Environment, Politics and Development Working Paper Series
Department of Geography, King’s College London
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Year 2009 Paper #12
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Sustainable Consumption: Developments,
considerations and new directions
Emma Hinton and Mike Goodman
Department of Geography, King’s College London
©2009 by the Author(s)
This paper is posted at King’s College London, Department of Geography at
http://www.kcl.ac.uk/schools/sspp/geography/research/epd/working.html
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Introduction
In the first edition of this handbook, Redclift & Woodgate (1997) provided a
comprehensive overview of the sociological implications of the recently emerging
policies for and the need to understand what has become known as ‘sustainable
consumption’ (hereafter ‘SC’). Yet much has changed since then, not least in the fact
that a number of academics from across the disciplines of human geography,
environmental psychology, industrial ecology and ecological economics have
undertaken a wealth of new research and writing in this field. Moreover, there have
been novel developments in international and national policies surrounding SC, in
practitioner-based approaches to various forms of advocacy, and in global political
economies that have the potential to greatly alter the SC playing field. In short,
consumption as a growing form of ‘green governmentality’ (Rutherford 2007)—in
addition to how SC itself is and should be governed—has become a key interest
throughout much of the relatively well-off ‘society of consumers’ (Bauman 2007) in the
industrial North.
This chapter focuses on describing many of these developments, beginning with a brief
contextualising review of international and UK policy surrounding SC. Two sections
follow from here; the first is on the incredibly important but contentious role that
‘information’ plays in SC networks and how this supports the ‘responsibilisation’ for
sustainability onto the figure of the consumer in the spaces of the ‘everyday’. The
second section explores the links between SC and ecological modernisation and the
associated product-focused pathways to SC that constitute much of the current policy
focus. Next, we discuss several important ‘alternatives’ to these more mainstream
approaches in the discourses around voluntary simplicity, (re)localised economic
systems and the emerging concept of ‘hedonic’ consumption, the latter building on
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consumers’ self-interests in developing more environmentally- and socially-friendly
lifestyle choices. We then consider several different ways designed to quantify the
progress to SC through, for example, the vastly popular processes of carbon
‘footprinting’ of one’s personal consumption and lifestyle behaviours. We conclude with
a short consideration of the current and impending economic recession in the context
of SC; here ‘simplicity’ might become less voluntary and more a product of necessity.
At the same time, this new economic climate, coupled with increasing popular concern
for climate change and peak oil, in combination with renewed policy commitments in
support of sustainable consumption, could open up new opportunities for the
discourses around SC to be re-focused onto the continuing multi-scale inequalities of
lifestyles and livelihoods across the globe.
Considering Sustainable Consumption
Yet, what is SC? Is it choosing to purchase fair trade coffee and bananas? Is it about
installing compact florescent lightbulbs to reduce energy usage and, as importantly,
household bills? Is it about buying recycled paper and recycling your glass and food
tins? Is it perhaps about riding your bike to work instead of driving even that hybrid car?
Is it about buying ‘local’ foods that support your ‘traditional’ butcher, farmers’ market or
farm shop? Or maybe it’s about buying carbon-offsets for your flight to your favourite
vacation spot. Or, could it perhaps be about the purchase and consumption of fewer
things or even no-thing(s) as a wider lifestyle choice?
In many ways, SC is about all of these practices and approaches—and many
more—in that it criss-crosses and works through a multitude of consumption-related
behaviours and scales; this is particularly true given the rather ‘slippery’ and open
nature of what has counted as ‘sustainability’ over time. In essence, however, SC might
be regarded, on the one hand, as the attempt to reduce the enviro-social impacts of
  3 
consumption through, for example, less or ‘different’ forms of consuming or more
efficient use of what one already consumes. On the other hand, SC can also be about
increasing the impacts of consumption through the support of environmental and
socially-related ‘alternative’ causes such as fair trade. In some cases, the rationale for
SC encapsulates both desires: shopping for locally produced foods is about both
avoiding/reducing the carbon footprint of internationally-sourced supermarket foods but
also supporting local businesses and local farmers in order that they stay in business.
Furthermore, the scale of SC activities can incorporate entities from whole economic
sectors, to corporations, to municipalities, to communities, all the way down to the level
of individual consumers on their way to becoming ‘responsible’ (Hughes et al 2008;
Lawson 2007; see also Rughuram et al 2009) ‘ecological citizens’ (Seyfang 2005,
2006) through their now altered (non)buying habits.
Yet, one of the overarching components of SC is that of its (purported) ethical
character and characteristics. Thus, SC might be seen as the desire to do ‘good’ or
‘right’ by the environment, others and even one’s self by doing less, ‘differently’, and/or
more through the act of consumption and as consumers. Contextualised in the midst of
the wider ‘moral’ turn in Geography and the social sciences (e.g. Held 2006; Smith
2000; Whatmore 2002), several have commented on the role of consumption in
working to develop a more ‘moral economy’ (Goodman 2004) and/or an ‘ethics of care’
in various economic networks (Popke 2006; Kneafsey et al 2009), and doing so for
quite some time now (Trentmann 2007). In this and other work, specific attention has
been paid to the mechanisms, practices, implications and limits of how the ‘ethical’
(Barnett et al 2005; see also Harrison et al 2005) or ‘radical’ consumer (Littler 2009) is
able to overcome the spatial ‘problems’ of the extended production/consumption
networks of a globalised economy in order to, for example, help support the livelihoods
of marginalised Caribbean banana growers or ‘save’ a particular part of the Amazonian
rainforest to—more often than not now—combat climate change. Thus, overall, from
  4 
the ‘alternative economic spaces’ (Leyshon et al 2003) and ‘diverse economies’
(Gibson-Graham 2006) of small-scale, NGO-driven ‘activist’ businesses such as fair
trade to the largest globalised corporations such as Wal-mart/Asda, the tag line of
doing well by doing good has the processes of SC and the figure of the sustainable
consumer entrenched at its very core.
So, given the wide diversity in the origins, praxis and consequences of SC, how
should we work to understand it? For us, analysing SC starts from the recognition of its
incredibly cultural nature, function and make-up in the context of the wider
environmental movement and especially its shifts into the ‘mainstream’ of most
Industrial societies. Indeed, as just one form of ‘culture’, media—from TV and
newspapers (e.g. their constant stream of environmentally-related news stories), to
movies (e.g. An Inconvenient Truth), to the Internet (e.g. www.ecorazzi.com), to pop
music (e.g. Madonna’s “4 Minutes to Save the World”)—have worked incredibly hard to
meld sustainability, lifestyles and consumption. For example, the ‘Ethical Living’ feature
of The Guardian’s (2009) stand-alone online ‘Environment’ section of the newspaper is
almost exclusively devoted to describing what products consumers should avoid or buy
in order to consume more sustainably. And yet, the specifics of what SC is and should
be are decidedly fraught and uncertain but no less crucial for building more sustainable
futures; thus, the analytical key is understanding and exploring the cultural politics of
SC. Here, in order to argue for the need to consider the circulating and shifting cultural
politics of SC, we draw on the work of Boykoff et al (forthcoming) who, in their specific
engagement with climate change ‘cultures’, suggest cultural politics are
… those politicized processes by which meaning is constructed and
negotiated across space, place and at various scales. This involves not
only the representations and messages that gain traction in discourses,
but also those that are absent from them or silenced (Derrida 1978, Dalby
2007). … As David Harvey (1990 p. 422) has commented, “struggles over
representation are as fundamental to the activities of place construction
as bricks and mortar”. By examining these features as manifestations of
ongoing and contested processes, we can consider questions regarding
how power flows through the capillaries of our shared social, cultural and
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political body, constructing knowledge, norms, conventions and truths and
untruths (Foucault 1980). (Boykoff et al forthcoming, p. 1)
This resonates rather well with what some have called ‘green governmentality’
whereby—as in this chapter—SC produces particular truths, knowledges and
subjectivities surrounding ‘sustainability’, ‘consumption’, and ‘consumers’ where power
circulates through SC networks, working through and producing different bodies,
discourses, institutions and practices in order to pursue certain socio-political ends.
Crucially, then, a consideration of the cultural politics of SC must engage with the
contemporary processes by which
…the responsibility for the environment is shifted onto the population, and
citizens are called to take up the mantle of saving the environment in
attractively simplistic ways. This allows for the management, selfsurveillance
and regulation of behaviour in such a way that lays claim to
the kind of subjectivity that those who are environmentally conscious wish
to have, and the governing of said subjectivity which does little to address
the neoliberal order which contributes to environmental problems. In terms
of becoming good environmental citizens, then, we know that there are
virtuous and immoral ways to encounter nature, good and bad solutions to
environmental problems and the tools for individuals to be responsible for
their actions are defined already – we must only seek to apply them to our
lives. (Rutherford 2007, 299)
And lest we forget, these cultural politics and forms of governance in SC are firmly
embedded in material networks; indeed, much of SC is about altering the very
materialities of production/consumption networks—the technological as well as
environmental/ecological artefacts that construct human societies—for the ‘better’,
again, specifically through consumption. Thus, SC ultimately involves social and
environmental governance through a cultural material politics of consumption; and, in
particular these days, a specific cultural material politics that increasingly rides the
tension of how individual consumption choices open up spaces for doing something at
the scale of the ‘everyday’ versus other action outside the realm of ‘shopping for
change in contemporary culture’ (Littler 2009). How institutions, corporations, thirdsector
organisation and activist movements construct and engage with the current
cultural material politics of SC forms the core focus of this chapter.
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We turn now to a short historical account of the international and national (i.e.
UK) policy networks and discourses surrounding SC.
Policy developments
When the first issue of this handbook was published, SC as an internationally stated
policy objective was just five years old. One hundred and seventy-nine governments
had signed up to the principles of Agenda 21 (UN 1992) at the ‘United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development’ (colloquially referred to as ‘the Earth
Summit’) in 1992, officially committing to the need to make consumption more
sustainable. Since that time, this political attention has been sustained in the form of a
series of further international meetings and renewals of commitment. The Earth
Summit was followed in 1997 by the ‘Rio +5’ conference, in 1998 by the UNDP Human
Development Report (UNDP 1998), which emphasised the link between SC and
meeting basic human needs for all present and future generations, and then in 2002 by
the ‘World Summit on Sustainable Development’ in Johannesburg, which affirmed
international commitment to full implementation of Agenda 21 and catalysed the
‘International Expert Meeting on a 10-Year Framework of Programmes for SC and
Production’ in 2003 in Marrakech. A common theme uniting these international political
commitments is a focus on production-side resource efficiency in order to
‘dematerialise’ the economy, coupled with a programme of education and awareness
raising to encourage individuals as consumers to purchase these more sustainable
products.
The continuing engagement of this international policy focus on SC is ostensibly
encouraging. Yet despite naming the changing of unsustainable patterns of production
and consumption as one of the top three priorities for the next two to three decades,
the relevant sections of the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation (UN 2002) have
been criticised for only paying scant attention to SC, for having it phrased in the
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weakest possible language and for emphasising energy efficiency over alternative
approaches. Further, these sections of the Plan were apparently only included after
controversial discussions about any reference to SC at all (Fuchs & Lorek 2005). Whilst
NGOs have been involved at the international and the national level, some argue that
they have failed to bring about commitments to ‘strong’ interpretations of SC (that is,
interpretations that prioritise environmental and social wellbeing over those of
economic ‘health’) as a result of their relative weakness as actors in global
environmental governance regimes (Fuchs & Lorek 2005).
These international policy commitments and the product of negotiations
between governments around the world go on to shape domestic policy. The UK
government was involved in each of the previously mentioned agreements, and since
that time has created a suite of domestic policies and administrative bodies to support
their delivery at a number of scales. Several new policy bodies have been created for
this purpose including the Carbon Trust (2001), the Sustainable Development
Commission (2002) and the Sustainable Buildings Task Group (2003). The Carbon
Trust, created as an independent not-for-profit company, was charged with taking the
lead in low carbon technology and innovation in the UK by promoting sustainable
energy technologies and practices, thus focusing on resource consumption at the
aggregate level. The remit of the Sustainable Development Commission has been to
act as a ‘critical friend’ to government, advocating sustainable development and SC
across all sectors, reviewing progress and building consensus. Finally, the Sustainable
Buildings Task Group brought together builders, developers, planners and
environmental advisers with a focus on improving the resource and energy efficiency of
buildings. For Hobson (2004), this kind of approach which emphasises the role of
established policy networks in steering SC is ‘sustainability at arm’s length’ and a
demonstration of overtly weak political leadership.
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In 2003, the UK government launched its SC first strategy, known as ‘Changing
Patterns’, in response to the EU’s commitment at Johannesburg to develop a 10-year
environmental policy framework. Yet, Changing Patterns inherits its definition of SC
and production directly from the previously developed UK Sustainable Development
Strategy, A Better Quality Of Life (TSO 1999). In both these policy documents, SC and
production are claimed to ‘exist’ when economic growth has been decoupled from
environmental degradation, realisable through a suite of primarily market-based
measures including green taxes, innovation and green public procurement in tandem
with an civil society-directed awareness-raising information campaigns. This
interpretation takes as a given that stable, continued economic growth is both
necessary and compatible with ‘responsible’ resource use; the potential contribution of
reduced levels of total resource consumption is quickly and thoroughly marginalised
and/or dispensed with in these policy discourses.
Furthermore, even this ‘weak’ interpretation of SC has not been easy to
implement in the UK, where implementation has been hampered by inconsistency in
definitions, fluctuating political backing and poor integration of administrative
mechanisms such that it fails to compete with the dominant, traditional economic
concerns in UK policymaking (Russell 2007). The mainstream approach, consisting of
modest policy changes that fail to question prevailing lifestyles and consumption
expectations, has been referred to as ‘sustainability by stealth’ (Robins 1999). An
alternative to the kind of policy-led focus on matching ‘responsibilised’ individuals to the
production and consumption of ‘green’ products now in vogue in the UK, Hobson
(2004) argues, is a strong political commitment to other normative and economic policy
alternatives that do not cut out scales of action other than at that of the rational
individual. The two pillars of this mainstream policy approach to SC—that of
encouraging individuals as consumers to purchase ‘sustainable’ products and the
emphasis on these products themselves—are the focus of the following two sections.
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Information and the individualisation of responsibility
The UK government has embraced public information campaigns as a strategy to
generate pro-environmental behaviour change at repeated intervals since the Earth
Summit in 1992. These national campaigns have included ‘Helping the Earth begins at
home’, ‘Going for Green’ and most recently, ‘Are you doing your bit?’. Each of these
campaigns called for individuals to learn about how to be a responsible consumer in
their everyday lives, covering a range of topics including water and energy use, or the
consumption of particular products marked out as more sustainable by the presence of
particular ‘ecolabels’. Despite several of these attempts at awareness raising, widescale
behaviour change has not noticeably manifested as a result of the inadequacy of
broad-brush, information-based approaches to bringing about behaviour change (e.g.
Collins et al 2003, Hounsham 2006).
Ecolabels have regularly featured in both international and domestic policy as
important means of guiding individuals to consume more sustainable products by
providing them with what is considered to be the most important information about a
particular good to enable us to judge whether or not it is a ‘sustainable’, ‘ethical’ or
‘green’ product. Technically, these labels work on the premise that (1) consumers will
learn that the values embedded in a particular ‘unsustainable’ product conflict with their
own broader environmental and social values, (2) that an ecolabelled substitute
product will conflict less with those values and, indeed, will support consumers’ values,
and (3) that the consumer will therefore choose the second, ecolabelled product over
the first (Gale 2002; see also Barham, 2002). Whilst increasing the consumption of
such ‘sustainable’ products must surely contribute to the wider SC project, many
commentators have taken a more critical approach to assessing the processes and
promises of green labels (e.g. Guthman 2007). Ecolabels applied to agricultural
commodities have been described as representing simplified narratives of a specifically
narrow ordering of eco-social relations (Goodman & Goodman 2001), where the
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checklists and codes of practices that sit behind the label potentially mystify the
geographies of alternative commodity chains, ‘refetishising’ consumption processes
(Eden et al 2008) and effectively suspending the need for consumers to develop other
forms of environmental consciousness or critical ecological reasoning (Luke 1997).
Others have challenged the role of ecolabels in driving SC: for example, Grankvist,
Dahlstrand & Biel (2004) argue on the basis of experimental data that ecolabels only
affect the consumption decisions of individuals with an existing interest in
environmental issues, thus not influencing the consumption choices of what is still the
majority of consumers.
Similarly, reifying the wider role of information—in the form of public service
campaigns as well as through ecolabels—in bringing about behaviour change,
commonly referred to as the ‘information deficit model’, has also been widely critiqued.
At its heart, the model assumes that individuals are rational actors that make decisions
solely on the basis of available information, one of the cornerstones of wider microeconomic
theory. This formulation has two main difficulties: first, it ignores the often
unequal structural, institutional and cultural frameworks within which we make our
consumption decisions, and, second, it assumes that information is necessary but
also—more importantly—sufficient to generate change. Overall, as Dolan (2002)
suggests, by placing individuals and their needs and wants at the centre of policy
constructions of SC as is done in the information deficit model, the actual praxis of
consumption is decontextualised as an everyday practice to be abstracted as merely a
set of micro-economic interactions devoid of their cultural, economic, and political
contexts and relationalities.
Thus, merely providing individuals with information relating to SC fails to tackle
the roots of our society’s lock-in to high consumption lifestyles in terms of its economic,
technological and cultural groundings (e.g. Michaelis 2003). A significant body of work
in environmental psychology identifies a increasing range of factors that affect whether
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or not we demonstrate pro-environmental behaviour; for example, personal moral and
social norms, attitudes and behavioural control directly influence environmental
behaviour whereas problem awareness (presumably through more and better
information streams) is only indirectly implicated (Bamberg 2003, Bamberg & Moser
2007). In addition, pro-environmental behaviour change is only durable if it is rooted in
meaningful experience (Maiteny 2002). A focus on generic, consumer-oriented
information through impersonal media designed to engage contextualised, socially
embedded consumers and issues often only serves to alienate individuals from SC,
where ‘doing more with less’ may be less meaningful than ‘making the most of what we
can potentially all share’ (Hobson 2002). Thus, Hobson’s (2003) argument for the need
to co-construct SC knowledge, i.e. linking ‘expert’ knowledge with that of everyday
consumers’ experiences, is quite prescient and suggests that in order to be effective in
generating behaviour change in consumers, a new cultural politics of SC might need to
be on offer in future mainstream policy approaches. In parallel to these academic
critiques, third-sector critics (e.g. Collins et al 2003, Hounsham 2006) of governmentrun
broad-brush awareness-raising campaigns drawing on conventional social
marketing techniques have argued that tailored messages for different segments of the
public would be more effective in getting the SC ‘message’ out and about.
Building on this critique of unsophisticated, blanket approaches to information
dissemination, the newly formed UK Roundtable on Sustainable Consumption
identified in its report, I Will If You Will: Towards Sustainable Consumption (SDC 2006),
that awareness raising should involve what it terms ‘community learning’: informing
people in groups about SC in order to cultivate new group-level social norms. A second
key proposal in this document was the development of a standard social marketing
approach to promoting particular behaviour change goals, which has been taken up in
Defra’s 2008 A Framework for Pro-Environmental Behaviours (Defra 2008a). This
framework identifies five particular behavioural goals associated with SC (e.g. personal
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transport, waste, energy, water and consumption of products) and then divides the
public into seven segments according to their ability and willingness to act on these
issues. This framework is intended to inform the segment-tailored social marketing
approaches to support SC, with a particular focus on reducing future contributions to
climate change, and could be potentially far-reaching given that it will inform future SC
policies in the UK. Encouragingly, these newer approaches do recognise that the public
and their everyday practices are heterogenous, where individuals are conceptualised
as having a variety of priorities and understandings rather than as a homogenous mass
of (un)enlightened shoppers. And, yet, in the end, the ‘knowing expert/ignorant public’
dichotomy is still at the core of this framing of SC and the recipients of SC information,
while a bit more disaggregated, are still lumped together, albeit in smaller, generic
categories; and—most importantly—individuals are still very much held responsible for
acting on this information once it is delivered to them.
Products and the production of ecological citizenship 
The information circulating in SC networks encourages individuals to shift their
consumption practices to include the purchase of particular kinds of ‘sustainable’
products often in support of the dematerialisation of the economy championed in policy.
Individuals, through their more conscious purchases, are hereby responsibilised as
ecological citizens working towards a more sustainable future. A common
conceptualisation of ecological citizenship seeks to reembed individuals in ethical
relationships with producers of the products that they seek to consume. This approach
argues for the need to socialise people as global citizens first and consumers second,
constructing a particular kind of cosmopolitan or global citizenship that seeks to unveil
the oppression of consumers and producers alike, tackle market myths around ‘choice’
and position justice at its axis (Valencia Saiz 2005, McGregor 2001, Luque 2005).
Echoing the discussion above, constructions of just what an ecological citizen should
  13 
be are, according to Hobson (2008), politically motivated and tend to be situated in
modified ‘business-as-usual’ models that foreclose more ‘radical’ approaches to
sustainability and SC in particular.
Most often, the kinds of consumption included in ecological citizenship involve
the simple shifting to the purchase of ‘green’ products, many of which have been
produced through the deployment of environmental technologies as part of what has
become known as the paradigm of ecological modernisation. Ecological modernisation
emerged from supply-side debates and has only relatively recently been extended to
the sphere of consumption by focusing on domestic routines and lifestyles across
different social and environmental characteristics (Murphy 2001, Spaargaren 2000).
The strongly productivist orientation associated with ecological modernisation has been
criticised for failing to challenge overconsumption and related overproduction (e.g.
Carolan 2004). In other words, critics argue that a reliance on green products alone
cannot bring about SC and that, instead, technological innovation needs to be
deployed in combination with other approaches such that sustainability is designed
directly into systems of provision, social arrangements, sustainable home services and
cultural attitudes as well as into green products (e.g. Green & Vergragt 2002, Halme,
Jasch & Scharp 2004).
Research in the field of industrial ecology, particularly relating to lifecycle
analysis, is very much linked to that on ecological modernisation. Product lifecycles
affect both efficiency and sufficiency (Cooper 2005). Combining SC—in its guise as
product purchasing, use and disposal—and more sustainable resource management—
including resource extraction, transformation and managing materials—is said to, even
with its limits, support consumers in evaluating the impacts of their purchasing
decisions, helping to tackle the international distanciation of production and
consumption and reduce environmental impacts across a commodity’s entire lifecycle
(Mont & Bleichwitz 2007). Alternatively, applying lifecycle analysis to systems of needs
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fulfilment could provide an innovative approach to rethinking production/consumption
networks, potentially enabling a move away from the sole reliance on consumerism to
fulfil the needs of individuals and, indeed, societies more generally (De Leeuw 2005).
The consumption of particular products deemed in some respect to be more
sustainable has potentially interesting impacts on the formation of people’s identities as
‘sustainable consumers’. For example, the consumption of refillable glass milk bottles
in the UK has been linked to resistance to supermarkets and disposability, as well as
the construction of individual and collective identities relating to narratives of
community, sense of place, convenience and nostalgia for old England (Vaughan,
Cook & Trawick 2007). Similarly, Hobson (2006) argues that domestic technologies like
recycling bins, low energy lightbulbs and shower timers are not only integral to what
she calls the ‘eco-modernisation project’ but that these material ‘moralising machines’
embody a kind of ‘techno-ethics’ that work to facilitate the creation of self-identifying
sustainable consumers and citizens.
In addition to the purchase of such green products, consumers are encouraged
to address social concerns through the consumption of particular kinds of ethical or
fairly traded products in order to become even more well-rounded ecological citizens.
Ethical consumption campaigns seek to articulate people as political agents by tapping
into their so-called ‘ordinary’ and ‘everyday’ moralities which are then channelled
through consumption and the desire to ‘perform’ these (purchasing) acts as
(self)identified ‘ethical’ consumers (Clarke et al 2007). Fair trade has been hailed by
some as having a counter-hegemonic character that, at its more radical edges, goes
beyond the current discourse of shopping for a better world and into the realms of
collective decision-making about consumption and about new producer/distributor
relationships challenging the distribution of value along the commodity chain (Low &
Davenport 2007).
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And yet, critics have charged that the fair trade approach is decidedly and
narrowly market-based as it places limits on who can partake in fair trade networks—at
both the consumption and production ends—in order to create value through the
‘preciousness’ of these quality-driven markets (Goodman, 2009; Guthman 2007; see
also Freidberg 2003; Hughes 2004). Moreover, as Low and Davenport (2005, 2007)
argue, the current mainstreaming of fair trade runs the risk of re-shaping the movement
at the expense of its more radical and politicised edges and so far has failed to lead to
the ‘slop-over’ of its principle tenets into conventional trade systems as many in the fair
trade movement would like to see happen. And, while ethical consumption through fair
trade networks may constitute new networks of global solidarity, these depend on
abstract understandings where ethical consumption remains a form of Northern
benevolence, reproducing oppositions between active consumers and passive
recipients and so flattening out what are already unequal power relations (cf. Barnett et
al 2005; Varul, 2008). Furthermore, a limited focus on fair trade in the context of SC
may run the risk of excluding individuals’ other ethical concerns, and complicating the
business of ecological citizenship. Moore, Gibbon & Slack (2006) note that
supermarkets have requested a broadening of fair trade to include environmental as
well as its predominantly anthropocentric concerns around the socio-economic
situation of marginalised producers in developing countries as a means of bridging this
gap, with understandable resistance from the fair trade movement. Here, Hailwood
(2005) argues for a combination of anthropocentric and ecocentric ideas in SC to
instead develop a model of ‘reasonable citizenship’, which considers the ethics of our
relationships with the environment and nature as well as with other people. Thus, there
are some calls to widen our conceptualisations of SC and sustainable consumers,
since many may be simultaneously concerned with fair trade, ethical products, green
products, voluntary simplicity and even ethical investing (Connolly & Shaw 2006,
McDonagh 2006, Carter & Huby 2005).
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Downshifting, voluntary simplifiers and other challenges to consumerism 
Whilst it is fair to say that most effort in delivering SC focuses on the role of products
and their purchase(r)s, counter-hegemonic discourses and advocates of alternative
approaches—many of which challenge consumerism more broadly—do exist. These
approaches might be construed as being located on a spectrum of pathways to
change, moving from moderate and reformist in character on one end to more radical
on the other. For example, at the moderate end there is what could be called
‘alternative ownership’ arrangements (e.g. car sharing, communal washing/cooking
centres and tool sharing) which unfortunately—because of existing regulatory and
normative institutional arrangements—have so far received a low profile in SC (Mont
2004). For those at the more radical end of the spectrum, consuming particular
sustainable products is simply another form of greenwashing and instead, deeper
changes are required through the development of alternative economic relationships
and spaces (Leyshon et al 2003), culture jamming (Klein 2000; Littler 2009), and even
more fundamental changes to mainstream lifestyles and livelihoods (Ross 2008).
Voluntary simplicity, or downshifting, is an example of a non-product-oriented
approach to SC, and, in and of itself might be placed on a moderate-to-more radical
spectrum. Thus, there is a range of activity included here, from beginner voluntary
simplifiers who might support some aspects of lifestyle changes based around
shopping choices and limited green activities (e.g. buying fair trade products or
recycling waste) to much more established voluntary simplifiers who freely choose a
frugal, anti-consumption lifestyle featuring low resource use and minimal environmental
impacts (McDonald et al 2006); the contemporary phenomenon of ‘freeganism’, where
‘freegans’ only consume things that they don’t buy, fits on this latter, more ‘radical’
portion of the spectrum. Voluntary simplification has Greek and Roman roots in hermits
and ascetic religious orders, though as a set of practices in modern society, it has
always occupied a marginal position and of necessity tends to be practiced by those
  17 
who have the socio-economic capacity to ‘overconsume’ in the first place (Librova
1999).
The growth of what are called New Consumption Communities (NCC) is a recent
focus of research into voluntary simplicity. NCCs comprise alternative communities
where individuals embrace alternative consumption and production, resituating SC in a
structural, embedded context to bring in elements of self-provisioning and alternative
normative arrangements. These more radical voluntary simplifier groups are able to
achieve partial autonomy from hegemonic market forces through forms of resistance,
empowerment and reconnection to and rescaling of production networks (Bekin,
Carrigan & Szmigin 2006). Many of these downshifters have exhibited higher levels of
happiness and enjoyment because of their lifestyles (Bekin, Carrigan & Szmigin 2005),
feeding into debates linking SC to increased wellbeing. It has been argued (Bekin,
Carrigan & Szmigin 2005) that NCCs have been able to influence other, ‘nonsustainable’
consumers and their relationship to consumption through educational links
with local communities and volunteers.
NCCs are often involved in developing alternative economic structures, but
such structures are not limited to these communities. As Curtis (2003) has highlighted,
local or regional self-reliant community networks may constitute a key means of
developing economic sustainability, incorporating local currencies, community
corporations and regional food economies and reducing the negative externalities of
long-distance trade. Yet, economic geographers like Hudson (2005) argue that smallscale
experiments to create sustainable economies such as local exchange trading
schemes (LETS) are significant but ultimately occur within the existing capitalist
framework, which limits sustainability unless they satisfy normal profitability criteria and
fall within socially and politically acceptable limits for institutions. Similarly, Aldridge &
Patterson (2002) have found that despite their potential, LETS often have only a tiny
economic role that is complicated by low participation and structural constraints;
  18 
members typically require significant financial resources and the scheme seems to
work best specifically at small scales with predominantly middle class groups.
One interesting, emerging direction in research on alternative forms of SC is
what Soper (2007, 2008) calls ‘alternative hedonism’. This theory posits that
consumerism ultimately creates environments that are socially and personally
repressive leading to an overall level of disenchantment in the sense that we can never
satisfy our desires by just consuming more (see also Bauman 2007). Thomas (2008)
argues that this kind of disaffection or ‘ambivalent consumerism’ Soper refers to is
already present and being acted on in the mainstream media in the form of UK lifestyle
television programmes that incorporate narratives linking downsizing, downshifting and
‘the good life’, where alternative hedonistic activity supports a domestic, local version of
citizenship in the face of political disenchantment. Thus, by capitalising on this
disenchantment with consumerism and re-directing people’s desires towards the
cultural and artistic aesthetics of ‘anti-consumption consumption’ (Bryant and
Goodman, 2004), SC could be much more effective at motivating societies beyond
moral concerns alone and work towards a more holistic vision of sustainable living that
has room for self-interest rather than centring on a kind of moral superiority.
What gets measured counts: footprinting, indicators and redefining prosperity
Measuring progress towards SC is an important means of judging the effectiveness of
its different approaches. In general, there are thought to be two main levels at which
progress towards achieving SC may be measured: at the individual level, through
‘footprinting’ and pledging, and at the national level via indicators and indices.
Footprinting and pledging are two techniques that are increasingly being
encouraged by third-sector advocates as a means of measuring individual consumption
against particular ideals, which of course have been constructed by particular
government and advocacy groups (Hinton, forthcoming). Both pledging and footprinting
  19 
tools are primarily administered through Internet advocacy spaces (e.g.
http://www.carbonfootprint.com), where resultant scores are stored and can be used as
a measure of how sustainable each individual’s consumption practices are, or will be
over time.
Footprinting tools tend to follow a questionnaire format, where individuals’
responses to questions on aspects of their individual consumption of various resources
and commodities are translated into one’s ecological ‘footprint’. Answers to these
questions are often converted into numerical values representing either the number of
global hectare equivalents this kind of consumption would require, how many planets of
resources would be required if everyone was to consume in this way, or in terms of
carbon equivalents in order to describe an individual’s responsibility for climate change.
These precise, numerical values conceal the various debates over what should and
shouldn’t be measured, how it should be measured and even if it is measurable. The
lack of a uniform approach to footprinting (Weidman & Minx 2007)—despite the UK
government’s encouragement that initiatives should utilise their ‘Act on CO2’ calculator
as a means of standardisation—inevitably leads to some degree of variability in
footprint size, even when the same questions are asked and the same answers
provided to different footprinting tools. Indeed, the premise of footprinting is that it is
possible to objectively know and quantify what makes our consumption unsustainable,
across various parameters including the amount of carbon (or CO2) associated with
certain activities, as well as water and other resource use. By including only certain
activities, and within these activities including only limited aspects of their associated
resource use—for example only considering carbon dioxide emissions and not, say
those of the ‘Other’ greenhouse gases like methane (CH4)—these tools seem to
inevitably reify certain consumption actions and their particular aspects.
Where footprinting takes into account prior consumption practices, pledging
focuses on future consumption and (hopefully) emissions reductions. Pledging systems
  20 
ask individuals to pledge to commit certain kinds of SC practices in the future, where
individuals can pledge to carry out either one or several such actions in a range of
different categories. Conceivably there may be a degree of kudos associated with
making certain pledges, or making a certain number of pledges, such that pledging
may stand as a kind of conspicuous SC that may be entirely unrelated to actions that
individuals may actually undertake. Another potential downside of pledges is their
reliance on deferred action, which suffers from the problems of hyperbolic discounting
such that individuals are required to weigh up whether it is worth acting now for
benefits that may or may not emerge in the future.
Moving from the individual to the national level, statistics have been collected in
the UK for several years across a range of different criteria, which collectively represent
‘sustainable consumption and production indicators’ (e.g. Defra 2008b). Sustainable
consumption and production (SCP) is identified here as one of four priority areas,
where the relevant indicators mainly cover emissions, resource use and waste.
However, it may not be immediately straightforward to ascertain just how
(un)sustainable domestic consumption and production is, since, for example, individual
commodity chains are often global in their spatial reach, blurring the geographical
locations of their ecological effects (Andersson & Lindroth 2001; see also Peters &
Hertwich 2006).
Presently, national economies are judged according to their levels of production
in the form of the GDP. Alternatives to this means of evaluating progress have long
been considered a potential means to support SC, which was notably included as a
recommendation in Agenda 21 back in 1992. GDP tends to be considered a proxy for
national welfare, yet its focus is on economic growth and recession and it excludes the
benefits of goods and services produced and used outside the marketplace (Michaelis
2003) and it is a rather poor measure of wellbeing (Jackson, Jager & Stagl 2004,
Boulanger 2007). Consequently, alternatives to GNP and GDP have been proposed—
  21 
for instance the Indicator of Sustainable Economic Welfare, Gross National Happiness
or Measure of Domestic Progress scores—of which SC could form an integral
component (e.g. Jackson 2005, Michaelis 2003, SDC 2006). The measurement of the
newer category of people’s ‘wellbeing’ has been linked to SC, notably in the Human
Development Report (UNDP 1998). Instead of focusing on the micro-economics of SC
products and purchases, the concept of wellbeing suggests the need to shift to thinking
instead in terms of ‘more units of happiness with less damage’ (De Leeuw 2005).
Wellbeing may have more cultural salience for many and so be more likely to elicit
behavioural changes in people and communities; for example, Cohen, Comrov &
Hoffner (2005) found that emphasising the negative effects on wellbeing related to
working hours, leisure time and family life generates support for SC in the US by linking
to existing public concern about these issues. In a positive recognition of the
importance of this concept in the context of SC, since 2008, the UK government has
measured wellbeing in its set of indicators for sustainable development (Defra 2008b);
yet it is doubtful how meaningful comparisons of ‘life satisfaction’—Defra’s analog for
wellbeing—are between different people and over time and the extent to which these
can be tied directly to issues of sustainability and SC. In addition, life satisfaction is
surely closely tied to cultural norms and expectations, and thus, such a measure would
inevitably go to support mainstream, product-based SC and fail to disentangle SC from
continued economic growth within our contemporary ‘society of consumers’ (Bauman
2007). Whilst individual systems of monitoring such as the Defra suite of SCP and
wellbeing indicators may go some way to observing whether SC is being achieved,
such an approach remains at the periphery and is unlikely to significantly influence
policy and practice.
The ‘credit crunch’: threat or opportunity?
  22 
At the time of writing, the UK economy is experiencing a recession as a result of the
phenomenon colloquially termed ‘the credit crunch’ (e.g. Mizen 2008). Whilst initially
the flow of credit was restricted in ‘virtual’ money markets, this eventually spilled over
into real markets and has led to a restriction in the amount of credit available to both
industry and consumers. In turn, this has led to increasing levels of unemployment
along with an increase in the cost of living, leaving increasing numbers of people with
reduced disposable income, and potentially a reduction in marketplace-based
consumption.
It is not immediately clear the effect that this recession may have on the SC and
its cultural politics. However, it is clear economic growth has relied upon a failure to
include so-called ‘environmental externalities’ in the price of products and other
consumables such as energy, where these artificially low prices have encouraged
increased consumption and disposal (Schor 2005). Furthermore, it would appear that
product-based approaches to SC are not completely compatible with periods of
recession since these ‘sustainable’ products are often more expensive products and
less disposable income might be available for consumers to purchase these goods. For
example, the price premium associated with many of these ‘sustainable’ products—
such as organic, fair trade or ethical goods—could make them less attractive options
when compared against cheaper, less sustainable alternatives, so potentially having a
negative effect on the market for these types of commodity. Yet, at the same time,
restricted funds could provide greater incentives for the purchase of more durable and
less disposable commodities and thus promoting more SC that way.
Our contemporary growth-oriented economy depends upon ever increasing
production and consumption. As such, politicians are urging the public to spend more
in order to help the economy to recover from this recession. This incitement to spend
echoes those calls to combat terrorism following the US and European attacks in the
earlier part of this decade by getting people to go out to eat or get back to the shopping
  23 
malls. Individuals as consumers are in this way doubly responsibilised with rescuing
the economy and with being ecological citizens in the marketplace. Such an approach
further marginalises non-marketplace forms of consumption, and reinforces the
hegemonic ecological modernisation perspective of product-oriented SC. Yet if
consumers really do have the power to either rescue or abandon the economy through
their individual consumption choices, then the recession could provide an opportunity
for individuals to vote with their money—by not responding to these calls to increase
spending and instead meeting more of their needs and wants through non-marketplace
consumption or other forms of ‘wellbeing’-oriented behaviours. Perhaps the recession
affords individuals as consumers a new kind of consumer sovereignty, not just with
regard to choosing between products within the current economic system, but affording
us the opportunity to choose what sort of economic system we would like.
What might an alternative, recession-oriented kind of SC entail? At a minimum,
there could be at least three key components: downshifting, a reduction in the working
week, and alternative community economies. First, the recession may encourage—or
even force—greater numbers of Northern consumers to embrace voluntary simplicity
and downshifting, reducing the volume of their wants and needs and meeting more of
the remainder outside the marketplace. Second, such a reduction in market-based
consumption would mean that we would need to work less, challenging the ‘work to
spend’ lifestyle. The reduction in available jobs resulting from the recession need not
necessarily result in increased unemployment, if many of the full-time jobs were offered
part-time instead, or if the working week was generally reduced (e.g. Schor 1991).
Third, this increase in leisure time may support participation in alternative and local
currencies, e.g. LETS and timebanking, since such alternative money systems have
historically arisen in times of recession (Seyfang 2006). Localised economies are
already receiving attention at the grassroots level, where the recent Transition Towns
  24 
phenomenon is facilitating the emergence of local currencies, community supported
agriculture, community food growing projects and timebanks.
In a final point here, what a global economic downturn might signal is actually a
need to further redefine SC into a concept that has within it some consideration of the
continuing inequalities of consumption at a number of different scales. And here we are
suggesting the need to explore the inequalities in the consumption of more sustainable
products and commodities such as fair trade goods, in addition to the inequalities in
access to and consumption of basic items like food and shelter. Furthermore, ‘cheap’
food and housing might make their way quickly onto the roster of what counts as ‘SC’
for many people, complicating even more the cultural material politics of what SC
actually is. In any case, underscoring the inequalities of consumption through the
discourse of SC might work to further situate questions of justice and ethics at its core
as well as shake up the contemporary consumerist product focus of SC for the better.
Concluding remarks 
Whilst political, academic and indeed practitioner interest in SC has been sustained
over the last decade, it is still a rather nascent social movement. The contemporary
‘post-ecologist’ era and its politics of unsustainability may well necessitate a new
environmental sociology that centres on the question of how advanced modern
capitalist consumer democracies try and sustain what is known to be unsustainable
(Bluhdorn & Welsh 2007). It may be that the very way that we approach the issue, by
creating the label of ‘SC’ as a way to complement ‘sustainable production’ supports
efforts to sustain the unsustainable by disaggregating what are two inseparable
processes. Ecological modernisation, information dissemination and the development
of markets for SC products form the current hegemonic expressions of SC because
these best fit economic understandings of individuals as rational actors and are bestsuited
to the contemporary growth economy. There is some support within the literature
  25 
and indeed in this chapter for broadening our conceptualisations of SC. Mont &
Bleischwitz (2007) argue for the integration of sustainable resource management with
SC. Princen (1999) posits that SC has come to be conflated with everything from
production, overall economic activity, materialism, maldistribution, to population and
technology, and could be reclaimed by focusing attention on the everyday sociologies
of product use and non-purchasing decisions. Similarly, Gilg, Barr & Ford (2005) argue
that green consumerism must be seen in the context of other aspects of sustainable
living to provide a more holistic view even beyond that of wellbeing. Perhaps one of the
most useful ways forward for the SC project could be a reinvigorated conceptualisation
of it as being principally about sustainable lifestyles rather than just about the narrow,
but important practices of consumption. Whichever way future work on SC goes, it will
require further inter- and cross-disciplinary research and writing in order to untangle its
complexities in any sort of transition to more sustainable ways of living.
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