing both a potential for redevelopment as well as a threat of further decay (Misztal, 1997; Kiss, 1999,2004; Bárta et al, 2006; Sýkorová, 2007). Producer services concentrated on expanding the city cores of major centres, while contributing to their rapid commercialisation (Lisowski and Wilk, 2002; Stanilov, 2007; Sýkora, 1999a). Many of these activities later decentralised to out-of-centre locations and business parks at the city outskirts (Sýkora, 2007a). Retail and tourist facilities in attractive places brought new consumption landscapes to core cities (Cooper and Morpeth,
50       LUDĚK SÝKORA AND STEFAN BOUZAROVSKI
1998; Hoffman and Musil, 1999), followed by the subsequent expansion of shopping in suburban areas (Pommois, 2004; Rebernik and Jakovčič, 2006; Sic, 2007).
Economic change also induced growing wage and income disparities (Sýkora, 1999b; Wijclawowicz, 2002; Szirmai, 2007). Although national social security systems mitigated some of the social hardship stemming from economic restructuring, they could not change the generally accepted move towards higher income differentiation that contributed to the rise of social polarisation among households and the formation of new territorial disparities in the geographies of inequality (W^dawowicz, 2004). Income disparities were reflected in the re-emergence of pre-socialist patterns of residential differentiation, the establishment of new enclaves of affluence and the emergence of segregated districts of social exclusion (Kovács, 1998; Kowalski and Šleszyríski, 2006; Ladányi, 2002; Szczepanski and Slezak-Tazbir, 2008; We^dawowicz 2005; Polanská, 2008). The rapidly growing international migration brought an emerging ethnic dimension to residential segregation (Sýkora, 2009b) within societies that were originally usually ethnically homogeneous.
Social and physical upgrading developed via the incumbent upgrading and gentrifica-tion of existing neighbourhoods (Standi and Krupickaité, 2004; Badyina and Golubchikov, 2005; Sýkora, 2005; Chelcea, 2006), the construction of new apartment blocks in inner-city areas (Medvedkov and Medvedkov, 2007) and the growth of new suburban communities of family housing for the 'new rich' and, increasingly, the middle classes. In some post-socialist cities, the escape to rural suburban areas presented a survivd strategy for the low-income population (Ladányi, 1997; Ladányi and Szelényi, 1998; Leetmaa and Tammaru, 2007), which otherwise would remain trapped in decaying inner-city neighbourhoods and less desirable post-war housing estates.
The new conditions allowed for the development of a greater plurality of vdues, as well as a tendency towards individualism and the promotion of self-interest. The vdues and preferences of a younger generation shaped by new opportunities—in addition to the social deprivation brought about by economic reforms—resulted in the rapid decline of family formation (Lesthaeghe and Surkyn, 2002; Frejka,2008; Sobotka,2008). The acceleration of the 'second demographic transition' has impacted residential choices, with consequences for urban housing (Steinfuhrer and Haase, 2007). More importantly, consumption has become the key life target for large parts of the population. Globalisation has brought a homogenisation of consumption via the same goods offered by transnational corporations. Yet not everyone can enjoy these opportunities equdly: consumption is limited by income levels and preferences shaped by custom-made advertising. Shopping centres use visud features and various forms of entertainment to attract consumers, while transnational corporations highlight their presence in the urban structure (Hirt, 2008a). Private firms use cultural strategies to sell themselves, while strengthening their influence and competitiveness as well as demonstrating their pride and power. The post-modern aesthetic in the post-socialist city has intensified the collage of the past and present, local and global, standard and specific, real and virtual. The socialist propaganda of collective will has been replaced by individual choice in a consumption-orientated capitalist city (Czepczynski, 2008).
Even though real pragmatic politics has mixed neo-liberal ideology with attempts to keep social peace via the retention of at least some socialist regulation, national and urban governments have generally pursued political strategies influenced by neo-liberal political discourses (Govan, 1995). The decisions of both central governments and local politicians have been grounded in a
THE POST-COMMUNIST URBAN TRANSITION 51
neo-liberal ideology, which sees the free, unregulated market as the only resource allocation mechanism that can generate a wealthy, economically efficient and socially just society. Politicians have perceived the state as the root of all evil in society, and the main enemy of the economy in particular. Urban planning has also been seen as contradictory to the market. Clientelism has prevailed and ad hoc decisions have been preferred over the creation of policies embedded in a long-term plan, strategy or vision of urban development (Sykora, 2006; Horak, 2007). Internal urban transformations have often been left to the operation of the free market, still partially bound within the framework of traditional rigid physical planning instruments. However, after the first decade of transition, many urban governments learned new techniques of urban management and governance. They started to apply more sophisticated tools, such as strategic planning (Maier, 2000; Dimitrovska-Andrews, 2005; Pichler-Milanovic, 2005; Ruoppilla, 2007). The application of European Union programming documents in the accession process has further helped to consolidate urban government measures towards more co-ordinated and complex policies to tackle urban problems (van Kempen et al, 2005; Altrock et al., 2006). The power of the planner who governed the allocation of investments in the socialist city has been supplanted by investors who steer politicians and planners in a direction favourable to capital.
Transition III: Reconfiguring the Urban Landscape
The urban environments of post-communist cities are being adapted and reconfigured to the new conditions created by a myriad of political, economic, social and cultural transformations. The reorganisation of post-communist urban spaces involves the restructuring of existing urban areas and the
formation of new post-communist urban landscapes leading to qualitatively new urban formats. The fact that inherited socialist urban features are often in conflict with the principles of the capitalist urban economy is reflected in the reshaping of existing urban structures, including the re-emergence of pre-communist patterns in countries that had an earlier experience of capitalism. The new conditions also stimulate the creation of new post-communist urban landscapes, which become symbolic manifestations of the future city.
The most visible effects of restructuring are typically concentrated in the attractive parts of the city centre, in addition to selected inner-city nodes and zones, as well as numerous suburban locations (Sailer-Fliege, 1999; Sýkora 1999a; Haase and Steinfuhrer, 2005; Hirt, 2006). This is because the main transformations in the spatial pattern of former socialist cities and their metropolitan areas have included the commercialisation and expansion of urban cores (Sýkora et al., 2000; Parysek and Mierzejewska, 2006; Sic, 2007), the dynamic revitalisation of some sections of the inner city (Sýkora, 2005; Temelová, 2007) and the radical transformation of outer cities and the urban hinterland through sub-urbanisation (Kok and Kovács, 1999; Timár and Váradi, 2001; Lisowski, 2004; Kontuly and Tammaru, 2006; Hirt, 2007,2008b; Tammaru and Leetmaa, 2007; Leetmaa and Tammaru, 2007; Novák and Sýkora, 2007; Káhrik and Tammaru, 2008). Still, large parts of the inner city maintain a relatively modest pace of transformation (Steinfuhrer,2006; Steinfuhrer and Haase, 2007).
We can also witness a temporal dimension in the change of central cities and suburbs. The first decade of transition in the 1990s was characterised by an investment inflow into city centres, especially in the early reforming countries, triggering a decline in their residential function amidst substantial commercialisation and physical upgrading. This was
52       LUDĚK SÝKORA AND STEFAN BOUZAROVSKI
followed by a process of decentralisation, as investment flowed to both out-of-centre and suburban locations (Sýkora, 2007a; Sýkora and Ouředníček, 2007). Central and inner-city urban restructuring involved the replacement of existing activities (primarily industry) with new and economically more efficient uses, taking the form of commercialisation (Sýkora, 1999a; Hirt, 2008a), gentrification (Badyina and Golubchikov, 2005; Feldman, 2000a; Standi and Krupickaité, 2004; Sýkora, 2005), the construction of new apartments (Medvedkov and Medvedkov, 2007), brown-field regeneration (Feldman, 2000b; Kiss, 2004), the establishment of new secondary commercial centres (Temelová, 2007) and out-of-centre office clusters (Sýkora, 2007a).
In the course of time, as the personal wealth of the population increased and mortgages became available, suburbanisation became the most dynamic process affecting the metropolitan landscapes of post-communist cities. Residents with different social statuses moved to the suburban areas in the 1990s, because of coping problems in the major cities and/ or unfulfilled housing aspirations (Ladányi and Szelényi, 1998; Tammaru and Leetmaa, 2007). The 2000s were marked by an intensifying flow of wealthier populations into the suburbs. One of the largest controversies in post-communist urban change is thus linked to the process of suburbanisation, which is being praised for introducing housing choice under free market conditions on the one hand, while being blamed for social, economic and environmental non-sustainability on the other (mainly due to the dramatic increase in daily commuting; see Garb and Dybicz, 2006; Tammaru, 2005). In any case, the compact physical morphology of the former socialist city is being rapidly transformed under the parallel influence of residential and commercial activities sprawling into the hinterland (Nuissl and Rink, 2005; Ouředníček, 2007; Matlovič and Sedláková, 2007; Sýkora and Ouředníček, 2007; Tammaru et al, 2009).
Yet such controversies are also evident in city centres, where commercialisation has been accompanied by increasing traffic congestion and has come into conflict with historical heritage (Pucher, 1999; Sýkora, 1999a; Hirt and Kovachev, 2006; Kotus, 2006; Bouzarovski, 2010). The visual value of city-centre landscapes has been appropriated by the growth of business service enterprises that clearly demonstrate the strong presence of international private capital (Czepczyriski, 2008). The socially and spatially selective gentrification dynamic that is partly associated with foreign business elites has proceeded without challenge, since it has been seen by local politicians as well as the local population as a natural process that brings bourgeois neighbourhoods 'back to their former glory (Sýkora, 2005). Thus, revitalisation—whether based on residential or non-residential functions—is now directed by capital rather than governments. It has brought investment to some decaying areas, leaving many others unattended (Misztal, 1997; Bárta et al, 2006; Bouzarovski, 2009). The emergence of brownfields and the physical and social decline of some housing estates constructed during socialism thus present major problems in the post-socialist city (Maier, 1997,2005).
Property development brings densification to central-city landscapes, while brownfields formed by deindustrialisation present new inner-city spaces of opportunity, whose former structure can be completely remodelled, provided there is sufficient investor interest. City centres are gaining the spirit of business and—in some instances—tourist districts (Hoffman and Musil, 1999; Simpson, 1999), keeping the presence of government and some cultural functions. Tertiarisation has also brought the fortune of growth to outer areas, forming secondary nodes of employment in high-earning services concentrated in office districts (Sýkora, 2007a). These are located alongside new landscapes of consumption in shopping and entertainment complexes
THE POST-COMMUNIST URBAN TRANSITION 53
that offer mass amenities for the entire population, in addition to low-paid jobs to the less-skilled and mostly female part of the workforce. High concentrations of retail facilities are being strategically placed in new nodes between existing residential areas with their original small neighbourhood centres and the compact city of mass consumption power and booming wealthy suburbs. The original hierarchically organised system of services with a dominant central city is transformed via layers of new centres into a more polycentric structure.
The socio-spatial patterns of the post-communist city are also changing. The strengthening of existing disparities among parts of cities is counterbalanced by the social recomposition of gentrified districts, declining housing estates and the suburbanisation of better-off parts of the population. Surprisingly, socio-spatial disparities between different urban districts have not necessarily increased during the first decades of capitalism (Gentile and Tammaru, 2006); rather, one finds pockets of wealth and poverty at more local spatial scales (Ruoppila and Kahrik, 2003; Ruoppila, 2005; Marcihczak and Sagan, 2010; Bouzarovski et al, 2011). This trend has been explained by the fact that segregation processes were initially dampened by socialist legacies, bringing urban districts with a higher or lower social status (such as housing estates and the rural hinterland respectively) closer to the city average (Sykora, 2007b). However, the new capitalist principles have moved such cities towards outcomes that will imprint themselves more powerfully on post-communist urban spaces in the course of time. This is being gradually signalled by the contrasting pictures provided by ghet-toising areas and gated communities, as examples of extreme developments in segregation patterns (Kovacs, 1998; Blinnikov et al, 2006; Stoyanov and Frantz, 2006; Brabec and Sykora, 2009; Brade et al, 2009).
Conclusions
The core argument of our paper is that post-communist cities are subject to three aspects of post-communist transition: institutional transformations; transformations of social practices; and, transformations in urban space. While the formal remodelling of the institutional landscape has now been largely completed in many former communist countries, social practices and structures still retain some socialist features and large parts of post-communist cities exhibit a typically socialist urban character. Therefore, we have argued that post-communist cities are still cities in transition (Sykora, 2000). Moving beyond the association of transition only with government-managed reforms, we have provided a fuller account of post-communism. This wider perspective on the post-communist transition still offers a relevant framework for the analysis of social and urban change in former socialist countries.
We have also addressed the relationship between post-communist urban restructuring, on the one hand, and the notions of transition and transformation on the other. We have distinguished between general trajectories of social and urban changes and particular mechanisms through which they are realised. Urban transition consists of transformations in land use or socio-spatial patterns affected by such transformation processes as gentrification or suburbanisation realised in transformation localities such as brownfields, gated communities or places of the socially excluded. We point out that the emergence and character of gated communities or gentrification in post-communist cities cannot be properly understood without reference to social transition and in particular to the transformation in social stratification related to income polarisation in labour markets, on the one hand, and without understanding to particularities of certain government-managed institutional
54       LUDĚK SÝKORA AND STEFAN BOUZAROVSKI
reforms such as property privatisation and rent deregulation, on the other.
Urban change in post-communist cities has been significantly shaped by the character of institutional reforms and transformations in social practices. Our underlying claim is that the character and sequence of multiple transformations produce new and in many ways unique sets of urban circumstances. The complex interpretation of urban change in post-communist cities thus requires an explicit integration of the three fields of transformation within a single conceptual framework. Pointing to multiple transformations, we have attempted to fill the conceptual gap in the study of post-communist cities.
Note
1. We prefer to use the term post-communist, rather than post-socialist. While former societies under the totalitarian rule of communist parties called themselves socialist and aimed to build an ideal communist society, the reality was quite different. We call the real society communist as it was ruled by communist ideology exercised by communist parties with a distinct impact on the organisation of society and the daily lives of the citizens. Hence, post-communist refers to the state after communism was abolished and during which society adjusts to new conditions.
Acknowledgements
The authors gratefully acknowledge the financial support provided by the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports of the Czech Republic, project no. MSM0021620831 "Geographical Systems and Risk Processes in the Context of Global Change and European Integration". Special thanks are also due to Michael Gentile and Tiit Tammaru for their input and assistance in the development of this paper.
References
Adair, A., Berry, J.,McGreal,S. era/. (1999) Globalization of real estate markets in Central Europe, European Planning Studies, 7(3), pp. 295-305.
Altrock, U., Gůnter, S., Huning, S. and Peters, D. (Eds) (2006) Spatial Planning and Urban Development in the New EUMember States: From Adjustment to Reinvention. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Aslund, A. (2002) Building Capitalism: The Transformation of the Former Soviet Bloc. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Aslund, A. (2008) Transition economies, in: D. R Henderson (Ed.) The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics, Library of Economics and Liberty (http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/Transition Economies.html).
Axenov, K., Brade, I. and Bondarchuk, E. (2006) The Transformation of Urban Space in Post-Soviet Russia. Abingdon: Routledge.
Badyina, A. and Golubchikov, O. (2005) Gentrifi-cation in central Moscow: a market process or a deliberate policy? Money, power and people in housing regeneration in Ostozhenka, Geograf-iska Annaler B, 87'(2), pp. 113-129.
Bárta, G., Beluszky, P., Czirfusz, M. et al. (2006) Rehabilitating the Budapest brownfield zone. Discussion Paper No. 51, Centre for Regional Studies of Hungarian Academy of Science, Pecs.
Blanchard, O. J., Froot, K. A. and Sachs, J. D. (Eds) (1994) The Transition in Eastern Europe, Vol. 1. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Blinnikov,M.,Shanin,A.,Sobolev,N.andVolkova,L. (2006) Gated communities of the Moscow green belt: newly segregated landscapes and the suburban Russian environment, Geojournal, 66(1/2), pp. 65-81.
Bodnár, J. (2001) Fin de Millénaire Budapest: Metamorphoses of Urban Life. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
Borén, T. (2005) Meeting-places of transformation. Meddelande 133, Department of Human Geography, Stockholm University.
Borén, T. and Gentile, M. (2007) Metropolitan processes in post-communist states: an introduction, Geografiska Annaler B, 89(2), pp. 95-110.
Bouzarovski, S. (2009) Building events in inner-city Gdansk, Poland: exploring the socio-spatial construction of agency in built form, Environment and Planning D, 27, pp. 840-858.
Bouzarovski, S. (2010) Skopje, Cities, 27, DOI:10.1016/j.cities.2010.05.002.
Bouzarovski, S., Salukvadze, J. and Gentile, M. (2011) A socially resilient urban transition? The
THE POST-COMMUNIST URBAN TRANSITION 55
contested landscapes of apartment building extensions in two post-communist cities, Urban Studies, DOI: 10.1177/0042098010385158.
Brabec, T. and Sýkora, L. (2009) Gated communities in Prague, in: C. Smigiel (Ed.) Gated and Guarded Housing in Eastern Europe, pp. 83-89. Leipzig: Leibniz-Institut für Länderkunde.
Brade, I., Herfert, G. and Wiest, K. (2009) Recent trends and future prospects of socio-spatial differentiation in urban regions of central and eastern Europe: a lull before the storm?, Cities, 26, pp. 233-244.
Buňce, V. (1999) The political economy of post-socialism, Slavic Review, 58, pp. 756-793.
Buzar, S. (2008) Energy, environment and international financial institutions: the EBRD's activities in the western Balkans, Geografiska Annaler B, 90, pp. 409-431.
Chelcea, L. (2006) Marginal groups in central places: gentrification, property rights and post-socialist primitive accumulation (Bucharest, Romania), in: G. Enyedi and Z. Kovács (Eds) Social Changes and Social Sustainability in Historical Urban Centres: The Case of Central Europe, pp. 107-126. Pecs: Centre for Regional Studies of Hungarian Academy of Science.
Cooper, C. and Morpeth, N. (1998) The impact of tourism on residential experience in central-eastern Europe: the development of a new legitimation crisis in the Czech Republic, Urban Studies, 35(12), pp. 2253-2275.
Czepczyriski, M. (2008) Cultural Landscapes of Post-socialist Cities: Representation of Powers and Needs. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Dawidson, K. E. K. (2004) Redistributing nationalized housing: impacts on property patterns in Timisoara, Romania, Eurasian Geography and Economics, 45(2), pp. 134-156.
Dimitrovska-Andrews, K. (2005) Mastering the post-socialist city: impacts on planning the built environment, in: F. E. I. Hamilton, K. Dimitrows-ka-Andrews and N. Pichler-Milanovič (Eds) Transformation of Cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards Globalisation, pp. 153-186. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.
Drbohlav, D. and Dzúrová, D. (2007) 'Where are they going?': immigrant inclusion in the Czech Republic: a case study on Ukrainians, Vietnamese, and Armenians in Prague, International Migration, 45(2), pp. 69-95.
EBRD (European Bank for Reconstruction and Development) (1999) Transition report 1999: ten years of transition. EBRD, London.
EBRD (2009) Transition report 2009: transition in crisis? EBRD, London.
Enyedi, G. (Ed.) (1998) Social Change and Urban Restructuring in Central Europe. Budapest: Aka-démiai Riadó.
Eskinasi, M. (1995) Changing housing policy and its consequences: the Prague case, Housing Studies, 10(4), pp. 533-548.
Feldman, M. (2000a) Gentrification and social stratification in Tallinn: strategies for local governance. Project Paper No. 86, SOCO, Institute fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen, Vienna.
Feldman, M. (2000b) Urban waterfront regeneration and local governance in Tallinn, Europe-Asia Studies, 52(5), pp. 829-850.
Frejka, T. (2008) Overview chapter 5: determinants of family formation and childbearing during the societal transition in central and eastern Europe, Demographic Research, 19(7), pp. 139-170.
Garb, Y. and Dybicz, T. (2006) The retail revolution in post-socialist central Europe and its lessons, in: S. Tsenkova and Z. Nedovic'-Budic (Eds) The Urban Mosaic of Post-socialist Europe: Space, Institutions and Policy, pp. 231-252. Heidelberg: Physica-Verlag.
Gentile, M. and Tammaru, T. (2006) Housing and ethnicity in the post-Soviet city: Ust-Kamenogorsk, Kazakhstan, Urban Studies, 43(10), pp. 1757-1778.
Ghanbari-Parsa, A. R and Moatazed-Keivani, R. (1999) Development of real estate markets in central Europe: the case of Prague, Warsaw, and Budapest, Environment and Planning A, 31(8), pp. 1383-1399.
Govan, P. (1995) Neo-liberal theory and practice for eastern Europe, New Left Review, 213, pp. 3-60.
Gritsai, O. (1997a) Moscow under globalization and transition: paths of economic restructuring, Urban Geography, 18(2), pp. 155-165.
Gritsai, O. (1997b) Business services and restructuring of urban space in Moscow, Geojournal, 42(4), pp. 365-376.
Haase, A. and Steinfiihrer, A. (2005) Cities in east-central Europe in the aftermath of post-socialist transition: some conceptual considerations about future challenges, Eur opa, 21(13), pp. 97-110.
56       LUDĚK SÝKORA AND STEFAN BOUZAROVSKI
Hamilton, F. E. I. and Carter, F. W. (2005) Foreign direct investment and city restructuring, in:
F. E. I. Hamilton, K. Dimitrowska-Andrews and N. Pichler-Milanovic (Eds) Transformation of Cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards Globalization, pp. 116-152. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.
Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrowska-Andrews, K. and Pichler-Milanovič, N. (Eds) (2005) Transformation of Cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards Globalisation, Tokyo: United Nations University Press.
Haussermann, H. (1996) From the socialist to the capitalist city: experiences from Germany, in:
G. Andrusz, M. Harloe and I. Szelényi (Eds) Cities after Socialism, pp. 214-231. Oxford: Blackwell.
Herrschel, T. (2007) Between difference and adjustment: the re-presentation and implementation of post-socialist (communist) transformation, Geoforum, 38(3), pp. 439-444.
Hirt, S. (2006) Post-socialist urban forms: notes from Sofia, Urban Geography, 27(5), pp. 464-488.
Hirt, S. (2007) Suburbanizing Sofia: characteristics of post-socialist peri-urban change, Urban Geography, 28(8), pp. 755-780.
Hirt, S. (2008a) Landscapes of post-modernity: changes in the built fabric of Belgrade and Sofia since the end of socialism, Urban Geography, 29(8), pp. 785-809.
Hirt, S. (2008b) Stuck in the suburbs? Gendered perspectives on living at the edge of the post-communist city, Cities, 25(6), pp. 340-354.
Hirt, S. and Kovachev, A. (2006) The changing spatial structure of post-socialist Sofia, in: S. Tsenkova and Z. Nedovic-Budic (Eds) The Urban Mosaic of Post-socialist Europe: Space, Institutions and Policy,^. 113-130. Heidelberg: Physica-Verlag.
Hoffman, L. M. and Musil, J. (1999) Culture meets commerce: tourism in postcommunist Prague, in: D. R. Judd and S. S. Fainstein (Eds) The Tourist City, pp. 179-197. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Horak, M. (2007) Governing the Post-communist City: Institutions and Democratic Development in Prague. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Kahrik, A. (2000) Housing privatisation in the transformation of the housing system: the case of Tartu, Estonia, Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift, 54, pp. 2-11.
Kahrik, A. (2002) Changing social divisions in the housing market of Tallinn, Estonia, Housing, Theory and Society, 19(1), pp. 48-56.
Kahrik, A. and Tammaru, T. (2008) Population composition in new suburban settlements of the Tallinn metropolitan area, Urban Studies, 45(5/6), pp. 1055-1078.
Kahrik, A., Kóre, J., Hendrikson, M. and Allsaar, I. (2003) From a state controlled to a laissez faire housing system: local government and housing in Estonia, in: M. Lux (Ed.) Housing Policy: An End or a New Beginning?, pp. 183-242. Budapest: Local Government and Public Reform Initiative, Open Society Institute.
Kavetskyy, I. and Ostaphiychuk, Y. (2005) Notes on the service economy of the Ukrainian capital duting the 1990s transformation, Geograph-ia Polonica, 78(1), pp. 53-66.
Kempen, R. van, Vermeulen, M. and Baan, A. (Eds) (2005) Urban Issues and Urban Policies in the New EU Countries. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Kiss, E. (1999) Restructuring in industry and industrial areas in Budapest, Geographia Polonica, 72(1), pp. 29-45.
Kiss, E. (2004) Spatial impacts of post-socialist industrial transformation in the major Hungarian cities, European Urban and Regional Studies, 11(1), pp. 81-87.
Kok, H. and Kovács, Z. (1999) The process of sub-urbanisation in the agglomeration of Budapest, Netherlands Journal of Housing and Built Environment, 14, pp. 119-141.
Kontuly, T. and Tammaru, T. (2006) Population subgroups responsible for new urbanisation and suburbanisation in Estonia, European Urban and Regional Studies, 13(4), pp. 319-336.
Korhonen, I. (2001) Progress in economic transition in the Baltic states, Post-Soviet Geography and Economics, 42(6), pp. 440-463.
Kotus, J. (2006) Changes in the spatial structure of a large Polish city: the case of Poznari, Cities, 23(5), pp. 364-381.
Kovács, Z. (1998) Ghettoisation or gentrification? Post-socialist scenarios for Budapest, Netherlands Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, 13(1), pp. 63-81.
Kowalski, M. and Sleszynski, P. (2006) Problems of socio-spatial development in central districts of Warsaw, in: G. Enyedi and Z. Kovács (Eds) Social Changes and Social Sustainability
in Historical Urban Centres: The Case of Central Europe, pp. 107-126. Pecs: Centre for Regional Studies of Hungarian Academy of Science.
Ladänyi, J. (1997) Social and ethnic residential segregation in Budapest, in: Z. Koväcs and R. Wiessner (Eds) Processe und Perspektiven der Stadtentwicklung in Ostmitteleuropa, pp. 83-96. Passau: L. I. S. Verlag.
Ladänyi, J. (2002) Residential segregation among social and ethnic groups in Budapest during the post-communist transition, in: P. Marcuse and R. van Kempen (Eds) Of States and Cities: The Partitioning of Urban Space, pp. 170-182. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Ladänyi, J. and Szelenyi, I. (1998) Class, ethnicity and urban restructuring in postcommunist Hungary, in: G. Enyedi (Ed.) Social Change and Urban Restructuring in Central Europe, pp. 109-136. Budapest: Akademiai Kiado.
Leetmaa, K. and Tammaru, T. (2007) Subur-banisation in countries in transition: destinations of suburbanisers in the Tallinn metropolitan area, Geografiska Annaler B, 89(2), pp. 127-146.
Leetmaa, K., Tammaru, T. and Anniste, K. (2009) From priority-led to market-led suburbanisa-tion in a post-communist metropolis, Tijd-schrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie, 100(4), pp. 436-453.
Lesthaeghe, R. and Surkyn, J. (2002) New forms of household formation in central and eastern Europe: are they related to newly emerging value orientations?, Economic Survey of Europe, 1, pp. 197-216.
Lisowski, A. (2004) Social aspects of the subur-banisation stage in the agglomeration of Warsaw, Dela, 21, pp. 531-541.
Lisowski, A. and Wilk, W. (2002) The changing spatial distribution of services in Warsaw, European Urban and Regional Studies, 9(1), pp. 81-89.
Maier, K. (1997) Problems of housing estates and the case of Prague, in: Z. Koväcs and R. Wiessner (Eds) Processe und Perspektiven der Stadtentwicklung in Ostmitteleuropa, pp. 231-243. Passau: Münch er Geographische Hefte 76.
Maier, K. (2000) The role of strategic planning in the development of Czech towns and regions, Planning Practice and Research, 15(3), pp. 247-255.
THE POST-COMMUNIST URBAN TRANSITION 57
Maier, K (2005) Czech housing estates: recent changes and challenges, Geographia Polonica, 78(1), pp. 39-51.
Marciríczak, S. and Sagan, I. (2010) The socio-spatial restructuring of Lódz, Poland, Urban Studies, DOI: 10.1177/0042098010379276.
Matlovič, R and Sedláková, A. (2007) The impact of suburbanisation in the hinterland of Prešov (Slovakia), Moravian Geographical Reports, 15(2), pp. 22-31.
McGreal, S., Parsa, A. and Keivani, R (2002) Evolution of property investment markets in central Europe: opportunities and constraints, Journal of Property Research, 19(3), pp. 213-230.
Medvedkov, Y. and Medvedkov, O. (2007) Upscale housing in post-Soviet Moscow and its environs, in: K. Stanilov (Ed.) The Post-socialist City: Urban Form and Space Transformations in Central and Eastern Europe after Socialism, pp. 245-265. Dordrecht: Springer.
Misztal, S. (1997) De-industrialisation in Warsaw and redevelopment problems of derelict industrial areas, in: Z. Kovács and R Wiessner (Eds) Prozesse und Perspektiven der Stadtentwicklung in Ostmit-teleuropa, pp. 125-130. Passau: L. I. S. Verlag.
Nagy, E. (2001) Winners and losers in the transformation of city centre retailing in east central Europe, European Urban and Regional Studies, 8(4), pp. 340-348.
Nielsen, K, Jessop, B. and Hausner, J. (1995) Institutional change in post-socialism, in: J. Hausner, B. Jessop and K. Nielsen (Eds) Strategic Choice and Path Dependency in Post-socialism: Institutional Dynamics in the Transformation Process, pp. 3-44. Aldershot: Edward Elgar.
Novák, J. and Sýkora, L. (2007) A city in motion: time-space activity and mobility patterns of suburban inhabitants and structuration of spatial organisation of the Prague metropolitan area, Geografiska Annaler B, 89(2), pp. 147-167.
Nuissl, H. and Rink, D. (2005) The production' of urban sprawl in eastern Germany as a phenomenon of post-socialist transformation, Cities, 22(2), pp. 123-134.
Ouředníček, M. (2007) Differential suburban development in the Prague urban region, Geografiska Annaler B, 89 (2), pp. 111-126.
Parysek, J. J. (2004) The socio-economic and spatial transformation of Polish cities after 1989, Dek, 21, pp. 109-119.
58       LUDĚK SÝKORA AND STEFAN BOUZAROVSKI
Parysek, J. J. and Mierzejewska, L. (2006) City profile: Poznaň, Cities, 23(4), pp. 291-305.
Pavlínek, P. (2003) Alternative theoretical approaches to post-communist transformations in central and eastern Europe, Acta Slavica Iaponica, 20, pp. 85-108.
Pichler-Milanovič, N. (2005) Ljubljana: from 'beloved' city of the nation to central European capital', in: F. E. I. Hamilton, K. Dimitrows-ka-Andrews and N. Pichler-Milanovič (Eds) Transformation of Cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards Globalisation, pp. 318-363. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.
Pickles, J. and Smith, A. (Eds) (1998) Theorising Transition: The Political Economy of Post-communist Transformations. London: Routledge.
Polanská, D. (2008) Decline and revitalization in post-communist urban context: a case of the Polish city—Gdansk, Communist and Post-communist Studies, 41(3), pp. 359-374.
Pommois, C. (2004) The retailing structure of Prague from 1990 to 2003: catching up with the western cities?, European Spatial Research and Policy, 11(1), pp. 117-133.
Popson, N. and Ruble, B. A. (2000) Kyiv's non-traditional immigrants, Post-Soviet Geography and Economics, 41(5), pp. 365-378.
Pucher, J. (1999) The transformation of urban transport in the Czech Republic, 1988-1998, Transport Policy, 6, pp. 225-236.
Rebernik, D. and Jakovčič, M. (2006) Development of retail and shopping centres in Ljubljana, Dela, 26, pp. 5-26.
Ruoppila, S. (2005) Housing policy and residential differentiation in post-socialist Tallinn, European Journal of Housing Policy, 5(3), pp. 279-300.
Ruoppila, S. (2007) Establishing a market-orientated urban planning system after state socialism: the case of Tallinn, European Planning Studies, 15(3), pp. 405^27.
Ruoppila, S. and Kahrik, A. (2003) Socio-economic residential differentiation in post-socialist Tallinn, Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, 18(1), pp. 49-73.
Sailer-Fliege, U. (1999) Characteristics of post-socialist urban transformation in east central Europe, Geojournal, 49(1), pp. 7-16.
Sic, M. (2007) Spatial and functional changes in recent urban development of Zagreb, Dela, 27, pp. 5-15.
Simpson, F. (1999) Tourist impact in the historic centre of Prague: resident and visitor perceptions of the historic built environment, Geographical Journal, 165(2), pp. 173-183.
Smith, A. and Swain, A. (1998) Regulating and institutionalizing capitalisms: the micro-foundations of transformation in eastern and central Europe, in: J. Pickles and A. Smith (Eds) Theorising Transition: The Political Economy of Post-communist Transformations, pp. 25-53. London: Routledge.
Sobotka, T. (2008) Overview chapter 6: the diverse faces of the second demographic transition in Europe, Demographic Research, 19(8), pp. 171-224.
Standi, H. and Krupickaite, D. (2004) Gentrification in Vilnius (Lithuania): the example of Uzupis, Europa Regional, 12 (1), pp. 42-51.
Stanilov, K. (Ed.) (2007) The Post-socialist City: Urban Form and Space Transformations in Central and Eastern Europe after Socialism. Dordrecht: Springer.
Stark, D. (1992) Path dependence and privatisation strategies in east-central Europe, East European Politics and Societies, 6(1), pp. 17-54.
Stark, D. (1996) Recombinant property in east European capitalism, American Journal of Sociology, 101(4), pp. 993-1027.
Steinfiihrer, A. (2006) The urban transition of inner-city areas reconsidered: a German-Czech comparison, Moravian Geographic Reports, 14(1), pp. 3-16.
Steinfiihrer, A. and Haase, A. (2007) Demographic change as a future challenge for cities in east central Europe, Geografiska Annaler B, 89(2), pp. 183-195.
Stoyanov, P. and Frantz, K. (2006) Gated communities in Bulgaria: interpreting a new trend in post-communist urban development, Geojournal, 66(1/2), pp. 57-63.
Sykora, L. (1994) Local urban restructuring as a mirror of globalisation processes: Prague in the 1990s, Urban Studies, 31(7), pp. 1149-1166.
Sykora, L. (1998) Commercial property development in Budapest, Prague and Warsaw, in: G. Enyedi (Ed.) Social Change and Urban Restructuring in Central Europe, pp. 109-136. Budapest: Akademiai Kiado.
Sykora, L. (1999a) Changes in the internal spatial structure of post-communist Prague, Geojournal, 49(1), pp. 79-89.
THE POST-COMMUNIST URBAN TRANSITION 59
Sýkora, L. (1999b) Processes of socio-spatial differentiation in post-communist Prague, Housing Studies, 14(5), pp. 679-701.
Sýkora, L. (2000) Post-communist city, in: I. Jazdzewska (Ed.) XII Konwersatorium Wiedzy o Miescie. Miasto postsocjalistyczne: organizacja przestrzeni miejskiej i jej przemiany, pp. 41—45. Lodž: Katedra Geografii Miast i Turyzmu Uni-versytetu Lódzkiego, Komisja Geografii Osad-nictwa i Ludnos'ci PTG, Lódzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe.
Sýkora, L. (2005) Gentrification in post-communist cities, in: R. Atkinson and G. Bridge (Eds) The New Urban Colonialism: Gentrification in a Global Context, pp. 90-105. London: Routledge.
Sýkora, L. (2006) Urban development, policy and planning in the Czech Republic and Prague, in: U. Altrock, S. Gůnter, S. Huning and D. Peters (Eds) Spatial Planning and Urban Development in the New EU Member States: From Adjustment to Reinvention, pp. 113-140. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Sýkora, L. (2007a) Office development and post-communist city formation, in: K. Stanilov (Ed.) The Post-socialist City: Urban Form and Space Transformations in Central and Eastern Europe after Socialism,^. 117-145. Dordrecht: Springer.
Sýkora, L. (2007b) The Czech case study: social inequalities in urban areas and their relationships with competitiveness in the Czech Republic, in: V. Szirmai (Ed.) Social Inequalities in Urban Areas and Globalization: The Case of Central Europe, pp. 77-104. Pecs: Centre for Regional Studies of Hungarian Academy of Science.
Sýkora, L. (2008) Revolutionary change, evolutionary adaptation and new path dependencies: socialism, capitalism and transformations in urban spatial organisations, in: W. Strubelt and G. Gorzelak (Eds) City and Region: Papers in Honour of Jiří Musil, pp. 283-295. Leverkusen Opladen: Budrich UniPress.
Sýkora, L. (2009a) Post-socialist cities, in: R. Ktchin and N. Thrift (Eds) International Encyclopedia of Human Geography, Vol. 8, pp. 387-395. Oxford: Elsevier.
Sýkora, L. (2009b) New socio-spatial formations: places of residential segregation and separation in Czechia, Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociále Geografie, 100(4), pp. 417-435.
Sýkora, L. and Ouředníček, M. (2007) Sprawling post-communist metropolis: commercial and
residential suburbanisation in Prague and Brno, the Czech Republic, in: E. Razin, M. Dijst and C. Vazquez (Eds) Employment Deconcentration in European Metropolitan Areas, pp. 209-233. Dordrecht: Springer.
Sýkora, L. and Šimoníčková, I. (1994) From totalitarian urban managerialism to a liberalized real estate market: Prague's transformations in the early 1990s, in: M. Barlow, P. Dostál and M. Hampl (Eds) Development and Administration of Prague, pp. 47-72. Amsterdam: Instituut voor Sociále Geografie, Universiteit van Amsterdam.
Sýkora, L., Kamenický, J. and Hauptmann, P. (2000) Changes in the spatial structure of Prague and Brno in the 1990s, Acta Universitatis Carolinae Geographica, 35(1), pp. 61-76.
Sýkorová, I. (2007) Pražská brownfields: příležitost i hrozba pro rozvoj metropole [Prague brown-fields: opportunity and threat for the development of the metropolis], Geografie—Sborník ČGS, 112(3), pp. 250-265.
Szczepanski, M. S. and Slezak-Tazbir, W. (2008) Between fear and admiration: social and spatial ghettos in an old industrial region, in: W. Strubelt and G. Gorzelak (Eds) City and Region: Papers in Honour of Jiří Musil, pp. 297-327. Leverkusen Opladen: Budrich UniPress.
Szirmai, V. (Ed.) (2007) Social Inequalities in Urban Areas and Globalisation: The Case of Central Europe. Pecs: Centre for Regional Studies of Hungarian Academy of Science.
Tammaru, T. (2005) Suburbanisation, employment change, and commuting in the Tallinn metropolitan area, Environment and Planning A, 37(9), pp. 1669-1687.
Tammaru, T. and Leetmaa, K. (2007) Suburbanisation in relation to education in the Tallinn metropolitan area, Population, Space and Place, 13(4), pp. 279-292.
Tammaru, T, Leetmaa, K, Silm, S. and Ahas, R. (2009) Temporal and spatial dynamics of the new residential areas around Tallinn, European Planning Studies, 17(3), pp. 423-439.
Tasan-Kok, T. (2004) Budapest, Istanbul, and Warsaw: Institutional and Spatial Change. Delft: Eburon Academic Publishers.
Temelová, J. (2007) Flagship developments and the physical upgrading of the post-socialist inner city: the Golden Angel project in Prague, Geografiska Annaler B, 89(2), pp. 169-181.
60       LUDĚK SÝKORA AND STEFAN BOUZAROVSKI
Timár, J. and Váradi, M. (2001) The uneven development of suburbanisation during transition in Hungary, European Urban and Regional Studies, 8(4), pp. 349-360.
Tosics, I. (2005a) City development in central and eastern Europe since 1990: the impacts of internal forces, in: F. E. I. Hamilton, K. Dimitrowska-Andrews and N. Pichler-Milanovič (Eds) Transformation of Cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards Globalisation, pp. 44-78. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.
Tosics, I. (2005b) Post-socialist Budapest: the invasion of market forces and the response of public leadership, in: F. E. I. Hamilton, K. Dimitrowska-Andrews and N. Pichler-Milanovič (Eds) Transformation of Cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards Globalisation, pp. 248-280. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.
Tsenkova, S. (2008) Managing change: the comeback of post-socialist cities, Urban Research and Practice, 1(3), pp. 291-310.
Tsenkova, S. and Nedovič-Budič, Z. (Eds) (2006) The Urban Mosaic of Post-socialist Europe: Space, Institutions and Policy. Heidelberg: Physica-Verlag.
Turnock, D. (1997) Urban and regional restructuring in eastern Europe: the role of foreign investment, Geojournal, 42(4), pp. 457-464.
Wectawowicz, G. (2002) From egalitarian cities in theory to non-egalitarian cities in practice: the changing social and spatial patterns in Polish cities, in: P. Marcuse and R. van Kempen (Eds) Of States and Cities: The Partitioning of Urban Space, pp. 183-199. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Wectawowicz, G. (2004) Where the grass is greener in Poland: regional and intra-urban inequalities, in: R. Lee and D. M. Smith (Eds) Geographies and Moralities: International Perspectives on Development, Justice and Place, pp. 62-77. Oxford: Blackwell.
Wectawowicz, G. (2005) The Warsaw metropolitan area on the eve of Poland's integration into the European Union, in: F. E. I. Hamilton, K. Dimitrowska-Andrews and N. Pichler-Milanovic'(Eds) TransformationofCitiesinCen-tral and Eastern Europe: Towards Globalisation, pp. 223-247. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.