Notes
Introduction
1. Arno Plack, Die Gesellschaft und das Böse: Eine Kritik der herrschenden Mord (Munich: Paul List, 1967), p. 309.
2. Anton-Andreas Gutta, Sexualität und Tomographie: Die organisierte Entmündigung (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1971), pp. 126-27.
.3. Michael Rohrwasser, Saubere Mädel, Starke Genossen: Proletarische Massenkultur? (Frankfurt am Main: Roter Stern, 1975), p. 9.
4. Leonore Tiefer, Sex Is Not a Natural Act and Other Essays (Boulder: Westview, 1994).
5. Important contributions include Norbert Frei, Adenauer's Germany and the Nazi Past: The Politics of Amnesty and Integration (New York: Columbia Univ. Press. 2002); Geoff Eley, ed., The "Goldhagen Effect": History, Memory, Nazism—Facing the German Past (Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 2000); Jeffrey Herf, Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 1997); Anson Rabinbach, In the Shadow of Catastrophe: German Intellectuals between Apocalypse and Enlightenment (Berkeley: Univ.. of California Press, 1997); Y. Michal Bodemann, ed., Jews, Germans, Memory: .Reconstructions of Jewish Life in Germany (Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1996); Omer Bartov, Murder in Our Midst: The Holocaust, Industrial Killing and Representation (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1996); Michael Geyer, "The Politics of Memory in Contemporary Germany," in Radical Evil, ed. Joan Copjec (London: Verso, 1996); Kathrin Hoffmann-Curtius, "Feminisierung des Faschismus," in Die Nacht hat zwölf Stunden, dann kommt schon der Tag: Antifaschismus—Geschichte und Neubewertung, ed. Literaturwerkstatt Berlin (Berlin: Aufbau, 1996); Jürgen Danyel, ed., Die geteilte Vergangenheit: Zum Umgang mit Nationalsozialismus und Widerstand in beiden deutschen Staaten (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1995); Heinz Bude, Das Altern einer Generation: Die Jahrgänge 1938 bis 1948 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1995); Geoffrey Hartman, ed., Holocaust Remembrance: The Shapes of Memory (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994); Saul Triedlander, ed., Probing the Limits of Representation: Nazism and the "Hnal Solution" (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 1992); Atina Grossman^ "Feminist Debates about Women and National Socialism," Gender and History 3 (autumn 1991); Silke Wenk, "Hin-weg-sehen oder: Faschismus, Normalität, und Sexismus," in Erbeutete Sinne: Nachträge zur Berliner Ausstellung "Inszenierung der Macht, ästhetische Faszination im Faschismus," ed. KlausJiehn-ken and Frank Wagner (Berlin: NGBK, 1988); Anson Rabinbach and Jack Zipes, eds., Germans and Jews since the Holocaust (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1986): and Lutz Niethammer, ed., "Die Jahre weiss man nicht, wo man die heute ^hinsetzen soll": Faschismuserfahrungen im Ruhrgebiet (Berlin: Dietz, 1983). On
268   •  Notes to Pages 8-11
Notes to Pages 11-12   « 269
the "layerings" of memory, see Dagmar Herzog, '"Pleasure, Sex and Politics Belong Together': Post-Holocaust Memory and the Sexual Revolution in West Germany," Critical Inquiry 24, no. 2 (winter 1998), pp. 118-19.
Chapter One
Sex and the Third Reich
1. The "will to know" is not just a term coined by Michel Foucault, but rather was already in use in the immediate aftermath of Nazism; as used then, the term was clearly meant also to convey a violent aspect in the drive for comprehension. See the comments on Nazi doctors' criminality, dilettantism, and overweening "will to know" {Wissenwollen) in Otto Bernhard Roegele, "Wertloses Leben?" Rheinischer Merkur, 30 Aug. 1947, p. 2. Roegele was a prominent western German Catholic publicist. But see also another postwar (Soviet zone) commentator's insistence that Nazi doctors, although indeed criminals, were not motivated by "the passionate urge for knowledge and understanding, that characterizes true research"; they were not genuine intellectuals but rather "workmen, who have learned nothing but the application of the routine and practice of experimentation." See Kühne, "Der Nürnberger Ärzteprozess," Das deutsche Gesundheitswesen 2, no. 5 (1 Mar. 1947), p. 145.
2. For example, see G. Schubert, Die künstliche Scheidenbildung aus dem Mastdarm nach Schubert (Stuttgart: F. Enke, 1936}, reviewed by W. Stoeckel in Zentralblatt für Gynäkologie 60, no. 45 (7 Nov. 1936), p. 2672; H. R. Schmidt-Eimendorff, "Künstliche Scheidenbildung durch vernix-caseosa-Tamponade und Follikelhormon," Zentralblau für Gynäkologie 61, no. 45 (6 Nov. 1937), pp. 2602-3; E Beetz, "Über die von den weiblichen Geschlechtswerkzeugen auslösbaren Empfindungsqualitäten," Archiv für Gynäkologie 162, no. 1 (1936); U. Hmtzelmann, "Uber das Sexualtonikum 'Effecton-Dragees,' " Deutsche medizinische Wochenschrift 61 (1935), pp. 379-80; H. Ritter, "Über Erfahrungen und Erfolge mit Hypophysenvorderlappenpräparat bei Impotentia coeundi et gen-erandi," Dermatologische Wochenschrift 105, no. 45 (1937), p. 1467; Paul Schmidt, "Zur Behandlung der männlichen Impotenz," Die Medizinische Welt 12, no. 22 (1938), pp. 783-84; B. Belonoschkin, "Weibliche Psyche und Konzeption," Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift 88 (1941), pp. 1007-9; Carl Clauberg, "Nachweis der Wirkung von künstlich zugeführtem Corpus luteum— Hormon am Menschen," Zentralblatt für Gynäkologie 57, no. 32 (12 Aug. 1933), pp. 1895-96; Carl Clauberg, "Das Wesen der weiblichen Sexualhormone," Schriften der Physikalisch-Ökonomischen Gesellschaft zu Könjg$berg68 (1935), p. 205; Carl Clauberg, "Die Stimulierung der männlichen Geschlechtsdrüse durch weibliches Sexualhormon (Tierexperimentelle Untersuchungen)," Zentralblatt für Gynäkologie 60, no. 25 (20 June 1936), pp. 1457-64; and Carl Clauberg, "Konzeptionsoptimum," Deutsche medizinische Wochenschrift 69 (July 1943),pp. 548-49. On the genital, reproductive, andhormonal experiments as forms of torture, see Olga Lengyel, "Scientific Experiments," in Different Voices: Women and the Holocaust, ed. Carol Rittner and John K. Roth (New York: Paragon House, 1993); Jörg Müllner, "Heimkehr des Monstrums," Die
Woche, 6 Oct. 1995, p. 10; and Ernst Klee, Auschwitz, die NS-Medizin und ihre Opfer (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer. 1997).
3. Liliana Cavani quoted in Hartmut Schulze, "Was ist so sexy am Faschis-mus?" Konkret, Apr. 1975, p. 41. Cavani also confessed that she personally found SS uniforms to be "very erotic." See "Was ist am Faschismus so sexy?" Der Spie-gü^XT Feb. 1975, p. 126. Referring to French and German films indulging in nostalgic and decadent representations of the 1930s and 1940s as well as movies made by the Italian directors Cavani, Pier Paolo Pasolini, Luchino Visconti, and Pernardo Bertolucci, Der Spiegel noted that "these films were all made by people who call themselves Marxists" and hypothesized that the 1970s turn toward a fascination with highly aestheticized sadomasochism and deviant sexuality as an explanation for fascism and Nazism had a great deal to do with the political and cultural defeat of the New Left (pp. 123-24). On these and related matters, see as well Karl W. Pawek, "Im Dritten Reich der Sinne," Konkret, Aug. 1978, pp. 44^5; Lucy S. Dawidowicz, "Smut and Anti-Semitism," in The Jewish Presence: Essays on Identity and History (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1977); Sau! Friedländer, Reflections of Nazism: An Essay on Kitsch and Death, trans. Thomas Weyr (New York: Harper St Row, 1984); AlvinH. Rosenfeld, "The Fasci-nation of Abomination," in Imagining Hitler (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1985); Joan Smith, "Holocaust Girls," in Misogynies: Reflections on Myths and Malice (New York: Fawcett, 1991); Linda Mizejewski, Divine Decadence: Fascism, Female Spectacle, and the Makings of Sally Bowles (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1992); and Lynn Rapaport, "Holocaust Pornography: Profaning the sacred in Ilsa, She-Wolf of the SS," Shofar 22, no. 1 (fall 2003).
4. For a devastating documentation and critique of the tendency of British and American (and some German exiled) commentators to locate the source of Nazism above all in a (defensively denied, repressed, and repudiated) latent homosexuality, see Carolyn Dean, "Who Was the 'Real' Hitler?" in The Fragility of Empathy after the Holocaust (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 2004). For an acute analysis of American commentators' obsessive insistence on continually relinking Nazism with homosexuality rather than with the murderous homophobia that became Nazism's far more defining feature, see Paul Morrison, "Lavender Fascists," in 'the Explanation for Everything: Essays on Sexual Subjectivity (New York: New York Univ. Press, 2001), pp. 140-61.
5. For a good introduction to the case and its ramifications, see Eleanor Hancock, " 'Only the Real, the True, the Masculine Held Its Value': Ernst Röhm, Sfesculinity, and Male Homosexuality," Journal of the History of Sexuality 8, no. 4 (1998).
6. See especially Gert Hekma, Harry Oosterhuis, and James D. Steakley, eds., Gay Men and the Sexual History of the Political Left (New York: Haworth, L995): Andrew Hewitt, Political Inversions: Homosexuality, Fascism and the Modernist Imaginary (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1996); and Anson Rabin-bach, "Van der Lübbe—ein Lustknabe Röhms? Die politische Dramaturgie der^ Exükampagne zum Reichstagsbrand," in Homophobie und Staatsräson: Zur Entstehung der Idee des Homosexuellen Staatsfeindes in Deutschland 1900 bis 1945, ed. Susanne zur Nieden (Frankfurt am Main and New York: Campus, 2004)..
270   •   Notes to Pages 12-13
Notes to Page 13   • 271
7. Geoffrey J. Giles, "The Institutionalization of Homosexual Panic in the Third Reich," in Social Outsiders in Nazi Germany, ed. Robert Gellately and Nathan Stoltzfuss (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 2001). See also the important reflections in Harry Oosterhuis, "Medicine, Male Bonding and Homosexuality in Nazi Germany," Journal of Contemporary History 32, no. 2 (1997).
8. On the difficulties—and yet also value—of trying to find a language to express the repudiated-but-palpable homoerotic elements of some forms of heterosexual male rivalry and bonding without simultaneously either reinforcing homophobic assumptions or relying more generally on (both empirically and conceptually untenable) notions of sexual "normality," see the debates between Martin Dannecker and Randall Halle over how to interpret Frankfurt School theorists Theodor Adorno5s and Erich Fromm's at once deeply problematic but not completely unperceptive comments about homoeroticism and totalitarianism. Randall Halle, "Zwischen Marxismus und Psychoanalyse: Antifaschismus und Antihomosexualität in der Frankfurter Schule," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 9, no. 4 (1996); Martin Dannecker, "Die Kritische Theorie und ihr Konzept der Homosexualität: Antwort auf Randall Halle," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 10, no. 1 (1997); and Randall Halle, "Wer ist hier Don Quixote? Antwort auf Martin Dannecker," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 10, no. 3 (1997). Theodor Adorno's much-debated remark (written 1944 and published 1951) that "totality and homosexuality go together" is in Minima Moralia: Reflexionen aus dem beschädigten Leben, in Gesammelte Schriften, vol. 4 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1980), p. 51. See in this context also the discussion of the coexistence of homophobia and homoeroticism and of the homoerotic elements in misogynist sexual violence in Peggy Sanday, "The XYZ Express," in fraternity Gang Rape: Sex, Brotherhood, and Privilege on Campus (New York: New York Univ. Press, 1990).
9. For outstanding analyses, see Manfred Herzer, "Hinweise auf das schwule Berlin in der Nazizeit," in Eldorado: Homosexuelle Frauen und Männer in Berlin 1850-1950—Geschichte, Alltag, Kultur, ed, Berlin Museum (Berlin: Frölich und Kaufmann, 1984); and Manfred Herzer, '"Die entsetzlichsten Homosexuellenpogrome der Neuzeit'—Wie werden die Massenmorde an schwulen Männern im NS erklärt?" Capri: Zeitschrift für schwule Geschichte, no. 32 (June 2002). For further valuable introductions to the pertinent issues, see Erik N. Jensen, "The Pink Triangle and Political Consciousness: Gays, Lesbians, and the Memory of Nazi Persecution," Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, nos. 1-2 (Jan.-Apr. 2002): and Burkhard Jellonek and Rüdiger Lautmann, eds., Nationalsozialistischer Terror gegen Homosexuelle: Verdrängt und ungesühnt (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2002).
10. For important examples, see zur Nieden, Homophobie und Staatsräson; Stefan Micheler, "Selbstbilder und Fremdbilder der 'Anderen': Eine Geschichte Männer begehrender Männer in der Weimarer Republik und der NS-Zeit" (Ph.D. diss., University of Hamburg, 2003); John C. Fout, "Homosexuelle in der NS-Zeit: Neue Forschungsansätze über Alltagsleben und Verfolgung," Claudia Schoppmann, "Zeit der Maskierung: Zur Situation lesbischer Frauen im Nationalsozialismus," and Angela H. Mayer, '"Schwachsinn höheren Grades': Zur Verfolgung lesbischer Frauen in Österreich während der NS-Zeit," all in Jellonek and Lautmann, Nationalsozialistischer Terror gegen Homosexuelle; Geoffrey J. Giles.
■ The Denial of Homosexuality: Same-Sex Incidents in Himmler's SS and Police," Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, nos. 1-2 {Jan.-Apr. 2002); Joachim Müller and:Andreas Sternweiler, eds., Homosexuelle Männer im KZ Sachsenhausen (Berlin: Rosa Winkel, 2000); Andreas Pretzel and Gabrielle Rossbach, eds., Wegen der zu erwartenden hohen Strafe: Homosexuellenverfolgung in Berlin 1933-1945 {Berlin: Rosa Winkel, 2000); Claudia Schoppmann, Verbotene Verhältnisse: Frauenliebe 1938-1945 (Berlin: Querverlag, 1999); and Cornelia Limpricht, Jürgen Müller, and Nina Oxenius, eds., "Verführte" Männer: Das Leben der kölner Homosexuellen im Dritten Reich (Cologne: Volksblatt, 1991). See also the testimony onthe gang rape by Soviet and French POWs (ordered by the SS) of lesbian prisoners in a German concentration camp (Bützow in Mecklenburg) in Ina Kuckuc, Der Kampf gegen Unterdrückung: Materialien aus der deutschen Lesbierinnenbe-wegung 2nd ed. (Munich: Frauenoffensive, 1977), pp. 127-28.
11. For a recent example of this approach in an otherwise highly interesting analysis of Hitler's relationships to women and of many German women's attraction to the Nazi movement, see Jutta Brückner, "Politik und Perversion: Die ^Frauen und das Unbewusste des 3. Reichs" (paper to be presented at the Goethe , Institut, New York, 11 Nov. 2004). (Brückner is relying for this point on the work ' of French psychoanalyst Jeanine Chasseguet-Smirgel.) For a critique of Chasseguet-, Smirgel, see Morrison, "Lavender Fascists," p. 148.
'   12. For sharp critical analyses of the tendency of both more recent observers t and postwar commentators to feminize fascism and thereby displace responsibil-' ity for Nazism away from men and onto women, see Eva Sternheim-Peters, ' "Brunst, Ekstase, Orgasmus: Männerphantasien zum Thema 'Hitler und die Frauen,5 " Psychologie Heute 8 (1981); Silke Wenk, "Hin-weg-sehen oder: Fa-schismus, Normalität, und Sexismus," in Erbeutete Sinne: Nachträge zur Berliner Ausstellung "Inszenierung der Macht, ästhetische Faszination im Faschismus," ed. Klaus Behnken and Frank Wagner (Berlin: NGBK, 1988), pp. 17-32; Kathrin Hoffmann-Curtius, "Feminisierung des Faschismus," in Die Nacht hat zwölf Stunden, dann kommt schon der Tag, ed. Claudia Keller (Berlin: Aufbau, 1996); and Elizabeth D. Heineman, "Sexuality and Nazism: The Doubly Unspeakable?" ' Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, nos. 1-2 (Jan.-Apr. 2002), pp. 25-33. For examples of texts that do assume a peculiar predilection of women to be aroused by Hitler, see Joachim Fest, Das Gesicht des Dritten Reiches: Profile einer totalitären Herrschaft (Munich: R. Piper, 1963); and Maria Macciocchi, Jungfrauen, ■ Mütter und ein Führer: Frauen im Faschismus (Berlin: Wagenbach, 1976). See ' also the important reflections in Jane Caplan, "Introduction to Female Sexuality in Fascist Ideology," Feminist Review 1, no. 1 (1979). On female perpetrators being represented as the epitome of Nazi evil, see Claus Füllberg-Stollberg et al, eds., Frauen in Konzentrationslagern (Bremen: Edition Temmen, 1994); Insa Eschebach, "Interpreting Female Perpetrators: Ravensbrück Guards in the Courts 'of East Germany, 1946-1955," in Lessons and Legacies V: The Holocaust and Justice, ed. Ronald Smelser (Evanston, IL: Northwestern Univ. Press, 2002); Alexandra Przyrembel, "Transfixed by an Image: Use Koch, the 'Kommandeuse of Buchenwald,' " German History 19, no. 3 (2001); and Lynn Rapaport, "Holocaust Pornography."
272   •   Notes to Pages 13-14
13. For a good recent summary of scholarly findings on the contributions Nazism made to the modernization of women's roles, including a critical assessment of earlier scholars' faulty assumptions of pervasive female oppression and victimization under Nazism, see Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte, vol. 4 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2003), pp. 752-60. Yet note that Wehler too makes a problematic assertion about the purported "orgiastic" expression on women's (but apparently not men's?) faces at the sight of Hitler {p. 758).
14. Essen-based historian Alexander Geppert is currently writing a scholarly book on the hundreds of love letters sent by German women to Adolf Hitler, lor public fascination with this phenomenon, see H. J. Vehlewald, "Forscher untersuchen Liebesbriefe an Nazi-Diktator Hitler: Süsser Adolf, ich bin zu allem bereit," Bild, 13 Feb. 2004, available at Bild.T-Online.de. For a recent attempt to theorize the swooning crowds of men and women, see Christoph Kühberger, "Scx-ualisierter Rausch in der Diktatur: Geschlecht und Masse im italienischen Faschismus und deutschen Nationalsozialismus," Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 51, no. 10 (2003).
15. On both the shreds of available evidence and on contemporaries' and subsequent commentators' fantasies about Hitler's personal sexual eccentricities, see Ron Rosenbaum, Explaining Hitler: The Search for the Origins of His Evil (New York: Random House, 1998); Dean, "Who Was the 'Real' Hitler?"; Hoffmann-Curtius, "Feminisierung des Faschismus"; Brückner, "Politik und Perversion": and Vera Laska, "Sex," in Women in the Resistance and in the Holocaust: The Voices of Eyewitnessess (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1983).
16. Rapaport, "Holocaust Pornography," p. 79; see also p. 71. See also Jean-Pierre Geuens, "Pornography and the Holocaust: The Last Transgression," Film Criticism 20 (fall—winter 1996); and the comments on Holocaust imagery in pornography in Israel in the interview with Susie Bright, in Andrea Juno and Vivian Vale, eds., Angry Women (San Francisco: Re/Search Publications, 1991), pp. 201-2. On the seemingly arousing but actually ultimately soothing and reassuring qualities of pornography, see also Silke Wenk, "Rhetoriken der Pornografisierung: Rahmungen des Blicks auf die NS-Verbrechen," in Gedächtnis und Geschlecht: Deutungsmuster in Darstellungen des nationalsozialistischen Genozids, ed. Insa Eschebach, Sigrid Jacobeit, and Silke Wenk (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2002).
17. The classic Statement on the use of Nazi paraphernalia for erotic purposes is Susan Sontag, "Fascinating Fascism," New York Review of Books, 6 Feb. 1975. The most recent round of public fascination with actual pornographic films produced during the Third Reich—and with what the fact that they were produced during the Third Reich might suggest about the Third Reich more generally—was triggered by the announcement that German writer Thor Kunkel's novel Endstufe (Final Stage) had been rejected by the press, Rowohlt, that had paid him an advance for it and had widely advertised that it was forthcoming. Apparently concerned that the Holocaust was referenced in the novel with inadequate sensitivity, Rowohlt extricated itself from its arrangements with Kunkel. The Eichborn press in Berlin will be publishing a revised version of the novel. See Luke Harding, "Porn und Drang," Guardian, 12 Feb. 2004; and Volker Weidermann, "Die Nackten und die Toten," Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung, 1 Feb. 2004. On the real films on which Kunkel's fiction is based, see Daniel
■
Notes to Pages 14-16   • 273
Kothcnschulte's interview with film collector Werner Nekes, "Professionell: Der Sammler Werner Nekes über Pornofilme aus der Nazizeit," Frankfurter Rundschau online, 7 Feb. 2004.
18. In this context, see also the perceptive reflections in Omer Bartov, "Kitsch and;Sadism in Ka-Tzetnik's Other Planet: Israeli Youth Imagine the Holocaust," Jewish Social Studies 3 (winter 1997).
19. Joachim Hohmann, Sexualforschung und -aufklärung in der Weimarer Republik (Berlin: Foerster, 1985), p. 9; Sabine Weissler, "Sexy Sixties," in CheSchah-ShitiDie Sechziger Jahre zwischen Cocktail und Molotow, ed. Eckhard Siepmann et al. (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1984), p. 99; Christian de Nuys-Henkelmann, "'Wenn die rote Sonne abends im Meer versinkt. . .': Die Sexualmoral der fünf-ziger Jahre," in Sexualmoral und Zeitgeist im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Anja Bagel-Bohlan and Michael Salewski (Opladen: Leske & Budrich, 1990), p. 109; Scott Spector, "Was the Third Reich Movie-Made? Interdisciplinarity and the Re-framing of 'Ideology,' " American Historical Review 106, no. 2 (April 2001), p. 472.
20. This prevalent argument is summarized in (and given some endorsement by)Erich Goldhagen, "Nazi Sexual Demonology," Midstream, May 1981, p. 11.
21. Friedrich Koch, Sexuelle Denunziation: Die Sexualität in der politischen Aiseinandersetzung (Frankfurt am Main: Syndikat, 1986), p. 60.
22^ Udo Pini, Leibeskult und Liebeskitsch: Erotik im Dritten Reich (Munich: Klinkhardt and Biermann, 1992), pp. 9-11. See also Stefan Maiwald and Gerd Mischicr, Sexualität unter dem Hakenkreuz: Manipulation und Vernichtung der Intimsphäre im NS-Staat (Hamburg and Vienna: Europa Verlag, 1999): "The total state leaves no room in German beds for self-determined sex. The subjects of the NS-rState have to forfeit their sexuality unconditionally to the regime" (p. 57).
23. Mayer, " 'Schwachsinn höheren Grades,' " p. 84.
24. Annette Miersch, Schulmädchen-Report: Der deutsche Sexfilm der 70er Jahre (Berlin: Bertz, 2003), p. 69.
25. Jeffrey Herf, "One-Dimensionai Man" (review of Herbert Marcuse, War, Technology and Fascism), New Republic, 1 Feb. 1999, p. 39.
26. George Mosse, The Image of Man: The Creation of Modern Masculinity (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1996), pp. 175-76. For the ongoing resonance of Mosse's perspectives, see also John Borneman, "Gottvater, Landesvater, Familienvater. Identification and Authority in Germany," in Death of the Father, ed. Borneman (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004).
:27. See George L. Mosse, "Beauty without Sensuality: The Exhibition Entar-tcte.Xunst," in "Degenerate Art": The Fate of the Avant-Garde in Nazi Germany, ed.Stephanie Barron (Los Angeles: Museum Associates, 1991), pp. 25-31.
28. For example, see Hans Dieter Schäfer, Das gespaltene Bewusstsein: Über deutsche Kultur und Lebenswirklichkeit 1933-1945 (Munich: Carl Hanser, 1985); Detlev Peukert, Inside Nazi Germany: Conformity, Opposition and Rac-ismm Everyday Life, trans. Richard Deveson (New Haven, CT: Yale Univ. Press, 1987); Peter Reichel, Der schöne Schein des Dritten Reiches: Faszination und Gewalt des Faschismus (Munich: Carl Hanser, 1991); Shelley Baranowski, Kraft durch Freude—Strength through Joy: Tourism, Leisure and Consumerism in the ThirdReich {Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2004); Norbert Frei, "Wie mo-
274   •  Notes to Pages 16-17
Notes to Pages 17-18   • 275
dem war der Nationalsozialismus?" Geschichte und Gesellschaft 19 (1993); Peter; Fritzsche, "Nazi Modem," Modemism/Modemity 3, no. 1 (1996); Jeffrey Herf,. Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture, and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984).
29. For example, see Hans von Hattingberg, Über die Liebe: Eine Aerztliche,. Wegweisung (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns, 1936), p. 10; Matthias Laros, Die Beziehungen der Geschlechter (Cologne: Staufen-Verlag, 1936), p. 167; Paul Habcnnann, "Zur Frage der Sexualpädagogik," Kinderärztliche Praxis 16, nos.:9~^ 10 (1948), p. 288.
30. For example, see Benno Chajes, "Die Ehe des Proletariers," and Adolf GerV son, "Die Ursachen der Prostitution," both in Sexual-Probleme, Sept. 1908, j>p>: 524-25, 541; Hans Albrecht, "Ueber Konzeptionsverhütung," Münchener meäi-: zinische Wochenschrift, no. 9 (27 Feb. 1931), pp. 347-50; Johannes Ehwalt, Eheleb en und Ehescheidung in unsrer Zeit: Aufzeichnungen eines Rechtsanwaltes. (Berlin: Germania, 1936), pp. 4-5; Gerhard Reinhard Ritter, Die geschlechtliche. Trage in der deutschen Volkserziehung (Berlin and Cologne: A. Marcus und E. Weber, 1936), p. 28; and Dr. Wollenweber, "Das Gesundheitswesen im Kampfe; gegen den Geburtenschwund," Der öffentliche Gesundheitsdienst 5 (1939-40), p. 447. See also the interesting survey conducted in 1932 of doctors' perceptions of the pervasiveness of premarital sex: "Erhebung über Sexualmoral," in Studien über Autorität und Tatnilie: Forschungsberichte aus dem Institut für Sozial-; forschung, ed. Max Horkheimer (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1936). On significant class differences in experiences of premarital sex (girls in that minority of the popular tion that was middle or upper class tended to wait longer, while in the working class premarital sex was the norm), see the summary of research conducted between 1925 and 1930 in Johannes Duck, "Virginität und Ehe," Archiv für Bevölkerungswissenschaft und Bevölkerungspolitik 11 (1941), p. 306.
31. See Julia Roos, "Backlash against Prostitutes' Rights: Origins and Dynarn^ ics of Nazi Prostitution Policies," Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, nos. 1-2 (Jan.-Apr. 2002), pp. 67-78; Julie Stubbs, "Rescuing Endangered Girls: Bourgeois^ Feminism, Social Welfare, and the Debate over Prostitution in the Weimar Repub^ He" (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 2001); Derek Hastings, "Between.; Church and Culture: The Rise and Crisis of Progressive Catholicism in Munich, 1900-1924" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 2004); and Tim Kaiser's dissertation on Protestants in Weimar (University of Michigan). See also the periodizatiöti.; of mores suggested by B. van Acken, S.J., "Prüderie—Distanzhalten," Theo? logisch-praktische Quartalschrift 92 (1939), pp. 77-78.
32. For example, see John S, Conway, The Nazi Persecution of the Churches^ 1933^5 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Wolfgang Gerlach, Ah die-Zeugen schwiegen: Bekennende Kirche und die Juden (Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1987); Ernst Klee, "Die SA Jesu Christi": Die Kirchen im Banne Hitlers (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1989); Victoria Barnett, Tor the Soul of the: People: Protestant Protest against Hitler (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1992);;; Robert P. Ericksen and Susannah Heschel, "The German Churches Face Hitlerr An Assessment of the Historiography," Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für Deutsche Ge± schichte 23 (1994), pp. 433-59; Wolfgang Stegemann and Dirk Acksteiner, eds;;; Kirche und Nationalsozialismus (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1997); Robert P. F.rick-
]
sen and Susannah Heschel, eds., Betrayal: German Churches and the Holocaust (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1999); David Kertzer, The Popes against the Jews: The Vatican's Role in the Rise of Modern Antisemitism (New York: Knopf, 2001); Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, A Moral Reckoning: The Role of the Catholic Church Mlhe'Holocaust and Its Unfulfilled Duty of Repair (New York: Knopf, 2002); Michael Burleigh, "The Brown Cult and the Christians," in The Third Reich: A New History (New York: Hill and Wang, 2000); Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte, 4:795-818; Jochen-Christoph Kaiser and Martin Greschat, eds., Der Holocaust und die Protestanten (Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum, 1988); Doris Bergen, Twisted Cross: The German Christian Movement in the Third Reich (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1996); Richard Steigmann-Gall, The ■Höly::Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2003); Gerhard Besier, Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich: Spal-tufigenund Abwehrkämpfe 1934-193 7 (Munich: Propyläen, 2001); and Manfred Gailus, review of Besier, Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich, in Die Zeit, 27 Mar. 2002.
. 33. For example, the head of the official Nazi women's organization, Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, organized a letter-writing campaign of women's clubs against the pornographic style of the antisemitic Nazi newspaper Der Stürmer. See Ingke Brodersen. Klaus Humann, and Susanne von Paczensky, eds., 1933: Wie die DSetdschen Hitler zur Macht verhalfen. Ein Lesebuch für Demokraten (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1983), p. 38.
34. Venereal disease prevention expert Bodo Spiethoff, quoted in Annette E Timm, "Sex with a Purpose: Prostitution, Venereal Disease, and Militarized Masculinity in the Third Reich," Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, nos. 1-2 (Jan.-Apr. 2002), p. 230.
35. R. Hunger, "Grundgedanken zur Sexualerziehung der deutschen Jugend," Üermatologiscke Wochenschrift 105, no. 5 (Oct. 1937), p. 1344 (Flex's comment is the epigraph); P. Orlowski, "Zur Frage der Pathogenese und der modernen :Therapie der sexuellen Störungen beim Manne," Zeitschrift für Urologie 31, no. 6 (1937), p. 380.
36. August Mayer, Deutsche Mutter und deutscher Aufstieg (Munich: J. F. Leh-manns, 1938), p. 31; Fritz Reinhardt, "Frühehe und Kinderreichtum im nationalsozialistischen Staat," Neues Volk 5, no. 7 (1937), pp. 22-24.
37. Martin Staemmler, Rassenpflege im völkischen Staat, 2nd ed. (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns, 1933), pp. 61, 64.
38. A good example of the conservative pedagogical literature is Walter Her-mannsen and Karl Blome, Warum hat man uns das nicht früher gesagt? Ein Bekenntnis deutscher Jugend zu geschlechtlicher Sauberkeit, 4th rev, and exp. ed. (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns, 1943). In general, the series on "Political Biology" published by the J. F. Lehmanns press in Munich (in which also more than thirty thousand copies of Hermannsen and Blome's book were printed) served as a steady source of sexually conservative views.
:;39. For one doctor's account of the "consistently positive, sometimes enthusiastic" resonance he achieved among those considered "the fully valuable" {Vollwertigen) among his female patients when—in order to encourage them to desist from the use of contraceptives and bear more children—he flattered their figures
276   •   Notes to Pages 18-21
or expressly contrasted their good health with those "mentally ill and disabled persons . .. who after all are being sterilized," see Wollenweber, "Das Gesundheitsamt," pp. 454-55. Incidentally, Wollenweber had no objections to premarital sex. "From a population-political standpoint I cannot see it as a tragedy if a young man in the city or in the countryside, in the youthful rush of love, takes his girl in his arms and has sexual intercourse with her" (p. 452).
40. Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964), p. 56. The idea, as Rcimut Reiche concisely summarized it, was that "sexuality is given a little more rein and thus brought into the service of safeguarding the system." Reinmt Reiche, Sexuality and Class Struggle (London: NLB, 1970), p. 46.
41. The poster is reprinted in Klaus Theweleit, Male Fantasies, vol. 2 (Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1989), p. 9.
42. The cartoon (from the Deutschvölkische Monatshefte in 1923} is reprinted in Christina von Braun, "Und der Feind ist Fleisch geworden: Der rassistische Antisemitismus," in Der Ewige Judenhass: Christlicher Antijudaismus, Deutschnationale Judenfeindlichkeit, Rassistischer Antisemitismus, ed. von Braun and Ludger Heid (Berlin and Vienna: Philo, 2000), between pp. 192 and 193.
43. See Arthur Dinier, Die Sünde wider das Blut: Ein Zeitroman (Leipzig: Marines und Thost, 1920); and the discussion of Dinter in E. Goldhagen, "Nazi Sexual Demonology."
44. Adolf Hider, Mein Kampf (Munich: Franz Eher/Zentralverlag der NSDAP, 1943), p. 357.
45. Max Marcuse, Der Präventivverkehr in der Medizinischen Lehre und Arztlichen Praxis (Stuttgart: Enke, 1931), pp. 4, 65-66, 91,103^1.
46. See Manfred Herzer, Magnus Hirsch feld: Leben und Werk eines jüdischen, schwulen und sozialistischen Sexologen (Frankfurt: Campus, 1992).
47. For example, see Max Hodarui, Bub und Mädel: Gespräche unter Kameraden über die Geschlechterfrage (Rudolstadt: Greifenverlag, 1929). On Hodann's significance, see Kristine von Soden, Die Sexualberatungsstellen der 'Weimarer Republik 1919-1933 (Berlin: Hentrich, 1988), pp. 72-74; and Atina Grossmann, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950 (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1995), pp. 122-26. Grossmann notes that Hodann was considered far more important by his colleagues than the somewhat "crazy" Wilhelm Reich, who would in the later 1960s become so immensely popular with the West German student movement. Above all, Gross-mann provides an incisive critical assessment of the limitations of the Weimar-era sex reform movement, including among other things its imbrication with eugenics, its tendency to normativity, and its inconsistent attention to women's perspectives on sex.
48. See Grossmann, Reforming Sex, pp. 81-84; and Cornelie Usborne, "Representation of Abortion in Weimar Popular Culture" (paper delivered at the German Historical Institute, Washington, DC, 26 Oct. 2002).
49. Georg Schliebe, "Die Reifezeit und ihre Erziehungsprobleme," in Wege und Ziele der Kindererziehung unserer Zeit, 3rd ed., ed. Martin Löpelmann (Leipzig: Hesse and Becker, 1936), p. 148.
■ HB
1
I
flj
Notes to Pages 21-23   • 277
50. Walter Tetzlaff, "Homosexualität und Jugend," Deutsche Jugendhilfe 34 (1942-43), p. 5.
;5:J.: "Die Rolle des Juden in der Medizin," Deutsche Volksgesundheit aus Blut und -Boden (Aug.-Sept. 1933}, reprinted in "Hier geht das Leben auf eine sehr merkwürdige Weise weiter ..Zur Geschichte der Psychoanalyse in Deutsch-land, ed. Karen Brecht et al. (Hamburg: Verlag Michael Kellner, 1985), p. 87.
52. Chemnitz-based pediatrician Kurt Oxenius, quoted in Martin Staemmler, "Das Judentum in der Medizin," Sächsisches Ärzteblatt 104 (1934), p, 208.
53. "Homosexualität—keine Erbkrankheit," Deutsche Sonderschule 5 (1938), p. 663. ■
54. Quoted in Koch, Sexuelle Denunziation, p. 62.
55. Text of book-burning speech reprinted in Brodersen et al., 1933, p. 34. .56.: According to Hunger, "Jewish psychoanalysis" worked "individualisti-
cjlfyßautistically" while, by contrast, "German psychotherapy" (Deutsche Seel-sorge) was more oriented toward the "holistic coherence of the soul and the cam-murittý^ibat creation intended." Heinz Hunger, "Jüdische Psychoanalyse und deutsche Seelsorge," in Germanentum, Judentum und Christentum, vol. 2, ed. Walter Grundmann (Leipzig: G. Wigand, 1943), pp. 314, 317, 332, 339.
57. For example, see Johannes H. Schultz, "Die Bedeutung der Psychoanalyse im Kampfe mit uns selbst," Jahreskurse für ärztliche Fortbildung 24, no. 5 {1933}, pp. 8-18; Rudolf Allers, Sexualpädagogik: Grundlagen und Grundlinien (Salzburg änd Leipzig: Anton Pustet, 1934), pp. 45-47; von Hattingberg, "'Chemische Liebe' (der Irrtum Freuds)," in Über die Liebe, pp. 25-30; H. Eymer, "Zur Frage der Scheidenspülung," Deutsches Ärzteblau 72 (1942), p. 320; and Joachim Rost, "Sexuelle Probleme im Felde," Medizinische Welt 18 (1944), pp. 218-220.
58. Staemmler, "Das Judentum in der Medizin," p. 210.
59. See ibid., p. 208; and "Dreht sich alles um die Liebe?" Das schwarze Korps (hereafter DSK), 25 June 1936, p. 7.
60. See Alfred Zeplin, Sexualpädagogik als Grundlage des Familienglücks und desWolkswohls (Rostock: Carl Hinstorffs, 1938), p. 31.
61. Alfred Rosenberg, Unmoral im Talmud (Munich: Franz Eher, 1943), p. 19. The book was originally published in 1933.
62. Staemmler, "Das Judentum in der Medizin," p. 208. Or as Staemmler remarked elsewhere, lambasting Max Marcuse in particular, that there was "no longer anything sacred in the intercourse between the sexes" was a consequence of the "prominent role played by the Jew" in the development of "the new sexual morality." Staemmler, Rassenpflege, pp. 59, 61.
63. "Die Rolle des Juden in der Medizin," p. 87.
64. For example, see "Der Kastrierjude," Der Stürmer 10, no. 43 (Oct. 1932),
65. See von Soden, Die Sexualberatungsstellen, pp. 148—49,156; and the important reflections in Grossmann, Reforming Sex, pp. 136-37.
66. See Ute Frevert, Women in German History: From Bourgeois Emancipa-tion to Sexual Liberation (Oxford andNew York: Berg, 1989), pp. 230-32. See in thisvpoňtext also Cornelia Usborne, The Politics of the Body in Weimar Germany: WcMen's Reproductive Rights and Duttes (Houndmills and London: Macmillan, 1992).
278   •  Notes to Page 24
67. See Harald Focke and Uwe Reimer, Alltag unterm Hakenkreuz: Wien | Nazis das Leben der Deutschen veränderten, vol. 1 (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 197 I pp. 122-23.
68. Frevert, Women, p. 232. See also the statistics in Jill Stephenson, Worn •
in Nazi Germany (Edinburgh: Pearson, 2001), p. 24; and Dörte Winkler, Frau- j enarbeit im "Dritten Reicb " (Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1977), p, 193: | well as the discussions in S. L. Solon and Albert Brandt, "Sex under the Swastika American Mercury, Aug. 1939, p. 431; Gisela Bock, "Racism and Sexism in N, ■ Germany: Motherhood, Compulsory Sterilization, and the State," Signs 8 (spri j 1983), pp. 400-421; and Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under 1 Nazis (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 1988), p. 126. While the overall j birthrate rose from approximately 970,000 in 1933 to 1.4 million in 1939 (it sa j again during the war to just over 1 million births annually), scholars have a j suggested that in many cases a woman's decision to have another child could read as less a response to regime propaganda than a strategy to avoid consc ription into the labor force once the regime switched course and decided, again st its earl attempt to put women back into the home, that it needed women's labor pow I
69. For example, see Weinrich, "Randbemerkungen zum Ehe-Problem," M natsscbrift für Pastoraltheologie 30 (1934), pp. 278-79; Theodor Haug, "Die Strudle Fragein der Seelsorge," Zeitwende 15 (1938-39),pp. 609,614; and "Olsarreich erwache!" DSK, 25 Feb. 1937, p. 6. j
70. Conversations with G. C, 2002, and R. W., 2004. j
71. Johannes H. Schultz, Geschlecht-Liebe-Ebe: Die Grundtatsachen des Lie- .'% bes- und Geschlechtslebens in ihrer Bedeutung für Einzel- und Volksdasein [Mu- j nich: Ernst Reinhardt, 1940), p. 111.
72. Report on conditions for foreign laborers in Nazi Germany prepared h 1 the French Catholic Workers' Youth Movement, quoted in Pieter Lagrou,kt j Legacy of Nazi Occupation: Patriotic Memory and National Recovery in Western * 1 Europe, 1945-1965 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2000), p. 145. Further- -''" more, as historian Gabriele Czarnowski remarked with respect to condom use in ' the Nazi era, "one medical officer [she is referring to Dr. Wollenweber, who was based in Dortmund] noted that, especially after weekends, large numbers of them • could be seen in the drains of the municipal sewage facilities." Or, as historian j Robert G. Waite found, residents of Dachau complained about how the benches : and grass at a park adjacent to a nearby military base were filled with teenage .girls and Wehrmacht soldiers and that the park "was littered with used condoms.'' ' So strong was the regime's apparent commitment to condom production that at I one point during the war, a group of mothers even complained that rubber (in increasingly short supply not least because of its use for the tires of military vehi- \ cles) was being used more for the production of condoms than for making b.i!n bottles. It was not during the Third Reich, but rather in the aftermath of its defeat, ^ that the price of condoms "quintupled." See Gabriele Czarnowski, "Hereditary and Racial Welfare (Erb- und Rassenpflege): The Politics of Sexuality and Reproduction in Nazi Germany," Social Politics 4 (1997), p. 129; Robert G. Waite,: "Teenage Sexuality in Nazi Germany," Journal of the History of Sexuality 8, no. 3 (Jan. 1998), p. 451; Pini, Leibeskult und Liebeskitsch, p. 326; Kühne, "Geburtenkontrolle," Das deutsche Gesundheitswesen 2, no. 23 (1947), pp. 746-47.
Notes to Page 24   • 279
"3. See Gunter Schmidt, "Weshalb Sex alle (Un)schuld verloren hat," taz-ma-. n. 24-25 Apr. 1999, p. v.
~4. See Wollenweber, "Das Gesundheitsamt," p. 451. In 1941, the regime— incoherently—ordered that the advertisement and sale of contraceptives inserted in the vagina (both spermicidal products and diaphragms and cervical caps) be |;,      outlawed entirely (in the Himmler ruling of January 1941) and that these items : ■   vailable only in pharmacies and only with a doctor5 s prescription (in the Conti ruling of March 1941). Conti was the head of the Reich Medical Office. See Hans mseh, "Mittel zur Geburtenregelung in der Gesetzgebung des Staates, unter " -mderer Berücksichtigung des neuen Entwurfes eines Strafgesetzbuches," in i   ihlität und Verbrechen, ed. Fritz Bauer et al, (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, ■■ 3), p. 179. Even after Himmler's ruling went into effect, magazines continued IL .    to carry, advertisements for mail-order contraceptive devices (of "hygienic rub-I' "'■     ber"), with only minimal veiling of their meaning. See Heineman, "Sexuality and Nazism," p. 46, n. 81. On the popularity also of intrauterine devices (IUDs) and '■ .r continued availability in the early years of the Third Reich (from doctors, medical and rubber supply stores, and door-to-door saleswomen}, see V. Ohne-sorge, "Gefahren der intrauterinen 'Schutzmittel,' " Zeitschrift für Gynäkologie 59(13 Apr. 1935), p. 875. !■ ,       75. Contrary to many postwar commentators' assumptions, information about the rhythm method was not censored during the Third Reich (though the I«-      method's effectiveness was certainly contested); doctors discussed in print how to ^       use and interpret the calendars and at least as late as 1942 calendars could be J/."     purchased by mail order from Vienna. Hermann Knaus, the Austrian who had, .    ;emporaneously with the Japanese physician Kyusaku Ogino, developed the method, continued to publish updated information on the use of the method, even ■ . .s critics published their counterarguments as well. See, for example, Hermann p /      Knaus, "Die periodische Frucht- und Unfruchtbarkeit des Weibes," Zentralblatt f~     für Gynäkologie 57, no. 24 (17 June 1933), pp. 1393-1408; Alfred Greil, "Der P"i      optimale Konzeptionstermin," Zentralblatt für Gynäkologie 58, no. 34 (25 Aug. ;'",     1934)y pp. 2002-6; Ernst Rumpf, "Praktische Erfahrungen mit der Konzeptions-',.       theorie nach Knaus-Ogino," Zentralblau für Gynäkologie 61, no. 27 (1937), pp.
1589-92; F. Besold, "Ovulation und Orgasmus," Zentralblatt für Gynäkologie 1'._     65, :io. 48 (1941), pp. 2111-12; and Hermann Knaus, "Was versteht man unter i       dem Knaus'schen Ovulations- bezw. Konzeptionstermin?" Medizinische Welt 16 j^l      (25 Apr. 1942), p, 428. Strikingly, moreover—though also logically—Catholic advice writers were the most active in promoting the method during the Third Ra chj.:.botb. to priests, continually burdened by the anguish of the couples they r,-'      counseled in their offices and in the confessional, and directly to married couples. Thus, for instance, one Catholic advice writer (whose book, when reprinted in 1*53. had already sold fourteen thousand copies) explained matter-of~factly to f_,      women how to monitor themselves for several months to identify their own t_.      unique variations in cycle, and also noted that as a rule of thumb the first five to j"       seven, days after the end of menstruation were safe for intercourse, then twelve days of abstinence were necessary, but that then the remaining days in the cycle were.fine for having sex as well. See Hans Wirtz, Vom Eros zur Ehe: Die natur-
280   *  Notes to Page 24
Notes to Pages 24-26   • 281
getreue Lebensgemeinschaft (Heidelberg and Innsbruck: F. H. Kerle, 1938), pp. 249-54.
The information on the rhythm method was no closely guarded secret kept fronr ordinary family physicians or from wives or even from unmarried women but rather appears in some circles to have been common knowledge. During the war, for instance, it was known that the military encouraged soldiers to take their leaves to see their wives during the days when conception was most likely. See Rita Thalmann, Frausein im Dritten Reich (Frankfurt am Main: Ullstein, 1987), p. 154. Also see how a medical doctor educated his colleagues about women's cycles (again so as to assist soldiers on short leave in maximizing the possibility for conception) in Schröder, "Konzeptionsoptimum. . . Frage 2," Deutsche medizinische "Wochenschrift 69, nos. 29-30 (July 1943), p. 549. But unmarried young women could be familiar with enough of the information basic to the method to use it effectively. As one former junior Wehrmacht officer remembered, when asked about how pregnancy prevention worked in the Third Reich, "All of them knew about the rhythm method—doing the math with the days. After all, thost were intelligent girls." (Alle wussten von Knaus-Ogino—Tage berechnen. Das waren ja intelligente Mädchen.) Conversation with G. C., 2002. And also postwar medical literature made clear that unmarried women had relied on the rhythm method in order to avoid pregnancy; what doctors remarked on was the way that the disruptions in cycles caused by dislocations due to work in the Reich Labor Service or to war caused unplanned conceptions. On the other hand, what also requires attention is the mental world of many young girls, in which eagerness to have sexual experiences (and the active seeking of these) coexisted with ignoranci of anatomy and the process of conception; also an otherwise sophisticated giri could easily believe a boy or man who assured her "don't worry, I know what I'm doing, nothing will happen to you"—even as the girl did not know enough about bodies to be sure in retrospect whether her partners had in fact practiced withdrawal or not. Conversation with R. W., 2004.
76. Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family and Nazi Politics (New York: St. Martin's, 1987), p. 186. The rate of illegal voluntary abortions was still so high in 1943 that the regime instituted the death penalty for abortionists in an effort to suppress the practice. See also Robert G. Waite's informative essay, " 'Eine Sonderstellung unter den Straftaten': Die Verfolgung der Abtreibung im Dritten Reich," in Nationalsozialistische Gewaltverbrechen und Strafverfolgung nach 1945—Forschung, Lehre und politische Bildung (Berlin: Haus der Wannsee Villa, 2004).
77. The classic statement of Weimar Germany's uniquely open discussion of sexual response and clamorous preoccupation with the problem of female frigidit] is Atina Grossmann, "The New Woman and the Rationalization of Sexuality in Weimar Germany," in Powers of Desire: ThePo litics of Sexuality, ed. Ann Snitow. Christine Stansell, and Sharon Thompson {New York: Monthly Review Press, 1983). Contrast the far greater discomfort with discussions of female pleasure in contemporaneous Great Britain in Susan Pedersen, "National Bodies, Unspeakable Acts: The Sexual Politics of Colonial Policy-Making," Journal of Modern History 63 (Dec. 1991). On the discussion in Weimar, see also von Soden, Die Sexualberatungsstellen, pp. 102,128-33; and Anson Rabinbach," ThePoiiticka-
tion of Wilhelm Reich: An Introduction to The Sexual Misery of the Working Masses and the Difficulties of Sexual Reform,' " New German Critique 1, no. 1 ! (winter 1974), pp. 93,96. Evidence of the double reality of widespread dissatisfac-
■ tion and growing popular conviction that mutual pleasure was achievable per-i vades medical doctors' writings across the ideological spectrum, from both Jewish
, and .Gentile leftists and liberals in Weimar to Christians and Nazis in the Third Reich. For some typical Nazi-era discussions of diverse strategies {including hormonal and psychotherapeutic) for enhancing female orgasmic response, see E Siegert, "Die Behandlung der weiblichen Frigidität," Medinizinische "Welt 12, no. 31 Quly 1938), pp. 1094-98; the summary of Kemper, "Zum Frigiditätsproblem," in Zentralblatt für Gynäkologie 64, no. 45 {1940), pp. 1930-31; and E Besold, "Beiträge zum Problem der Frigidität," Zentralblatt für Psychotherapie und ihre Grenzgebiete 12 (1940), pp. 249-56. As Besold reported, while working-class women would not use the word "orgasm" [Orgasmus), that was certainly what they meant when they used such terms as "being satisfied" (befriedigt werden), "coming to the end" (zum Ende kommen) and "getting done" (fertig werden)^. 254). Siegert's essay provides a classic example of Nazi-era reconfigurations of preexisting pro-sex impulses; the text mentioned that female frigidity rates ! might he as high as 50 percent of all women, included intricate diagnostic analysis sof different forms and aspects of frigidity, made careful distinctions between libido I and orgasm, specified erogenous zones with precision, and carefully assessed the
complex possible interrelationships between emotions and physiology, but also isuggested that "racial differences" between partners—because they might lead to "psychosexual conflicts"—could be the source of female frigidity (p. 1096).
78. Staemmler, Rassenpflege, p. 61.
79. Ferdinand Hoffmann, Sittliche Entartung und Geburtenschwund, 2nd ed. (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns, 1938), pp. 13, 21, 24-25, 34.
80. Ibid., pp. 16, 30, 49-50, 55.
Sf 81. On the notion that Jewishness could have become internal to Germanness,
see also the military officer who admonished his noncommissioned officers (NGOs) in 1942 not only that they needed to choose "squeaky clean" women as their brides but also that any German man still attached to a sexual double stan-sdard needed to expel the "poisonous substances of the Jewish moral perspective ... sitting in his bones. Out with them!" Maj, Dr. Ellenbeck, "Der deutsche Unter-
ť Offizier und das Thema 'Frauen und Mädchen,' " Die Zivilversorgung, 15 Oct.
:1942, pp. 281-82. Along related lines, see also Heinz Hunger's complaint in 1942 about the "Jewification" (Verjudung) of non-Jews influenced by sex-obsessed Jew-ish psychoanalysts. Hunger, "Jüdische Psychoanalyse," p. 323.
82. Paul Danzer, "Die Haltung zum anderen Geschlecht als unentbehrliche Grundlage völkischen Aufbaus," in Streiflichter ins Völkische: Ausgewählte Lese-stücke für deutsche Menschen aus dem "Völkischen Willen" (Berlin: Rota-Druck, 1936), pp. 5-6.
83. Hans F. K. Günther, Führeradel durch Sippenpflege, quoted in Hermannsen and Blome, Warum hat man uns das nicht früher gesagt?, p. 120. Günther, an avid antisemité already during the Weimar Republic, became one of the most in-fluential "race experts" in the Third Reich.
282   •   Notes to Pages 27-31
Notes to Pages 31-33   • 283
84. Knorr, "Eine noch nicht genügend beachtete weltanschauliche und bevölkerungspolitische Gefahr," Ziel und Weg: Organ des Nationalsozialistischen Deutschen Ärztebundes 7, no. 22 {Nov. 1937), p. 570.
85. Wollenweber, "Das Gesundheitsamt," p. 451.
86. Orlowski, "Zur Frage der Pathogenese," p. 383. Orlowski's message to men was that "If Nature has denied a gift, then you are not obliged to force it through practices that are damaging to you." Men's struggles to extend the duration of coitus, he warned, led to "a weakening of the ejaculatory centrum" and even to the dangerous condition of "colliculitis, in some cases a colliculus-hypertrophy."
87. On the "top secret" directive to the BDM from the Information Service of the Reich Youth Press Office, see Michael Kater, "Die deutsche Elternschaft im nationalsozialistischen Erziehungssystem," Vierteljahresschrift für Wirtschafts-und Sozialgeschichte 67, no. 4 (1980), p. 489. On the contrast between the BDM's official conservative rhetoric and its loose reputation in popular parlance, see also Martin Klaus, Mädchen im Dritten Reich: Der Bund Deutscher Mädel (BDM) (Cologne: Pahl-Rugenstein, 1983), pp. 119-20.
88. Victor Klemperer, I Will Bear Witness: A Diary of the Nazi Years, 1933-1941, trans. Martin Chalmers (New York: Random House, 1998), p. 137.1 thank Maria Hoehn and Anson Rabinbach for calling this passage to my attention.
89. Deutschland-Berichte der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands (So-, pade) (Salzhausen and Frankfurt am Main: Petra Nettelbeck/Zweitausendeins: 1980), report of Aug. 1937, p. 1070. See also an earlier (1935) report by the Social Democratic Party in exile, to the effect that the so "coarsely" presented "propaganda for racially pure offspring" was leading youth to engage in "uninT hibited sexuality." Quoted in Pini, Leibeskult und Liebeskitsch, p. 85.
90. See Clifford Kirkpatrick, Nazi Germany: Its Women and Family Life (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1938), p. 36.
91. Herbert Marcuse, Technology, War and Fascism: Collected Papers of Her-bert Marcuse, vol. 1, ed. Douglas Kellner (London: Routledge, 1998), pp. 84-86, 90,162™63.
92. Excerpts from Walter Gmelin's essay "Bevölkerungspolitik und Frühehe": (published in the Deutsche Ärztezeitung) reprinted in "Mütterheim Steinhöring," DSK, 7 Jan. 1937, pp. 13-14.
93. Excerpt from Rudolf Bechert's essay (published in Deutsches Recht, nos. 23-24 [15 Dec. 1936]), in "Mütterheim Steinhöring," p. 14.
94. Carl H. Csallner, Das Geschlechtsleben, seine Bedeutung für Individuum und Gemeinschaft (Munich: Otto Gmelin, 1937), p. 10.
95. Zeplin, Sexualpädagogik, pp. 12, 24. Zeplin blamed the Christian "sinfulness dogma" for all manner of social ills, from hypocrisy and overweening self-righteousness to the proliferation of perverse fantasies, venereal diseases, abuse of alcohol, and lack of sexual harmony within marriages (pp. 22-23).
96. Von Hattingberg, Über die Liebe, p. 16.
97. Frommolt, review of F. Kuenkel, Charakter, Liebe und Ehe, in Zentralblati für Gynäkologie 57, no. 22 (3 June 1933), p. 1326.
98. Schultz, Geschlecht-Liebe-Ehe, pp. 60, 77, 82.
See especially the work of Ute Benz, "Brutstätten der Nation: 'Die deutsche Mütter und ihr erstes Kind' oder der anhaltende Erfolg eines Erziehungsbuches," Dachauer Hefte 4 (1993), pp. 144-63; and Sigrid Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler, die;4eutscbe Mutter und ihr erstes Kind: Über zwei NS-Erziehungsbücher (Gies-sen:;Psychosozial-Verlag, 2000). Contrast Schultz, Geschlecht-Liebe-Ehe, pp. 62-66, 81.
100. Johannes H. Schultz, "Nervöse Sexualstörungen und ihre Behandlung in der/: allgemeinen Praxis," Therapie der Gegenwart: Medizinisch-chirurgische Rundschau für praktische Ärzte 78 (June 1937), pp. 252-55.
101. Schultz, Geschlecht-Liebe-Ehe, pp. 47, 74, 77, 82-83.
102. Notably, a recent dissertation on sexuality research under Nazism found thätsträtegies for achieving female orgasm were more openly discussed by doctors in ie Third Reich than in 1950s West Germany. See Marc Dupont, "Sexualwissenschaft im 'Dritten Reich': Eine Inhaltsanalyse medizinischer Zeitschriften" (Ph.D. diss., Johann Wolfgang Goethe-University, Frankfurt am Main, 1998), pp. 29-42; Dupont observed as well that Nazi medical professionals concerned with sex felt quite free to cite "Jewish sexologists" like Magnus Hirschfeld or Sigmund Freud, and he documented Nazi physicians' recommendations for clitoral and anal: stimulation,
103. O. Albrecht, "Ars amandi in matrimonio," Wiener klinische Wochenschrift 55, no. 22 (1942), pp. 423, 425-26. German readers were also treated to translations of English-language essays on sex. Thus, for example, in 1938 Ger-man readers could learn what one Frederick Harris, late editor in chief of the official newspaper of the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA), had thought about "sexual adjustment" in marriage. According to Harris, "complete mutuality" was the goal; "both should reach the climax that is absolutely neces-sary for spiritual and bodily well-being." Castigating those husbands that did not even know whether their wives had ever had an orgasm, and admitting that he was well aware of "the difficulty," Harris nonetheless reminded readers that "We talk about nature as the proper guide. But the kind of sexual intercourse of which I have spoken is by no means 'natural.' It is as unnatural as streetcars or a Beetho-ven symphony. It is the result of human patience, intelligence, skill.. .. Mutuality in sexual relationships is an artistic achievement, and artistic achievements don't just happen." Frederick Harris, "Sexuelle Beziehungen in der Ehe," Die Auslese (Berlin) 12 (Feb. 1938), pp. 156-59. The essay had first appeared in the Reader's Digest in 1937.
:?;: 104. Schultz, Geschlecht-Liebe-Ehe, p. 113; "Frauen sind keine Männer!" DSK, 12 Mar. 1936, p. 1.
105. Within a few years of its founding, 500,000 copies a week were being printed; by 1944 the total was more than 750,000. See Norbert Frei and Johannes Schmitz, Journalismus im Dritten Reich (Munich: Beck, 1989), pp. 71, 101-4; and William 1. Combs, The Voice of the SS: A History of the SS Journal "Das Schiparze Korps" (New York: Peter Lang, 1986). By the paper's own report,^-though it was very much a "men's paper," "hundreds of thousands of women" read it as well, and the paper repeatedly opened its pages to female columnists. Editorial note to "Wie eine Frau es sieht," DSK, 13 July 1944, p. 4. See also the detailed discussion of Das Schwarze Korps' rhetorical strategies in Claudia
284   •  Notes to Pages 33-35
Koonz, The Nazi Conscience (Cambridge, MA: Belknap at Harvard Univ. Press.■> 2003), pp. 238-52.
106. For example, see "Es gibt keine katholische Fruchtbarkeit," DSK, 24 Oct; 1935, p. 9; and «Witzecke für Schwachsinnige," DSK, 14 Nov. 1935, p. 17.
107. "Anstössig?" DSK, 16 Apr. 1936, p. 13.
108. Hans Lüdemann, "Neues Stadium der Frauenbewegung?" DSK, 19 June:; 1935, p. 10. Lüdemann is criticizing Marie Joachimi-Dege's essay in Will "Vesper's:;■. Journal Neue Literatur. For another Statement from this time about ancient "Ger-/. manic" customs with respect to sex—among other things advancing the notion.-, that among these ancient peoples "fidelity" was a racial concept (not just male but also female fidelity was above all owed to the purity of "the Nordic race" and; had nothing to do with sexual fidelity per se, which was not especially honored)— see R. Walther Darre, Das Bauerntum als Lebensquell der Nordischen Rasse (Munich: J. F. Lehmanns, 1935), pp. 384-85. A similar view on the complete disinter- . est in female virginity demonstrated by the "old Germanic" peoples—in contrast:; to the Christian preoccupation with it—is reported in Duck, "Virginität und Ehe,";, p. 302.
109. "... Unzucht in der Soldatenzeit," DSK, 5 March 1936, p. 6.
110. "Homosexualität—keine Erbkrankheit," p. 663. (While this author was;, convinced that "it is not justified to label an immature boy a homosexual on the;: basis of a few incidents of this sort," because the whole goal was to "return" such" a young man to "normal sexual sensibility," he was quite concerned that if the;:■ "mostly Jewish" sex experts in Weimar had had their way, the result would have:: been "appalling" and homosexuality could have become a "mass phenomenon.") ; For another elaboration of the idea that orientation was fluid in many young men,., that only a minority were truly "sick," and that men could "step by step" be.: awakened to "love for the other sex," see Haug, "Die Sexuelle Frage in der Seel-; sorge," p. 609.
111. Fritz Mohr, "Einige Betrachtungen über Wesen, Entstehung und Behandlung der Homosexualität," Zentralblatt für Psychotherapie 15 (1943), pp. 1,13:
112. See the important discussions in Peter von Rönn, "Politische und psy-; chiatrische Homosexualitätskonstruktionen im NS-Staat," part 2: "Die soziale: Genese der Homosexualität als defizitäre HeteroSexualität," Zeitschrift für Sexu-alforschung 11, no. 3 (Sept. 1998); and Jellonek and Lautmann, National-^ sozialistischer Terror gegen Homosexuelle.
113. Schultz's comments were printed in the Zentralblatt für Psychotherapie ■ 12{1940},p.ll3, quoted in Ulrich Schultz, "Autogenes Training und Gleichschal-> tung aller Sinne," Die Tageszeitung, 20 June 1984. In the 1990s, some psychiatrists and psychologists still defended Schultz as "apolitical." See "Bluthaftes Ver-; ständnis," Der Spiegel, 27 June 1994, pp. 183-86.
114. Johannes H. Schultz quoted in "Bluthaftes Verständnis," p. 185; and in;, U. Schultz, "Autogenes Training." The expose of J. H. Schultz's role in the Third;. Reich that appeared in Der Spiegel in 1994 seems largely to have been based oni: the pioneering polemic by Ulrich Schultz (now Schultz-Venrath, no relation to the/ Nazi Schultz) that was published in Die Tageszeitung in 1984; Schultz-Venrath; built on the important foundational research done by Regine Lockot in her disser-i tation, which was published as Erinnern und Durcharbeiten: Zur Geschichte der:
Notes to Pages 35-36   • 285
Psychoanalyse und Psychotherapie im Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt am Main, L985). For J. H. Schultz's'own presentation of the homoerotic stage in adolescence and of his notion that fully "four-fifths" of all self-presenting homosexuals were really not constitutionally homosexual but rather had acquired homosexuality due to a developmental disturbance or a kind of (curable) fetishism, see his Ge-schlecht-Liebe-Ehe, pp. 56, 96-97, 103-4. Here he claims that the Goring Institute could take credit for the successful cure of "several hundred of these severely sickpeople" (p. 104).
115. See "... Unzucht in der Soldatenzeit," p. 6; and "Frauen sind keine Männer!" DSK, 12 March 1936, p. 1. For further comments on the prevalence of "lapses in puberty" {Pubertätsentgleisungen}—that is, homosexual incidents among youth—see Tetzlaff, "Homosexualität und Jugend," p. 9; and "Homosexualität—keine Erbkrankheit," p. 663. For a fuller elaboration of the notions both that homosexual activity could be a natural precursor to heterosexuality and that homosexuality represented a flight from, or inhibited capacity for, heterosexuality, see Ritter, Die geschlechtliche Frage, pp. 235, 238, 241.
116. "Was sag ich meinem Kinde?" DSK, 15 Apr. 1937, p. 6.
117. "Das sind Staatsfeinde!" DSK, 4 Mar. 1937, pp. 1-2; and "Ächtung der Entarteten," DSK, 1 Apr. 1937, p. 11.
118. "Ist das Nacktkultur? Herr Stapel entrüstet sich!" DSK, 24 Apr. 1935, p. 12. The strategy of displaying images of nude women while chastising the Weimar-tra media for their sexual sensationalism was hardly restricted to Das Schwarze Korps. The same double maneuver can be found, for instance, in Karl Eiland, ■'Deutsche Frauenschönheit," Neues Volk 10, no. 9 (Sept. 1942).
119. For example, see "Ehestifter Staat," DSK, 26 Mar. 1936, p. 11; "Kinder— •lusserhalb der Gemeinschaft?" DSK, 9 Apr. 1936, p. 5; "Das uneheliche Kind," DSK, 9 Apr. 1936, p. 6; and "Mütterheim Steinhöring," p. 13.
120. "Frauen sind keine Männer!" p. 1.
121. For a fascinating analysis of the racial implications of nudism in Weimar and Nazi Germany (a phenomenon that also repeatedly challenges our contemporary assumptions about what might constitute eroticization or deeroticization), see Chad Ross, "Building a Better Body: Nudism, Society, Race and the German Nation, 1890-1950" (Ph.D. diss., University of Missouri, 2003). See also the discussion of the regime's reversal of its initial resistance to the nudist movement in Matthew Jefferies, "Naturism, Nudity, and the Nazis," Gennan History 23, no. 4(2005).
122. Aside from landscapes, no subject was more frequendy painted in the Third Reich than female nudes. See Berthold Hinz, Die Malerei im deutschen Faschismus (Munich: Hanser, 1974), p. 87; Christian Gross and Uwe Grossmarin, "Die Darstellung der Frau," in Kunst im Dritten Reich: Dokumente der Unterwerfung, ed. Georg Bussmann (Frankfurt am Main; Frankfurter Kunstverein, 1974), p. 182; and Wenk, "Hin-weg-sehen," p. 21. On sculpture, see Klaus Wolbert, Die Nackten und die Toten des "Dritten Reiches" (Giessen: Anabas, 1982). As Wolbert observed in the 1980s, "the Nazi sculptors pretty much exclusively—leaving aside for the moment eagles, lions, and horses—produced figures of naked women and men. Wherever one looked in the Third Reich, all architectural areas built or planned for state-representative purposes were covered by naked figures; in city
286   •   Notes to Pages 36-44
squares, at fountains, at memorials, monuments, or state buildings stood—usuallv cast in bronze, less frequently chiseled from stone—nudes, generally of remarkable size." Photos of statues of female nudes were circulated nationwide on postcards and in newspapers, and photos of both paintings and statues of female nudt"> were frequent features also of periodicals designed for Wehrmacht soldiers. See        JI Klaus Wolbert, "Die figurative NS-Plastik," in Faszination und Gewalt: Zur politischen Ästhetik des Nationalsozialismus, ed. Bernd Ogan and Wolfgang W. Weiss (Nürnberg: Tümmels, 1992); and Silke Wenk, "Aufgerichtete weibliche Körper: ;\\ Zur allegorischen Skulptur im deutschen Faschismus," in Inszenierung der Macht—Ästhetische Faszination im Faschismus, ed. Klaus Behnken and Frank Wagner (Berlin: NGBK, 1987}. On the postwar mainstream and leftist media's I, repetition compulsion in declaring that Nazi art was "not true art" or "complete kitsch" or "justifiably forgotten" while simultaneously reprinting some of tht most titillating samples of that art, see Wenk, "Hin-weg-sehen." The effect of both the mainstream and alternative press strategies, Wenk proposed, was to allow the (mostly male) commentators to engage in a practice of "looking-away-ar"' (Hin~weg-sehen), that is, they were able to enjoy the voyeuristic pleasures of gazing at attractive and well-proportioned nude women while distancing themselves;:; from those same nudes by declaring them to be both politically contaminated and bad art.
123. See "NS-Kunst—Ende der Berührungsangst," Der Spiegel, 12 Aug. 1974, pp. 86-88.
124. "Schön und Rein," and "Geschäft ohne Scham," DSK, 20 Oct. 1938, pp. 10 and 12.
125. "Sie Meinen: Apart und lustig," Frauenwarte 8, no. 16 (Feb. 1940).
126. See Hartmut Lehmann, "Hitlers protestantische Wähler," in IVoff-stantische Weltsichten: Transformationen seit dem 17. Jahrhundert (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1998), pp. 136-39.
127. Guenter Lewy, "Pius XII, the Jews, and the German Catholic Church," in Ericksen and Heschel, Betrayal, p. 130. On the compatibility of Nazism and Catholicism already before 1933, see also Derek Hastings, "How 'Catholic' Was the Early Nazi Movement? Religion, Race, and Culture in Munich, 1919-1924." Central European History 36, no. 3 (2003).
128. Susannah Heschel, "When Jesus Was an Aryan: The Protestant Church:, and Antisemitic Propaganda," in Ericksen and Heschel, Betrayal, p. 81.
129. Walter Ktinneth, Walter Michaelis, and Gerhard Kittel paraphrased and quoted in Besier, "Kirche und NS-Rassenpolitik," in Die Kirchen und das Driilt-Reich, pp. 810-11.
130. See Steigmann-Gall, The Holy Reich, pp. 10,13-50.
131. Joseph Lortz, Katholischer Zugang zum Nationalsozialismus, Reich und Kirche, vol. 2 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1933), pp. 9-10.
132. Sellmann quoted in Hans-Georg Stümke, Homosexuelle in Deutschland: Eine politische Geschichte (Munich: Beck, 1989), p. 92.
133. See Roos, "Backlash," pp. 81-83; and Jefferies, "Naturism, Nudity, and |; the Nazis." - ~y f
134. Kirche im Volk: Monatsschrift für die katholische Pfarrgemeinde, Jan. ', 1934, p. 31, quoted in Joachim Braun, "Lustprinzip und Sexualität in der Wahr-
Notes to Pages 44-46   • 287
nehmung der Nationalsozialisten" (Diplomarbeit, Freie Universität Berlin, 1991), p. 107.
135. "Der frische Zug im neuen Staat," Volkswart 26 (1933), pp. 170-71, quoted in Roos, "Backlash," p. 83. Roos argues persuasively that the early Nazi
■self-presentation as intent on cleaning up the sexual landscape of Germany was directly motivated by the party's effort to reverse the German Catholic leadership's initial skepticism and hostility toward Nazism (p. 81).
136. Weinrich, "Randbemerkungen zum Ehe-Problem," pp. 274-75, 278.
, 137. See John Connelly, "Catholic Opponents of Nazism and the Jewish Question: Vienna in the 1930s" (paper presented at the conference of the American Historical Association, 9 Jan. 2004); the quotations from Muckermann are from his Volkstum, Staat und Nation eugenisch gesehen (Essen: Fredebeul und Koenen, 1933). .
138. Hermann Muckermann, Grundriss der Rassenkunde, 2nd ed. (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1935), p. 122.
139. Weisses Kreuz, 15 Apr. 1935, pp. 20-22, quoted in Braun, "Lustprinzip,"
p.m.
140. Archbishop of Freiburg in Kirche im Volk: Monatsschrift für die katholische Pfarrgemeinde, Mar. 1935, no page, quoted in Braun, "Lustprinzip," p. 110. For an indication of the (situational but also self-imposed) constraints that kept the highest-ranking church leaders from attacking the regime's encouragements to extramarital sex more directly, see in this context also Walter Brockman, "Illegitimacy in Germany," Current History 46, no. 4 (July 1937), p. 70.
141. Ehwalt, Eheleben und Ehescheidung, p. 16. Also see the discussion of Ehwalt's views in "Ausverkauf der Liebe," DSK, 1 Apr. 1937, p. 6.
142. See Franz Gillmann, "Zur christlichen Ehelehre," Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht 116 (1936), p. 92.
143. Renate Schrrdd, "Zum Problem der geschlechtlichen Erziehung: Betrachtungen einer Mutter," Zeitwende 13 (1936-37), p. 45.
' 144. The story is reported in "Anstössig?" p, 14.
145. The story is reported in "Was ist schamloser?" DSK, 20 Jan. 1938, p. 8.
146. Ernst Krupka's remarks in Der Weg zum Ziel, no. 18 (1935), quoted and discussed in "Pikanterien im Beichtstuhl," DSK, 26 June 1935, p. 5. For a moving and telling testimonial to the kind of mental compartmentalization and single-minded focus on freedom for Christian witness that could permit a Christian missionary to believe as late as 1937 that Hitler and the SA were supportive of Christian values, while simultaneously being repelled by the overt anti-Christianity and
v. "inhumane, murderous tendencies" of the SS, see Ernst Krupka's reminiscences in Maria-Luise Krupka, ed., Lebensauftrag: Evangelist. Ernst Krupka, Seinleben und Sein Wirken (Bad Liebenzell: Verlag der Liebenzeller Mission, 1986), pp. 62-63.
, 147. See "Ist das schon 'Das Wunder des Lebens? Grundsätzliche Betrachtung zur Ausstellung am Kaiserdamm,"' Katholisches Kirchenblatt (Berlin), 31 March 1935, p. 10, as well as the ferocious critique of this essay and effusive defense of the exhibit in "Offene Antwort auf eine katholische Kritik," DSK, 17 Apr. 1935, pp. 1-2. Among other things, Das Schwarze Korps described the photographs of the handicapped as a "train of horror," photographs of the "hereditarily less
288   •   Notes to Pages 46-47
Notes to Pages 47-49   • 289
valuable, whose fathers unfortunately were not sterilized in time," and Das/ Scbwarze Korps challenged the Katholisches Kirchenblatt whether it really be-: lieved "that these figures of horror represent the will of the Creator?" Playing on anxiety and confusion about disability formed a major element in Das Schwarze:] Korps's campaign to drive a wedge between Germans and the Christian faith. By: 1937 Das Schwarze Korps was advocating not just sterilization but also euthana;v: sia. Not coincidentally, the tactic used was to criticize Christianity for cruelly en^: dorsing pain and suffering. Das Scbwarze Korps printed a letter purportedly writ-;', ten by a father of nine children, eight of whom were vibrantly healthy, one of whom was severely disabled and had lived in excruciating agony for a decade; before dying. As the father wrote, "Which love is.greater: that which let the little-child suffer ten long years, let it suffer without pity, or that which would have: saved it from its undeserved agonies through a quick death?" The father was;; especially angry about what his erstwhile pastor had said: " 'It's a pity, it's a pity,':: he said when he saw the little child, 'but,' he added smiling, 'there you also have-; something to remindyou of God.' " With great bitterness and sarcasm, the father-: remarked on this and other Christian counsels to accept suffering as God's will:: "Really, that's a nice God . .. you've got!" See "Was ist 'humaner'?" DSK, 1 Apr.;; 1937, p. 13.
148. Schmid, "Zum Problem der geschlechtlichen Erziehung," p. 40.
149. Klerusblatt, quoted in Beth A. Griech-Polelle, Bishop von Galen: German Catholicism and National Socialism (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2002), p. 110; Martin Rade in Christliche Welt, 1 Nov. 1935, quoted in Gerlach, Als die Zeugenl schwiegen, p. 161.
150. Conversation with R. W., 2004, This memory of an individual (who had;, connections to those members of the Confessing Church who risked themselves tp; care for "non-Aryan" Christians), is in keeping with the historical record. While courageous individual Protestant theologians and activist laypeople (e.g., Dietrich; Bonhoeffer, Karl Barth, Rudolf Bultmann, Marga Meusel, Elisabeth Schmitz,;: Martin and Marianne Albertz, Ernst Lohmeyer, Wilhelm Freiherr von Pechmann,; Gerhard Jasper) took stands on their own, they were unable to move the church's;; official organizations to make public pronouncements in defense of Germany's; 500,000 Jews or even in clear defense of the approximately 116,000 Christians; of Jewish heritage (90,000 of which were Protestant, the rest Catholic). On disputes in the Protestant Church over whether or how to take a public stand on; Nazi abuse of Jews, see Besier, "Kirche undNS-Rassenpolitik," pp. 809-14, 827; 843-49; and Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte, 4:798-809. The anti-Nazi Confessing Church did not take a formal public stand against Nazi antisemitism:: either, despite a few of its members' efforts. On the contrary, some leading mem*; bers of the Confessing Church—as a police report of the time noted—even "fundamentally affirmed the stance of the state on the Jewish question." Bielefeld police report to Berlin Gestapo office, 4 Sep. 1935, quoted in Klee, "Die SA Jesu Christi,"■ p. 123; see also more generally Klee's discussion, pp. 121-26; as well as Gerlach, Als die Zeugen schwiegen, pp. 152-59; Barnett, For the Soul of the People, pp. 122-54; and Manfred Gailus, Protestantismus und Nationalsozialismus (Co-, logne: Bohlau, 2001). See also the retrospective remarks of theologian Eberhard Bethge: "We were against Hitler's church policy, but at the same time we were
atitiSemites." Bethge interviewed in The Restless Conscience (1993, dir. Hava Kohav Beller).
§|151. Erwin v. Kienitz, "Katholische Sexualkasuistik und Sexualmoral," Schönere Zukunft 11, nos. 12-13 (24 Dec. 1935), p. 310. f$S2- Laros, Die Beziehungen der Geschlechter, pp. 11-12, 15, 34, 70, 166-67. Laros both described the hedonistic culture in the Germany of his day as an especially dangerous form of "Americanism" (Amerikanismus) and tried to use the Nazis' own concepts against Nazi sexual mores, insisting that "ur-Aryan inheritance" and the "original source of Germanic essence" were in the process of being ruined (pp. 20, 24).
||L53. Wilhelm Stapel, '"Neuheidentum.' Ein Brief und eine Antwort," Deutsches Volkstum: Monatsschrift für das deutsche Geistesleben, Apr. 1935, p. 293: and see "Ist das Nacktkultur?" p. 12.
|pE54. Wilhelm Stapel, "Aphoristisches zur Judenfrage," in Das neue Deutschend'und die Judenfrage, ed. Gottfried Feder et al. (Leipzig: Rüdiger, 1933), pl72.
!|155. Wilhelm Stapel, Die literarische Vorherrschaft der Juden in Deutschland 1918 bis 1933 (Hamburg: Hanseatische Verlagsanstalt, 1937). |p;l56. See the extended discussion in Adolf Köberle, "Unter den Studenten," in Christus lebt! Ein Buch von fruchtbarem Dienst in Lehre und Leben, ed. Hans Dannenbaum (Berlin: Furche, 1939), pp. 325-26.
||L57. Adolf Allwohn, "Zu unseren Beiträgen," Seelsorge (Dresden) 15 (1939), iSS7.
158. See "Geschlechtliche Erziehung und paulinischer Geist," Katholisches Kirchenhlatl (Berlin), 14 Apr. 1935, p. 13; the neopagan essay criticized and quoted by the Katholisches Kirchenblatt appeared in Flammenzeichen, 6 Apr. 1935.
§;;l59. Thus, for instance, Catholic priest Laros in 1936 complained both of "the fairy-tale of the body-hostility of Christianity" and of how "most people smile andfflock Christianity." Laros, Die Beziehungen der Geschlechter, pp. 27,96. See on this point as well the Catholic publicist and historian Friedrich Heer's cutting retrospective observation that Christians themselves were to blame for the lacunae in their moral texts with respect not only to such themes as "global responsibility," "brotherliness" and "humanism," but also specifically "love" and "sex" [Sexus); "Whoever looks into the theological tracts, into the handbooks of moral theology, ... will become aware of a huge gaping space that Hitler—without resistance, indeed not infrequently invited by the theologians themselves—could occupy." Heer quoted in Werner Reichelt, Das braune Evangelium: Hitler und die NS~ Liturgie (Wuppertal: Hammer, 1990), p. 170. See also the thoughtful reflections in James Bernauer, S.J., "An Ethic and Moral Formation That Are Repentant: Catholicism's Emerging Post-Shoah Tradition—The Case of the Jesuits" (paper presented at the conference "Remembering for the Future: The Holocaust in the Age of Genocide," Oxford and London, 16-23 July 2000). Bernauer meditates on "how Nazism successfully exploited a strong religious alienation from the body and, thus, Christianity's estrangement from its own incarnational tradition." Bernauer goes on to say that "In that endless searching after the reasons for why the Jews were so victimized by the Nazis, for why so many collaborated
290   •  Notes to Pages 49-52
Notes to Pages 52-56   • 291
in their murder, and especially for why so many stood aside and failed to do what could have been done, I propose that this issue of sexuality gives an essential answer. Before the Jews were murdered, before they were turned away from as not being one's concern, the Jew had already been defined as spiritless, on the one hand, and sexually possessed, erotically charged on the other hand." I thank John Connelly for calling Bernauer's paper to my attention.
160. Haug, "Die sexuelle Frage in der Seelsorge," pp. 542, 609, 614.
161. Theodor Biiewies, "Mädchen in Not: Eine Fragestellung zur geschlechtlichen Aufklärung," Der Seekorger 14 (1938), p. 212.
162. Hermann A. Krose, S.J., "Die Ursachen der neuzeitlichen Ehezerrüttung," Stimmen der Zeit 133 (1937-38),p. 364. This is a review of Roderich von Ungern-Sternberg's Die Ursachen der neuzeitlichen Ehezerrüttung (Berlin: Georg Stilke, 1937). Ungern-Sternberg defended premarital sex, as he also made a case for the close interrelationship between the decline of religiosity and loosening sexual mores.
163. A. Eberle, "Über die Versuchung," Theologisch-praktische Quartalschrift 94 (1941), p. 232.
164. Van Acken, "Prüderie—Distanzhalten," pp. 73-74, 77-79.
165. Himmler quoted in Felix Kersten, The Kersten Memoirs, 1940-1945 (London: Hutchinson, 1956), p. 177.
166. Himmler order reprinted in Josef Ackermann, Heinrich Himmler als Ideologe (Göttingen: Musterschmidt, 1970), between pp. 240 and 241.
167. See Kersten, The Kersten Memoirs, pp. 176, 179.
168. Hitler, 23 Apr. 1942, quoted in Henry Picker, Tischgespräche im Führerhauptquartier, 1941-42, ed. Gerhard Ritter (Bonn: Athenäum, 1951), pp. 301-2. According to Picker, Hitler said that Christianity "kills joy in that which is beautiful." In this respect, "a certain Protestant philistinism is even worse than the Catholic Church"—for the Catholic Church at least permitted the faithful to sin during carnival. Hitler, 1 Dec. 1941, in ibid., p. 347. Both Picker's compilation of Hitler's daily remarks and the compilation by Hermann Rauschning have recently come under attack by scholars as being potentially inaccurate; no one, however, has challenged the representation of Hitler's views on sex. See (on Picker) Richard C. Carrier, "Hitler's Table Talk: Troubling Finds," German Studies Review 27, no. 3 (Oct. 2003); and (on Rauschning) Steigmann-Gall, The Holy Reich,
169. Hitler quoted in George W. Herald, "Sex Is a Nazi Weapon," American Mercury 54, no. 222 (June 1942), pp. 656-65. Herald's source is Rauschning.
170. See Marianne Regensburger and Klaus Scholder, 30 Jahre Deutschland und die Kirche (Munich: Chr. Kaiser Verlag, 1964), pp. 52-53.
171. Endres quoted in Herald, "Sex Is a Nazi Weapon," p. 661.
172. Just as more sexually conservative Nazi moralists had done before him, so too did Rost try to blame Jews for non-Jews' interest in sex. Rost argued that;..' despite the "gratifying progressive development" initiated in 1933 one could notj: of course, expect such a habit-forming belief that "everything that is pleasing is permitted" would be overcome overnight. See Rost, "Sexuelle Probleme," pp. ; 218-20.
173. See "Das Eherecht in der neuen Gesetzgebung," Die deutsche Frau (sup-; < plement to the Völkischer Beobachter), 12 Feb. 1939. See also Burleigh, The Third: Reich, p. 231; Frevert, Women in German History, pp. 236-37; and Stephenson,
ism 111
Women, p. 29. While Frevert notes that the Weimar women's movement had (in vain) fought for a liberalization of divorce laws, other scholars emphasize the disproportionately deleterious effects of the new legislation on women.' See Thilo Ramm, "Eherecht und Nationalsozialismus," in Klassenjustiz und Fluralismus: Feitschrift für-Ernst Frankel, ed. Günter Doeker and Winfried Steffani (Hamburg: Hoff mann und Campe, 1973), pp. 158-59; and Norbert Westenrieder, "Deutsche Fräfaen -und Mädchen'.": Vom Alltagsleben 1933-1945 (Düsseldorf: Droste, 1984), p. 32. Notably, the new legislation was also used to pressure non-Jews living in mixed marriages to divorce their spouses (and thereby facilitate their deportation and murder). See Marion Kaplan, Between Dignity and Despair: Jewish Life in Nazi Germany (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1998), p. 89, In this context see also a classic example of the kind of pseudoscholarship produced under Nazism: a legal expert's call for greater empathy for those "German-bloöded" spouses in mixed marriages who had been reluctant to divorce their Jewish partners "as a consequence of their entanglement in Jewish thought patterns" but who now should be encouraged to proceed with divorce in view of their "in the meantime matured recognition of their völkisch obligations." Werner Klemm, "Die Lösung deutsch-jüdischer Mischehen," Deutsches Recht 9 (1939), p. 1899. Another indicative essay discussing the ramifications of the new divorce law for Jews—replete with remarks about the biologically determined psychologi-cal instability' of "mixed-race" offspring—and for those with mental illness in the family is Konrad Ernst, "Psychiatrisch Wichtiges im Neuen Ehegesetz," Klinische Wochenschrift 18, no. 44 (4 Nov. 1939), pp. 1405-8.
174. Sec Rudolf Paulsen, "Ein Kapitel über die Ehe," Die deutsche Frau, 7 June .1933, p. 2; "Ehe und Persönlichkeit," Die deutsche Frau, 27, 28, 29 May 1939: and the discussion in Hannelore Kessler, "Die deutsche Frau": Nationalsozialistische Frauenpropaganda im "Völkischen Beobachter" (Cologne: Pahl-Ru-genstein, 1981), pp. 52-53 and 88-89.
175. See Walter Menzel, "Ehebruch und ehewidriges Verhalten als Dienststraf-vefgehen," Wirtschaft und Recht 9, no. 6 (15 June 1942), pp. 61-62. (This was a supplement to Der Deutsche Erzieher, the official journal for schoolteachers.)
176. All quotations from Karlheinz Deschner, "Krieg und Kirche," Konkret, Jan. 1963, pp. 8-9.
177. Bishops' telegram quoted in Regensburger and Scholder, 30 Jahre, p. 52. Marahrens quoted in Deschner, "Krieg und Kirche," p. 9. Burleigh, The Third Reich, p. 724.
Prayer quoted and discussed in Regensburger and Scholder, 30 Jahre, pp.
178.
179.
180. 54-55.
181.
182.
183.
Conversation with R. S., 1999. Conversation with G.-L. L., 2000.
See Saul Friedländer, "The Wehrmacht, German Society, and the Knowledge of the Mass Extermination of the Jews," in Crimes of War: Guilt and Denial in the Twentieth Century, ed. Omer Bartov, Atina Grossmann, and Mary Nolan (New York: New Press, 2002), pp. 24-28. As Friedländer observes (in noting also that the NSDAP's Winter Aid program and the "Jew markets" (Judenmärkte) in large cities, respectively, distributed for free or sold the personal belongings of murdered Jews "at dirt-cheap prices . . . often without the original tags having been removed")*. "Whether under these circumstances one can speak of the nor-
292   •  Notes to Pages 56-58
Notes to Pages 58-59   • 293
mality of everyday life under National Socialism is a moot question. Differently1 put, the everyday involvement of the population with the regime was far deeper than has long been assumed, due to the widespread knowledge and the passive1 acceptance of the crimes, as well as the crassest profit derived from them. A massive repression of knowledge, if it existed at all, took place after 1945, and probably much less so beforehand" (pp. 27-28). For an autobiographical statement testifying to having knowledge of the mass murder of jews before 1945 and "losing" that knowledge afterward, see Ursula von Kardorff, "Zeit der Feigheit, Zeit der Gewalt: Beim Durchblättern eines Tagebuches," Konkret, Feb. 1964, p. 7.
184. The literature on these subjects is vast, even as there is still far more research that needs to be done. The best scholarship includes Angelika Ebbinghaus et al., eds., Heilen und Vernichten im Mustergau Hamburg: Bevölkerungs- üntt} Gesundheitspolitik im Dritten Reich (Hamburg: Konkret Literatur Verlag, 1984); Gisela Bock, Zwangssterilisation im Nationalsozialismus: Studien zur Rassenpolitik und Frauenpolitik (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1986); Gabriele Czarnowski. Das kontrollierte Paar: Ehe- und Sexualpolitik im Nationalsozialismus iWein-heim: Deutscher Studien Verlag, 1991); Kaplan, Between Dignity and Despair; Müller and Sternweiler, Homosexuelle Männer im KZ Sachsenhausen; Pretzel and Rossbach, Wegen der zu erwartenden hohen Strafe; Christa Schikorra, Kontinui-. täten der Ausgrenzung: "Asoziale" Häftlinge im Frauen-Konzentrationslager Ra-vensbrück (Berlin: Metropol, 2001); Patricia Szobar, "Telling Sexual Stories in the Nazi Courts of Law: Race Defilement in Germany, 1933 to 1945," Journal of: the History of Sexuality 11, nos. 1-2 (Jan.-Apr. 2002); Jellonek and Lautmanrij: Nationalsozialistischer Terror gegen Homosexuelle. For an excellent critical sur-vey of much of this scholarship, see Heineman, "Sexuality and Nazism."
185. For a thoughtful elaboration on these issues with respect to World War I, the first "total war," see Elizabeth Domansky, "Militarization and Reproduction in World War I Germany," in Society, Culture and the State in Germany, 1H70-1930, ed. Geoff Eley (Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1996), pp. 427-63.
186. See the chapters "Die Verrohung greift um sich" and "Grausamkeit und Sadismus als Kriegsprodukt" in Magnus Hirschfeld and Andreas Caspar, eds.* Sittengeschichte des Ersten Weltkrieges, 2nd ed. (Hanau: Verlag Karl Schustek^; 1966), pp. 463-518. The first edition was completed in 1929 and based on the: collaborative work of an international panel of physicians and scholars.
187. See Bartov et al., Crimes of War; and Haxraes Heer and Klaus Naumann, eds., Vernichtungskrieg: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941-1944 (Hamburgs Hamburger Edition, 1995).
188. "Practically necrophiliac" is Omer Bartov's term for the incidents he; discovered in military archives; Ulrich Herbert found similar incidents in the. course of his research. Conversations with Bartov, 1998, and Herbert, 2001. On; rapes in the killing fields, see Birgit Beck, "Vergewaltigung von Frauen als Kriegs-Strategie im Zweiten Weltkrieg?" in Gewalt im Krieg: Ausübung, Erfahrung und Verweigerung von Gewalt in Kriegen des 20. Jahrhunderts, ed. Andreas Gestrich (Münster: Lit, 1996), pp. 34-50; and Doris Bergen, "Sexual Violence in the Holocaust: Unique and Typical?" in Lessons and Legacies VII: The Holocaust in Intet-, national Perspective, ed. Dagmar Herzog (Evanston, IL: Northwestern Univ.i Press, forthcoming). On sadism in the ghettos and camps, see Lengyel, "Scientific
Experiments": Joan Ringelheim, "Women and the Holocaust: A Reconsideration of Research," in Rittner and Roth, Different Voices; Andreas Gaspar et al, eds., Sittengeschichte des Zweiten Weltkrieges: Die tausend Jahre von 1933-1945 (Hanau am Main: Schustek, 1968); Vera Laska, ed., Women in the Resistance and in the Holocaust: The Voices of Eyewitnesses (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1983); Heinz Heger, The Men with the Pink Triangle (Boston: Alyson, 1980); and Wolf-gang Sofsky, The Order of the Terror: The Concentration Camp (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1997). On how "fond of promiscuity" and of "drinking and whoremongering" were the SS officers and guards working in that "paradise of shirkers," the concentration camps, see Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell: The German Concentration Camps and the System behind Them (New York: Berkley Medallion, 1968), pp. 285-86. On sexual licentiousness among perpetrators who killed the handicapped, see Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Pinal Solution (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 193-94, 237.
189.. Letter from Obersturmführer Karl Kretschmer in Kursk to his wife and children, 15 Oct. 1942, reprinted in "The Good Old Days": The Holocaust as Seen by Its Perpetrators and Bystanders, ed. Ernst Klee et al. (New York: Free Press, 1991), pp. 167-68. Earlier letters to his wife indicated that "the sight of die dead (including women and children) is not very cheering.. . . Here in Russia, wherever the German soldier is, no Jew remains," and "There is no room for pity of any kind. ... we are mopping up where necessary.. . . There are no Jews here any more" (Kretschmer letters, 27 Sept. 1942 and date unknown, pp. 163,165).
190. Nini Rascher's letter to Heinrich Himmler reprinted in Concentration Camp Dachau 1933-1945, ed. Barbara Distel and Ruth Jakusch (Brussels: Co-mite International de Dachau, 1978), p. 147. Note too that hundreds of wives and children of SS men stationed at Auschwitz lived there as well and that wives also visited husbands who were involved in the mass shootings of Jews on the eastern front. See Sybille Steinbacher, "Musterstadt" Auschwitz: Germanisierung-spoliiik und Judenmord in Ostoberschlesien (Munich: Saur, 2000), pp. 184-88; and Gudrun Schwarz, Eine Frau an seiner Seite: Ehefrauen in der "SS-Sippengemeinschaft" (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 1997).
191. Beck interviewed in the film Paragraph 175 (2000, dir. Rob Epstein and Jeffrey Friedman).
192. Conversation with B. W., 1999. See also the remark of Arthur Maria Ra-bsnalt, to the effect that sex under the bombing raids deserves a history of its own. Arthur Maria Rabenalt, Film im Zwielicht: Über den unpolitischen Film des Dritten Reiches und die Begrenzung des totalitären Anspruches (Munich: Co-press-Verlag, 1958; reprint, Hildesheim: Olms, 1978), p. 29.
193. Conversations with H. F., 1998, and R. P., 2002.
.194. : Conversation with A. D., 2003. See also Catrine Clay and Michael Leap-man, Master Race: The Lebensbom Experiment in Nazi Germany (London: Hod-der and Stoughton, 1995); Georg Lilienthal, Der "Lebensborn e.V." Ein Instrumentnationalsozialistischer Rassenpolitik (Stuttgart: Fischer, 1985). On the jokes, see Pini, Leibeskult und Liebeskitsch, pp. Ill, 327- See also how Das Schwarze Korps felt obliged to deny the rumors: "Nobody thinks of improving the race in a laboratory, as it were, and of 'pairing' humans with each other ac-
294   •  Notes to Pages 59-60
Notes to Pages 60-63   • 295
cording to some theory of producing 'Nordic supermen' progeny." " 'SS.-Voll-blut'?" DSK, 25 Mar. 1937, p. 12. Richard Grunberger does find some evidence of deliberate breeding via intercourse and not just artificial insemination. See his The 12-Year Reich: A Social History of Nazi Germany 1933-1945 (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971), pp. 246-47. For a different interpretation-— that the Nazi regime had not organized "Aryan" mating sessions in the Lebensborn homes but that there were German women who nonetheless volunteered themselves for such sessions—see Brückner, "Politik und Perversion."
195. For example (on parents), see Solon and Brandt, "Sex under the Swastika," p. 428; and Brockman, "Illegitimacy in Germany," pp. 67-69. Or, as one woman remembered decades later: "In my Hitler Youth generation, on the whole, piggish things [Schweinereien] were said about sex, decidedly piggish things. People did it [had sex] secretly, and for me that was repugnant and disgusting." Lothar Steinbach, Ein Volk, Ein Reich, Ein Glaube: Ehemalige Nationalsozialisten und Zeitzeugen berichten über ihr Leben im Dritten Reich (Berlin and Bonn: Dietz, 1983), p. 78.
196. For example, see the comments of Christa Meves in Margarete Dörr* "Wer die Zeit nicht miterlebt hat...": Frauenerfahrungen im Zweiten Weltkrieg und in den Jahren danach, vol. 2 (Kriegsalltag) (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 1998), p. 152.
197. See Birthe Kundrus, Kriegerfrauen: Familienpolitik und Geschlechtsverhältnisse im Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieg (Hamburg: Christians, 1995). Alread) by 1941 jurists and the regime were actively debating how to handle the prolifera tion of adulterous behavior on the home front of the wives of men enlisted in the Wehrmacht. For example, see Brinkmann, "Ehebruch und Beleidigung vom Standpunkt des Staatsanwalts aus betrachtet," Deutsches Recht 11, no. 38 (1941), pp. 1987-88.
198. Gudrun Schwarz, "Männer und Frauenmoral in der SS," paper presented at conference on "Moral im Nationalsozialismus," Institut für Sozialforschung. Hamburg, 4 June 2002. See the discussion in Harry Nutt, "Die Gewalt der Ehre-Moral im Nationalsozialismus—eine Hamburger Tagung," Frankfurter Rundschau, 11 July 2002.
199. See Maiwald and Mischler, Sexualität unter dem Hakenkreuz, pp. 141. 144_49; and Ebba Drolshagen, Nicht ungeschoren davongekommen: Das Schicksal der Frauen in den besetzten Ländern, die Wehrmachtssoldaten liebten (Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1998).
200. Military doctor Rost, for example, openly discussed the difficulties officers encountered convincing men that Nazi racial laws prohibited sex with women in the occupied nations. Potential sex partners, he admitted, were "of course easy ... to find, especially among the population of the occupied country," and th< men challenged their officers to let them have their fun with enemy civilians, repeatedly bantering—as Rost summarized it—"that the relations of the sexes an international law and therefore have nothing to do with the war." On the other hand, Rost also shared with his medical colleagues the news that in trying to convince military men to desist from sex with racially inappropriate civilians tlu tactic of mstking racist arguments (about "the dangerous fertility of the East and the growing black subversion from the West") was more effective than warning
them about the potential risks to their own health from venereal disease. Rost, Sexuelle Probleme."
201. See Pini, Leibeskult und Liebeskitsch, pp. 326, 353, 357.
202. Letter to the editor of Stern, quoted in Christoph Boyer and Hans Woller, '"Hat die deutsche Frau versagt?': Die 'neue Freiheit' der Frauen in der Trürnmer-/eit.1945-1949," Journal für Geschichte, no. 2 (1983), p. 36.
203. Conversation with E. I., 1994.
204. Memoirs of G. C.
205. Conversation with R. W., 2004. For further discussion of the climate encouraging extramarital (sometimes also nonconsensual) sex in the Reich Labor Service, see Brockman, "Illegitimacy in Germany," pp. 67-69.
206. All three quotations from Kundrus, "Forbidden Company: Romantic Relationships between Germans and Foreigners, 1939-1945," Journalofthe History of Sexuality 11, nos. 1-2 (Jan.-Apr. 2002), pp. 206-7, 210. On the sexual liberties taken on the home front during the war, see also Erich Kasberger, Heldinnen waren wir keine: Alltag in der NS-Zeit (Hamburg: Ernst Kabel, 1995), pp. 94-98.
;207.; On the relationship between these two different forms of taboo breaking, seealso Sophinette Becker, "Zur Funktion der Sexualität im Nationalsozialismus," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 14, no. 2 (June 2001).
208. For example, under the caption, "Contraception—Still a Stepchild in Germany," a medical journal announced in 1965: "Who could still be surprised that marital counseling in Germany, the enlightenment about planned conception, is still in its infancy? . . . Germany's reigning generation of medical professionals sail comes from the era in which maintaining the reproductive capacity of the (lerman woman was the most noble task, the thought of birth planning a heresy worthy of malediction and death. Whoever went through medical training between 1933 and 1945, was cut off from all information about these problems and thoroughly weaned of any mental confrontation with family planning." See "Die Antikonzeption—in Deutschland noch ein Stiefkind: Symposium der Pro Famiiia in;Berlin," Berliner Ärzteblatt 78, no. 2 (1965), pp. 73-74, 77. (Hans Harmsen, the head of the West German Pro Famiiia, an affiliate of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, not only endorsed Nazism but was responsible for coordinating the sterilization of handicapped individuals living during the Third Reich
, in;the institutions of the Protestant Church's Inner Mission.)
209. For example, the eminent sociologist Helmut Schelsky in his widely read 1955 book on the "sociology of sexuality" mentioned National Socialism in only one context. Obviously alluding to the avowedly homosexual leader of the SA, Ernst Röhm, and some of his associates, although not mentioning that Hitler had Röhm murdered in 1934, Schelsky noted: "The consciousness of being able to live beyond the bounds of the rules regulating the lives of ordinary citizens surely contributed to the maintenance of homosexual relations among the leading political mercenaries of the early National Socialist time of struggle, even if the formation of these relations can probably be traced to earlier social constellations like the isolation [from women] during the army time and wartime." Moreover, and :while Schelsky neither mentioned his own former Nazi Party affiliation, nor bothered to note that tens of thousands of homosexual men had been imprisoned and thousands murdered by the Nazis, Schelsky spent an entire chapter endorsing
296   •  Notes to Pages 63-64
ideas about homosexuality developed under Nazism. Relying especially on the work of his friend Hans Bürger-Prinz, a psychiatrist who had been instrumental in providing innovative social constructionist scholarly "legitimations" for the; expanded Nazi persecution of homosexuals, Schelsky "explained" what was wrong with homosexuals and why homosexuality could never be equalized with heterosexuality. Homosexuals, in Schelsky's view, could not be culture bearers at all. They could not, in truth, be real citizens; their level of personhood was simply not high enough. Homosexuals suffered from a "failure to build up a complete opposite-sex partner relationship." Homosexuals' "solipsism," this "staying with one's own body," "locks these individuals away from the start from the originary access to sociability." They never even reached the level of behavior at which sexual moral norms could be productively developed. They remained stuck at an "autistic" level, in a "sexuality only of pleasure-seeking." The idea that homophobic prejudice caused difficulties for homosexuals' acceptance in society reversed cause and effect, Schelsky thought. "The abnormals are not condemned to an outsider role only through some arbitrary norm-placement of society.... Rather, the normative verdict constitutes the assessment of a culture that these groups are not capable of reaching the higher states of being." See Helmut Schelsky, Soziologie der Sexualität: Über die Beziehungen zwischen Geschlecht, Moral und Gesellschaft (Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1955), pp. 62, 71-73, 82-83.
210. Conversations with R. G., 1997, and V. J., 1999.
211. Furthermore, in contrast to those who might dismiss all accounts of a; pro-sex Third Reich as based on an extrapolation from the "chaos" of the war and immediate postwar years, Rabenalt emphasized the opposite, saying that if it had had any effect on German sexual politics at all, World War II had brought with it the first hesitations about the overarching trend toward Eberalization, because of the concern that incidents of adultery on the home front, or even the: perception that they might be occurring, could be damaging to the Wehrmacht's morale. Rabenalt, Film im Zwielicht, pp. 26-29.
Chaptek Two
The Fragility of Heterosexuality
1. Johannes Leppich, "'Thema 1,"' in Pater Leppich Spricht: Journalisten hören den "roten" Pater, ed. Günther Mees and Günter Graf (Düsseldorf: Bastion*; 1952), p. 43.
2. For example, see Richard Gutzwiller, "Die Überwindung der sexuellen. Krise," in Gesundes Geschlechtsleben, ed. Franz Xavier von Hornstein and Adolf: Faller (Ölten: F. Pittet, 1950), p. 436; and Franz Hubalek, "Die Sexualnot unserer Tage," Der Seelsorger 2Q (1949-50), p. 276.
3. Walter Dittmann, "Die Krisis der Ehe: Die Ansicht des Geistlichen," Nord^-westdeutscbe Hefte 2, no. 10 (1947), p. 36. See also Franka Schneider, '"Einigkeit; im Unglück'? Berliner Eheberatungsstellen zwischen Ehekrise und Wiederauf-: bau," in Nachkrieg in Deutschland, ed. Klaus Naumann (Hamburg: Hamburger. Edition, 2000), pp. 206-26.
Notes to Pages 64-69   • 297
kA. Theodor Hartwig, Die Tragödie des Schlafzimmers: Beiträge zur Psycholo-gte.;der Ehe (Vienna: Rudolf Cerny, 1947); Gerhard Fechner, Die kranke Ehe (Hamburg: Grupe, 1949), p. 10. 5- Dr. K, "Was halten Sie vom Frauenüberschuss?" Liebe und Ehe 2, no. 2
(1950) , p. 12.
6. Hans Bürger-Prinz, "Über die männliche Sexualität," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 1, no. 2 (June—July 1950), pp. 108-10.
7. H. Schürmann, "Promiskuität—Zeichen der Zeit," Liebe und Ehe 3, no. 9
(1951) , p. 385.
8. Peter Schult, "Anarchy in Germany," in Keine Zeit für gute Freunde: Homosexuelle in Deutschland 1933-1969, ed. Joachim Hohmann (Berlin: Foerster, 1982), pp. 74-77.
■ 9. Erich Langer, "Die Bedeutung der Geschlechtskrankheiten," in Sexuelle Erziehung in Elternhaus und Schule, ed. Winfried Schimmel and Karl-Heinz Grothe (Berlin: Berliner Medizinische Verlagsanstalt, 1954), p. 153.
10. Placards quoted in ibid. See also Petra Goedde, "From Villains to Victims: Fraternization and the Feminization of Germany, 1945-1947," Diplomatic History 23, no. 1 (winter 1999), p. 9.
;M. Siegfried Haussier, "Ehenot und Ehehilfe in der ärztlichen Praxis," Neu-bau: Blätter für neues Leben aus Wort und Geist 5, no. 9 (1950), p. 358.
12. A typical story recommending mutual forgiveness for wartime adulteries is Wolfgang Fix, "Das Geständnis," Die Wochenpost, 21 July 1946, p. 5.
13. "Politisches ABC," Neues Abendland! (1947), p. 91.
14. See Rüdiger Proske, "Die Familie 1951: Eine Beschreibung ihrer wichtigsten Merkmale," Frankfurter Hefte (Apr. 1951), pp. 272-74.
15. Walter Hemsing, "Der Heimkehrer und seine Ehe," Wege zum Menschen (1949-50), p. 245.
16. August Brunner, S.J., "Über den Sinn der Ehe," Stimmen der Zeit: Monatsschrift für das Geistesleben der Gegenwart 139 {19A6-A7), p. 436.
17. Dittmann, "Die Krisis der Ehe," p. 36.
■;;18. See Petra Lund, "Zwei Frauen? Mir Reicht's!" Constanze!, no. 20 (1948), P- 7.
■ 19. For example, see Dr. K, "Was halten Sie vom Frauenüberschuss?" p. 12.
20. K. Bier, review of Theodor Bovet's Die Ehe, ihre Krise und Neuwerdung (1946), Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 1, nos. 2>-A (1950), p. 305.
21. See John Willoughby, "The Sexual Behavior of American GIs during the F4rly Years of the Occupation of Germany," Journal of Military History 62 (Jan. 1998), p. 160; and Goedde, "From Villains to Victims," p, 9.
22. See Maria Hoehn, GIs and Fräuleins: The German-American Encounter H:l9S0s West Germany (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 2002), pp. 135.148-51.
;23. Klaus-Dietmar Henke, "Fraternization," in Die amerikanische Besetzung Deutschlands (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1995), p. 194. Henke provides a nuanced arid: well-documented explanation for the mutual attraction (see pp. 185-204).
24. Richard Joseph with Waverley Root, "Why So Many GIs Like the Germans Best," Reader's Digest 48, no. 287 (March 1946), pp. 6-7. Similar perceptions of the contrasts between French and German women are described in a letter to the
298   •   Notes to Pages 69-71
editor of the New York Times: "In Germany, naturally, the GI finds the best ..deal. ... In France the deal is different. The GI doesn't find the all-out bootlicking of Germany." Theodore Singer, letter to the editor of the New York Times, 30 Nov. 194S, p. 12, quoted in Willoughby, "The Sexual Behavior of American GIs," pp. 166-67. For another contemporary convinced that postwar German women's easy sexual availability had its source in Nazi encouragement to extramarlfahscx and reproduction, see the scathingly condescending remarks in Judy Barden, "Candy-Bar Romance—Women of Germany," in This Is Germany, ed. Arthur Settel (New York: Sloane, 1950), pp. 161-65. A far more tempered analysis; of German singularity suggested that GIs were delighted by German women because they were, on the one hand, "less bound to strict convention" than women of Romance lands like France, and yet, on the other hand, they had been ■■raised with more of the fear of God" than their "ethnically related" (stammverwandte) English counterparts. Thus they were able to offer to GIs "the illusion of .an at once 'free' and yet also virtuous ... love." W. E. Süskind, "Bilanz der Fraterhisie-rung," Frankfurter Hefte (Aug. 1946), p. 9.
25. Quoted in Christoph Boyer and Hans Woller, '"Hat die deutsche Frau versagt?': Die 'neue Freiheit' der Frauen in der Trümmerzeit 1945-1949," Journal für Geschichte 2 (1983), p. 34.
26. Dittmann, "Die Krisis der Ehe," p. 34.
27. Laszlo Hamori, "Die rationalisierte Sexualität," Aktion 8 (1951), p. 48.
28. H. Hesse, "Welche Rolle spielt das Sexualproblem in der Ehe?" Liebe und Ebel, no. 1 (1950), p. 5.
29. See Petra Lund, "Muss Liebe amtlich beglaubigt sein?" Constanze 2. no. 1(1949), p. 3.
30. See Udo Undeutsch, "Comparative Incidence of Premarital Coitus in Scandinavia, Germany, and the United States," in Sexual Behavior in American Society: An Appraisal of the First Two Kinsey Reports, ed. Jerome Himelhoch and Sylvia Fleis Fava (New York: W. W. Norton, 1955), p. 362. Undeutsch was drawing on the same Wochenend survey that Friedeburg relied on, just emphasizing different numbers.
31. A. Pauly, "Soll die Verlobung eine Probeehe sein?" Liebe und Ehe 2, ho. 1 (1950), p. 2.
32. Poem quoted in Henke, "Fraternization," p. 199.
33. Heinz Graupner, "Das normale Geschlechtsleben und seine Gefahren," Liebe und Ebel, no. 2 (1949), p. 4. This is an excerpt from Graupner, Geschlechtshygiene und Geschlechtskrankheiten (Konstanz: Südverlag, 1949).
34. Hans Giese, review of Max Marcuse's essay, "Zur Psychologie der Eifersucht und der Psychopathologie ihres Fehlens," Psyche 3 (1950), published in Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 1, nos. 3-4 (1950), p. 307.
35. Letter to the editor, reprinted in Dr. K., "Was halten Sie vom Frauenüberschuss?" p. 10.
36. For example, see "Der Orgasmus," Sexologie, no. 1 (1950), pp. 15-25.
37. See Ludwig von Friedeburg, Die Umfrage in der Intimsphäre, Beiträge zur Sexualforschung, vol. 4 (Stuttgart: Enke, 1953), pp. 24, 27, 46, 50. There isnu reason to think that either of the surveys' findings resulted from inadequately sophisticated sampling techniques. It is unlikely that with more advanced tcch-
■
■ ■
Notes to Pages 71-73   . 299
niques the results would have tended toward greater conservatism. The wealth of other interpretive evidence from the era—from both supporters and detractors of the liberalizing trends—suggests the results' representativeness. It is further notable, that those who reported on and analyzed the findings clearly did not feel any need to contradict the results. (In addition to Lund, Undeutsch, and von Friede-burg, see also I. Phönix, "Moderne Intimmoral," in Mensch, Geschlecht, Gesellschaft: Das Geschlechtsleben unserer Zeit gemeinverständlich dargestellt, ed. Ilans Giese and A. Willy (Paris: G. Aldor, 1954), pp. 201-9.) Moreover, for exam-plc, when the sociologist von Friedeburg wrote up the results of the 1949 Institute for Dcmoscopy survey in his 1953 book, one of the findings he deemed most rematkable was that the Germans interviewed in the study had expressed strong commitment to the institution of marriage. In the early 1950s, when he was formulating his analysis, this commitment was not obvious.
?8. See L. R. England, "Little Kinsey: An Outline of Sex Attitudes in Britain," PubligQpmion Quarterly 13, no. 4 (1949), pp. 587-600; and for a concise sum-mary of Kinsey's findings for the United States, see John D'Emilio and Estelle B. Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), p. 286.
39. A. Busemann, "Aufgaben sexueller Erziehung in der Gegenwart," Die Kir-che in der Welt 1, no. 70 (1949), p. 436.
40. Leppich, " 'Thema 1,' " p. 44; and "Gefahren und Ursachen des Sexualis-müs," Bonifatiusbote 63, no. 9 (1952), p. 5.
41. Karl Siegfried Bader, "Die Veränderung der Sexualordnung und die Kon-stanz der Sittlichkeitsdelikte," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 1, nos. 3-4 (1950),
■ p. 217.
42. See L. M. Lawrence, "Der Kinsey Report," Merkur 3, no. 5 (1949), pp. 49S-9.9. The reviewer in Die Weltwoche also thought American women were sexually deprived. Declaring his own belief in "the normalcy of sexual life" and pre-suming that American attitudes were "for the European perhaps incomprehensi-
■ ble," the reviewer also averred that American women were responsible for their own deprivation. "From earliest childhood on," he announced, the American
■ male was not only taught "to be the wooing one, but also to strive for something
■ that: is only granted him with reluctance and repugnance." Ha., "Puritanismus und Wirklichkeit: Kinseys 'Sex Report' und sein Widerhall," Die Weltwoche 16, no. 765(1948), p. 9.
43. For instance, continuities between the sexual liberalities of Weimar and Nazism were taken to be self-evident in such remarks as those of a Catholic activist involved in youth work who urged in 1946 that it should become possible "also to say the word virgin" again "without being met with that disdainful smirk that has in the last decades become the rule." H. Klens quoted in Mark Edward Ruff. "Katholische Jugendarbeit undjunge Frauen in Nordrhein-Westfalen 1945-1962," Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 38 (1998), p. 272.
44. Conversation with R. S., 1999.
45. Paul Althaus, Von Liebe und Ehe: Ein evangelisches Wort zu den Fragen der Gegenwart (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1949), pp. 3^1.
46. Otto Bernhard Roegele, "Ein heikles Thema ... Geburtenbeschränkung und Ehenot," Rheinischer Merkur 3, no. 3 (1948), p. 3,
300   •   Notes to Pages 73-75
47. Hermann Heilweck, "Ein heikles Thema . . . Geburtenbeschränkung und Ehenot," Rheinischer Merkur 3, no. 22 (1948), p. 3.
48. For example, one female Bavarian politician declared that "I would like to go so far as to say that if we are again to be a nation among nations [ein Volk unter Völkern] then that depends on two matters: on the purity of our marriages and on the fulfillment of our natural right and our highest duty in the education of our children." Elisabeth Meyer-Spreckels, "Ehe und Familie in der Verfassung: Bericht vor dem bayerischen Verfassungsausschuss," Frankfurter Hefte (Jan. 1947), p. 93.
49. "Wort der ausserordentlichen Landessynode der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Kirche in Oldenburg an die Gemeinden Oktober 1945," in Kirchliches Jahrbüch für die evangelische Kirche in Deutschland 1945-1948, ed. Joachim Beckmann (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1950), pp. 43, 45.
50. "Kundgebung der Landessynode der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Kirche' in Bayern in Ansbach, 9.-13. Juli 1946," in Beckmann, Kirchliches Jahrbuch, p. 48.
51. Robert Grosche, "Der deutsche Katholizismus 1945-50"; P. Audomar Scheuermann, "Abriss des kirchlichen Eherechts," and Pope Pius XII's remarks to Berlin Catholics (17 June 1949), in "Botschaften und Ansprachen des heiligen Vaters," in Das katholische Jahrbuch 1951-52 (Heidelberg: Kemper, 1951), pp. 133,161-75,210.
52. Bishop quoted in Johannes Kleinschmidt, "Amerikaner und Deutsche in der Besatzungszeit—Beziehungen und Probleme," http://www.lpb.bwue.de/ publikat/besatzer/us-pol6.htm.
53. Leppich, "Thema 1,"' pp. 43-44.
54. See the important anthology, Kreuz mit dem Frieden: 1982 Jahre Christen und Politik, ed. Peter Winzeler (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1982), as well as the main venues in the postwar era for progressive Protestantism {Junge Kirche) and progressive Catholicism [Frankfurter Hefte). On the ambiguities of postfascist Christianity, see also Dagmar Herzog, "Making Sense of the Past: Antifascist Protestants and the Lessons of the Third Reich, 1945-1965" (paper presented at the Mellon Faculty Forum, Harvard University, 4 Apr. 1994); and Dagmar Herzog, " 'Believing in God as an Atheist': Left-Wing Theology and the Confrontation with Secularization" (paper presented at the conference "Formen Religiöser Vergemeinschaftung in der Moderne," University of Chicago, 25 Oct 2003).
55. "Wort der ausserordentlichen Landessynode der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Kirche in Oldenburg an die Gemeinden Oktober 1945," p. 43.
56. Otto Bernhard Roegele, "Wertloses Leben?" Rheinischer Merkur, 30 Aug. 1947, p. 2.
57. For example, see the powerful essay by Eugen Kogon, "Gericht und Gewissen," Frankfurter Hefte (Apr. 1946), pp. 25-37.
58. Anton Christian Hofmann, Die Natürlichkeit der christlichen Ehe (Mü-:: nich: J. Pfeiffer, 1951), pp. 5, 9-10, 38-39.
59. For one example among many, contrast the effusively pro-Nazi remark s of Protestant Church activist D. Erich Stange in 1933 with his description of Chrisf tians as victims of Nazism in 1951. See Stange quoted in Ernst Klee, "Die SA Jesu Christi": Die Kirchen im Banne Hitlers (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1989), pp. 26-27; and D. Erich Stange, "Innere Mission und kirchliche Werke," Evan%
wá--
1
1111
■
■
Notes to Pages 75-78   • 301
gelische Welt 5, no. 22 (16 Nov. 1951), p. 678. But note that also consistently anti-Nazi Christians distorted the relationship between Christianity and Nazism when;, they emphasized Nazism's anti-Christianity. See, for example, Walter Dirks's remark that "German Catholicism stood on the list of opponents of the German essence that were to be exterminated" {D er deutsche Katholizismus stand auf der Liste der zur Ausrottung bestimmten Widersacher des deutschen Wesens). Dirks in Frankfurter Hefte (May 1946), p. 45. Postwar Protestants too regularly remarked that Nazism had planned to "liquidate the church," that Nazism wanted to "destroy the church and exterminate the Christian faith," or that "the persecution of Christians was the direct extension of the battle against the Jews. It ýirould have led to a similar extermination program." Link, "Königsberg (1945-1948)," Junge Kirche. Sonderdruck (Jan. 1950); "Wort des Bruderrates der EKD zuř .Reinigung der Kirche vom Nationalsozialismus," Kirchliches Jahrbuch 1945-1948, p. 187; Otto Fricke, "Wir Christen und die Juden" (1949), in Die Juden undwir Christen, ed. Hans Kallenbach (Frankfurt am Main: Lembeck, 1950), pp. 48-49.
60. Heilweck, "Ein heikles Thema," p. 3.
61. Walter Dirks, "Ein Wort an die Arbeiterschaft in Sachen Paragraph 218," Frankfurter Hefte (Dec. 1946), pp. 793-94.
62^ Hermann Frühauf, "Paragraph 218," Frankfurter Hefte (Oct. 1946), p. 590. Protestants were less active than Catholics in efforts to defeat the campaign tosdecriminalize abortion, but Protestant opponents of abortion made some related claims—for instance, stressing how difficult it was to "reawaken" awe and respect for "the right to life" in the wake of "an epoch which succumbed to the spirit of killing." Frau Dr. Schwörer speaking before a Protestant Church-organized gathering of midwives in 1951, summarized in "Verantwortung für die Un~ geborenen," Evangelische Welt 5, no. 22 (16 Nov. 1951), p. 682.
63. See Romano Guardini, "Die soziale Indikation für die Unterbrechung der Schwangerschaft," Frankfurter Hefte, Sept. 1947, p. 930.
64. Probst quoted in Angela Delille and Andrea Grohn, "Es ist verboten ... FÄpfängnisverhütung und Abtreibung," in Perlonzeit, ed. Delille and Grohn (Ber-lin: Elefanten Press, 1985), p. 124.
65. Gröber quoted in ibid.
66. "Gefahren und Ursachen des Sexualismus," p. 5.
67. Klaus von Bismarck, summarized in "Familienförderung als kirchliche Aofgabc," Evangelische Welt 5, no. 22 (16 Nov. 1951), p. 682.
Ž8: Rosine Speicher, "Um das Leben der Ungeborenen," Die Welt der Frau 1, nos. 8-9 (Feb.-Mar. 1947), p. 61.
69. Hans March, "Zur Sexual-Ethik," Stimmen der Zeit 156 (1955), pp. 290-91, 299, 301. "Pure sexual intercourse, that supposedly is done only for its own Sake, that is sought for the sake of the pleasurable release of a bodily urge and knows or wants to know nothing of a deeper soul-spiritual expressive content," March announced, "actually leaves the more differentiated person unsatisfied."
70. Theodor Bovet, "Die Ehe, ihre Krise und Neuwerdung," Universitas 2, no. 2 (1947), p. 161.
302   •   Notes to Pages 78-82
Notes to Pages 82-87  • 303
71. Franz Arnold, "Sinnlichkeit und Sexualität im Lichte von Theologie und Seelsorge," in Über das Wesen der Sexualität, Beiträge zur Sexualforschung, vol. 1 (Stuttgart: Enke, 1952), p, 1.
72. Franz Arnold, "Das eheliche Geheimnis in Theologie und Seelsorge," Uni-versitas 2, no. 10 (1947): 1155, 1158. Arnold in fact departed from Catholic Church teaching in contending that birth control was acceptable within marriage;
73. Roegele, "Ein heikles Thema," p. 3.
74. Hans Wirtz, Vom Eros zur Ehe: Die naturgetreue Lebensgemeinschaft' (Heidelberg: F. H. Kerle, 1946), pp. 7, 227, 231, 246, 248, 256-57. Wirtz had used the same language in the earlier edition of the book published during the Third Reich.
75. Hofmann, Die Natürlichkeit, pp. 50, 83.
76. Theodor Bovet, Die werdende Frau (Bern: Paul Haupt, 1962), pp. 20-21; the book previously appeared in Switzerland in 1944, and was first published in Germany in 1950.
77. Schöllgen in Die Kirche in der Welti, no. 35 (1947-^8), p. 160. Schollgen's comments about orgasm and fertility were part of a larger phenomenon in Nazi and post-Nazi Germany. A number of specialists speculated that orgasms could trigger ovulation, usually in the context of using this "concern" to dismiss the rhythm method as entirely ineffective (while remaining apparently unconcerned about the crises and conflicts that this "news" would inevitably cause for seriously Catholic couples). See "Die andere Auffassung," Ärztliche Traxls 2, no. 42 .{21 Oct. 1950), p. 4. Another strand of argumentation, developed under Nazism, claimed to have found that a woman's orgasm permitted sperm to travel more rapidly through the cervix. For example, see B. Belonoshkin, "Weibliche Psyche und Konzeption," Münchener Medizinische Wochenschrift 88 (1941), pp. 1007-9.
78. See Meta Holland, Vor dem Tore der Ehe: Was jede junge Trau wissen: muss, 2nd ed. (Konstanz: Christliche Verlagsanstalt, 1936), pp. 4-5, 91-97, and (Konstanz: Christliche Verlagsanstalt, 1950), pp. 5, 87-89.
79. Ernst Karl Winter, "Das grosse Geheimnis: Ehe und Familie in der christlichen Zivilisation," Frankfurter Hefte {Oct 1951), p. 716.
80. Theodor Bovet, Von Mann zu Mann: Eine Einführung ins Reifealter für junge Männer (Tübingen: Katzmann, 1955), p. 47.
81. See Karl P. Rüth, "Ist 'Liebe und Ehe' eine unzüchtige Zeitschrift?" Liebe und Ehe 3, no. 5 (1951), p. 212; see also Sven Säger, "Sind wir eigentlich prüde?" Liebe und Ehe 2, no. 3 (1950), p. 20. See also Robert Schilling, Gesamtverzeichnis, der jugendgefährdenden Schriften nach dem Stande vom 1. April 1961 (Neuwied: Luchterhand, 1961), p. 59.
82. See Liebe und Ehe 1, no. 1 (1949), p. 21.
83. Kurt Fiebich, "Zur Frage der Bordellisierung," Liebe und Ehe 2, no. 9
(1950) , p. 12.
84. Helmut Meissner, "Dreiecksehe sanktioniert," Liebe und Ehe 3, no. 10
(1951) , p. 413.
85. Gerhard Ockel, "Tiefenpsychologie und Sinnlichkeit," Liebe und Ehe 3,; no. 2 (1951), p. 54.
86. Dorothee Löhe, "Menschenpaar," Liebe und Ehe 2, no. 1 (1950), p. 1.
87. K. Fischer, "Darf Herr X Frau Y spät abends besuchen?" Liebe und Ehe
2, no. 12 (1950), p. 15.
88. Wilhelm Schuh, "Die Eltern, die Tochter, und die Liebe," Liebe und Ehe
3, no. 10(1951), p. 400.
89. Hans Niedermeier, '"Mein Schatz ist ein Matrose ...,'" Liebe und Ehe 2, no. 11 (1950), p. 19.
90. Kurt Fiebich, "Der Selbstmord der Intelligenz: Die Expansion der Minderbegabten," Liebe und Ehe 3, no. 8 (1951), p. 318.
91. Hans von Hohenecken, "Kleine Kulturgeschichte in Heiratsanzeigen," Liebe und Ehe 2, no. 8 (1950), p. 40.
92. Martin Brustmann, "Sexuelle Probleme in der SS," Liebe und Ehe 3, no. 2 (L951), p. 63; 3, no. 3 (1951), p. 113; 3, no. 4 (1951), p. 148; 3, no. 5 (1951), p. 204.
93. Martin Brustmann, "Sexuelle Probleme in der SS," Liebe und Ehe 3, no. 6 (1951), p. 249.
94. Such doubleness of identification and disidentification was also strongly facilitated by the simultaneous hyperventilated fascination with and trivializing banalization of Nazism in the popular postwar press—what one thoughtful critic described as the "smug kitsch of the illustrated magazines," with their "dangerous cult of heroes" and "glorification of the brown celebrities." Karl Gehau, "Der Fluch der guten Tat," Frankfurter Hefte (Dec. 1952}, p. 963.
95. Gerhard Giehm, "Von der Sexualität in unserer Zeit," Liebe und Ehe 1, no. 1 (1949), p. 2. This is an excerpt from Giehm, Behandlung seelischer und nervöser Sexualleiden (Hannover: Bruno-Wilkens-Verlag, 1948).
96. Löhe, "Menschenpaar," p. 1.
97. See on this point also the important retrospective reflections of a pastor on the responsibility-diffusing rhetoric used by postwar Germans as they described themselves as having been "victims of the era" {Opfer der Zeit, or ODZ). Ingke Brodersen, Klaus Humann, and Susanne von Paczensky, eds., 1933: Wie die Deutschen Hitler zur Macht Verhalfen. Ein Lesebuch für Demokraten (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1983), p. 303.
98. Gernot B. quoted in Heinrich Albert, "Über Verhältnisblödsinn," in Randzonen menschlichen Verhaltens: Beiträge zur Psychiatrie und Neurologie (Stuttgart: Enke, 1962), p. 195.
99. According to the editors of Liebe und Ehe, for example, a battery of hormonal and herbal products to enhance potency were increasingly also being used byquite young men, "so to speak, those in the best years," due not least to the "emotional wounds that the last war and the postwar period beat into many millions of men." See "Ihre Sorgen—Unser Rat," Liebe und Ehe 2, no. 1 (1950}, p. 35.
100. Walter Frederking, "Die Krisis der Ehe: Was der Arzt meint," Nordwest-deutsche Hefte 2, no. 10 (1947), pp. 33-34. As Frederking put it, "The German human being has changed more than most of us are aware. One needs only to tliink of the extent to which feelings and concepts of justice have become blurred and crumbled."
101. Ibid., p. 34.
102. H. H., "Hut ab vor unseren Frauen!" Constanze 1, no. 2 (1948), pp. 4-5.
304   •  Notes to Pages 87-93
103. Walther von Hollander, "Mann in der Krise: Anklage der Frauen," Constanze 1, no. 1 (1948), pp. 3, 22.
104. Ibid., p. 22; and "Aus Walther von Hollanders Privatkorrespondenz." Constanze 1, no.l (1948), p. 19.
105. Walther von Hollander, "Mann in der Krise: Glanz und Elend des Intellekts," Constanze 1, no. 2 (1948), p. 15; and Walther von Hollander, "Mann in der Krise: Tristan, Don Juan und der Patriarch," Constanze 1, no. 3 (1948), p. 19.
106. Else Feldbinder, "Er und Sie 1948," Constanze 1, no. 7 (1948), p. 3.
107. See Hans-Georg Stümke, Homosexuelle in Deutschland: Eine politische Geschichte (Munich: Beck, 1989), pp. 73, 81-82.
108. J. Strüder, "Beitrag zur Homosexuellenfrage," Kriminalistische Monatshefte 11 (1937), pp. 219-20.
109. Walter Meyer, "Könnte es eine chemisch-physiologische Diagnose und eine erfolgreiche Therapie der echten Homosexualität geben?" Psychiatrisch-Neurologische Wochenschrift 39, no. 28 (10 July 1937), p. 309.
110. L. G. Tirala, " Homosexualität und Rassenmischung," Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft deutscher Naturforscher und Ärzte 93 (1934), p. 148; J. H. Schultz, "Bemerkungen zu der Arbeit von Theo Lang über die genetische Bedingtheit der Homosexualität," Zeitschrift für die gesamte Neurologie und Psychiatrie, no. 157 (1937), pp. 575, 577.
111. For exampies of varieties in sentencing, and the general early postwar climate of flux and indeterminaey, see "Rechtliche Beurteilung der Homosexualität," Geist und Tat 6, no. 10 (1951), p. 333; Franz Baumeyer, "Zur Beurteilung der Homosexualität," Die Medizinische 1 (1952), p. 1603; A. Ohm, "Homosexualität als Neurose," Der Weg zur Seele 5 (1953), pp. 51-52; Wilhelm Eilinghaus, "Verfassungmässigkeit des Paragraphen 175 RstGB," Kriminalistik 8, no. 3 (1954), pp. 61-63; as well as Mario Kramp and Martin Solle, "Paragraph 175— Restauration und Reform in der Bundesrepublik," in "Himmel und Hölle": Das Leben der Kölner Homosexuellen 1945-1969, ed. Kristof Baiser et al. (Cologne: Emons, 1995), p. 126.
112. "Eine Million Delikte," Der Spiegel, 29 Nov. 1950, p. 8.
113. Ibid., pp. 8-9. See also Dieter Schief elbein, "Wiederbeginn der juristischen Verfolgung homosexueller Männer in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Die Homosexuellen-Prozesse in Frankfurt am Main 1950/51," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 5 (1992), pp. 59-73.
114. "Eingabe an die Gesetzgebenden Organe des Bundes in Bonn betr. Paragraphen 175, 175a StGB," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 1, nos. 3-4 (1950). pp. 311-12.
115. Hans Giese, "Zweck und Sinn der Eingabe," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 1, nos. 3^1 (1950), pp. 313-15.
116. Horst Pommerening, "Ergebnis der Arbeitstagung vom 11. April 1950," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 1, nos. 3—4 (1950), pp. 323, 326.
117. Karl Siegfried Bader, "Gutachtliche Äusserung zur Reform der Paragraphen 175, 175a StGB," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 1, nos. 3-4 (1950), pp. 328, 330, 332.
118. "Rechtliche Beurteilung," p. 334.
■
Notes to Pages 93-95   • 305
■119. "Eine Million Delikte," pp. 7-8,10.
120. Schönke, 1952, quoted in Eilinghaus, "Verfassungsmässigkeit," p. 62.
121. For example, see Maasen, 1954, quoted in ibid.
122. It is revealing that even opponents of the paragraph like Bader or Pommerening called attention to the widely felt concern about protection of young men during their, as also Bader put it, potentially "bisexual" phase. Pommerening, despite raising strong doubts about the whole notion of seducibility to homosexuality, nonetheless proposed (perhaps tactically) retaining the age of consent for homosexual acts at twenty-one—because of youth's apparent tendency to "pseu-dohomoeroticism." Bader, "Gutachtliche Äusserung," p. 330; Pommerening, "Ergebnis," p. 324.
■123. "Literatur-Umschau," Kriminalistik 6, nos. 13-14 (1952), pp. 167-68. The book under discussion is by a jurist: Gatzweiler, Das dritte Geschlecht (Co-logne-Klettenberg: Volkswartbund, 1951).
124. "Not um den Paragraphen 175," Christ und Welt 4, no. 20 (1951), pp. 4-5.
125. Kramp and Solle, "Paragraph 175," pp. 132,139-41.
126. Eilinghaus, "Verfassungsmässigkeit," p. 63.
127. See Robert G. Moeller, " The Homosexual Man Is a 'Man,' the Homosexual Woman Is a 'Woman,': Sex, Society and the Law in Postwar West Germany," Journal of the History of Sexuality 4, no. 3 (1994).
128. Statistics on registrations and arrests and Schoeps summarized in Kramp and Solle, "Paragraph 175," pp. 133,142.
129. Ohm, "Homosexualität als Neurose," p. 56. True to form, Ohm was also Lonvinced that a big reason for homosexuality was many men's inhibitions vis-avis real women due to their overidealization of one particular woman, often their mother, or their search for a girl who was so perfect she did not exist. Ohm heaped up anecdotes of homosexuals turned off from the heterosexual "path" by dislike of,women's vaginal fluids, or instances in which they felt women had humiliated them. As a result, men "neurotically" built up obstacles so that it became "impossible" for them to "walk" on this "path perceived to be threatening and dangerous" (p. 55).
130. The defendant is quoted in Baumeyer, "Zur Beurteilung," p. 1603.
131. See Ohm, "Homosexualität als Neurose," p. 24.
132. Conversation with G. C, 2002. This man guessed that the four officers were not necessarily homosexually inclined in peacetime but rather that the absence of women was the key factor for "some if not all" of them. See also the findings of Geoffrey Giles, who in his analysis of the few trial records remaining for cases of homosexuality judged before the SS special courts (Sondergerichte) found that there was apparently a blurred boundary in many men's minds between a homosexual orientation and acceptable homosexual fondling as a substitute for heterosexual sex in the absence of women. Geoffrey Giles, "The Denial o í Homosexuality: Same-Sex Incidents in Himmler's SS and Police," Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, nos. 1-2 (Jan.-Apr. 2002), esp. pp. 273-80. ^
133. Von Friedeburg, Die Umfrage in der Intimsphäre, p. 87. When the survey was repeated in 1963, only 10 percent of West German men questioned admitted having "contact with" homosexuality. See Elisabeth Noelle and Erich Peter Neu-
306   •   Notes to Pages 95-97
mann, eds., Jahrbuch der öffentlichen Meinung 1958-1964 (Allensbach .and Bonn: Verlag für Demoskopie, 1965), p. 591.
134. For example, see Radu Cernea, Sexual-Biologische Studien: Betrachtungen eines Arztes über das Wesen und die Bedeutung der Sexualität (Munich: Akademischer Verlag, 1948), pp. 87, 117-19; Von der Spreu, "Die Wissenschaft meldet," Liebe und Ehe 1, no. 1 (1949), p. 34; Von der Spreu, "Störungen der männlichen Potenz HI," Liebe und Ehe 2, no. 8 (1950), pp. 19-20.
135. See Von der Spreu, "Störung der männlichen Potenz II," Liebe und'Ehe. 2, no. 6 (1950), p. 16; and von der Spreu, "Störung der männlichen Potenz III," pp. 19-20. Von der Spreu took the view that impotence or premature ejaculation could also be the result of a "fundamental homosexual disposition, that rejects the woman as a sexual partner no matter what." Radu Cernea was of the opinion that "Among the cases of war impotence that present themselves to the doctor there are very many latent homosexuals who axe not even aware of their homosexuality. They only feel a repulsion toward a woman, or they complain of impotence despite persistent love. Only later they become aware that in the field, under the. mask of friendship and comradeship, the homosexual drive announced itself. The more we study the cases of homosexuality, the more we recognize that homosexuality is a neurosis, a flight from the woman." Cernea, Sexual-Biologische Studien, pp. 122-23. See in this context also C. Kallwitz, "Das Sexualproblem in der Kriegsgefangenschaft," Liebe und Ehe 1, no. 2 (1949), pp. 20, 25.
136. On the thesis that postwar homophobia drew its virulent force not so much from any latent homosexual desires as from quite concrete familiarity with homosexual experiences in wartime, see also Martin Dannecker, "Der unstillbare Wunsch nach Anerkennung: Homosexuellenpolitik in den fünfziger und sechziger Jahren," in Was heisst hier schwul? Politik und Identitäten im Wandel, ed. Detlef Grumbach (Hamburg: MännerschwarmSkript, 1997), pp. 35-37.
137. See David K. Johnson, The Lavender Scare: The Cold War Persecution of Gays and Lesbians in the Federal Government (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago1 Press, 2004); John D'Emilio, "The Homosexual Menace: The Politics of Sexuality in Cold War America," in Passion and Power: Sexuality in History, ed. Kathy Peiss and Christina Simmons (Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1989); Barbara Ehrenreich, "Breadwinners and Losers," in The Hearts of Men: American Dreams and the Flight from Commitment (New York: Anchor, 1983); Sonya Michel, "Danger on the Home Front: Motherhood, Sexuality, and Disabled Veterans in American Postwar Films," in American Sexual Politics, ed. John C. Fout and Maura Shaw Tantillo (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1993).
138. See Olav Münzberg, "Wovon berührt? Vom jüdischen Trauma? Von den Traumata der Eltern?" Ästhetik und Kommunikation 51 (June 1983), p. 25; and Martin Dannecker, "Die verspätete Empirie," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 14. no. 2 (June 2001), pp. 173-74. Also see the fascinating reflections on the displacement of moral blame in post-Nazi Austria (from men who had been enmeshed ifi.: genocidal warfare onto women who consorted with the occupying Americans) in Ingrid Bauer, " 'Austria's Prestige Dragged into the Dirt'? The 'GI-Brides' and Postwar Austrian Society (1945-1955)," Contemporary Austrian Studies (1998);
139. Lauren Berlant and Michael Warner, "Sex in Public," Critical Inquiry 24. no. 2 (winter 1998), p. 548; see also pp. 549, 552-53.
Ill
Notes to Pages 97-99   • 307
140. Dittmann, "Die Krisis der Ehe," p. 34; Leppich, '"Thema 1,'" p. 44.
141. Kolle quoted in Peter Knorr, "Schwierigkeiten bei der Sexualaufklärung," Pardon 8, no. 12 (Dec. 1969), p. 65.
■;142. See Reimut Reiche, "Kritik der gegenwärtigen Sexualwissenschaft," in Tendenzen der Sexualforschung, ed. Gunter Schmidt et al. (Stuttgart: Enke, 1970), P-2.
: 143. "Tut Scheiden weh?" Constanzen (1948), p. 3; Luise Heise, "Unverstan-den—nicht ernst genommen?" Constanze 10 (1948), p. 3.
144. See "Erst die Liebe, dann die Moral? Alles über die Deutschen (15)," Der Stern, no. 48 (1963), pp. 43-52; and Noelle and Neumann, Jahrbuch, pp. 5g?-90.
:145- See Ulrike Heider, "Freie Liebe und Liebesreligion: Zum Sexualitätsbegriff der sechziger und achtziger Jahre," in Sadomasochisten, Keusche und Romantiker: Vom Mythos neuer Sinnlichkeit, ed. Heider (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1986), p. 93; Michael Schneider, "Fathers and Sons, Retrospectively: The Damaged Relationship between Two Generations," New German Critique 31 (winter 1984), p. 9: and Sabine Weissler, "Sexy Sixties," in CheSchahShit: Die sechziger Jahre zwischen Cocktail und Molotov, ed. Eckhard Siepmann et al. (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1984), p. 96.
146. Heipe Weiss, "Freie Liebe war vor allem Reden über Sex," Frankfurter Neue Presse, 24 Apr. 1998, p. 9.
;1.47. Along these latter lines, for instance, the self-styled homosexuality expert Tiieo Lang, one of the most prolific publicists on the subject in the Nazi era, took the^.occasion of the postwar discussion over whether to abolish Paragraph 175 to try to revive his career. Lang not only reiterated the importance of his Nazi-era research (based on case files supplied by police forces in various German cities) hut also asserted that "approximately two-thirds of all cases of homosexuality are genetically determined," and thus that the threat of punishment could not hope to lead to any "change of drive-direction" in these individuals. Nonetheless, he averred, the threat of punishments was still necessary because of these individuals': (also innate) tendency "to propagate their inversion" and to seek to convert otiiers to homosexuality. Theo Lang, "Zum Problem der Homosexualität," Juristische Rundschau (1952), pp. 273-75.
.148. For example, see the postwar citations of the Nazi-era work of Dr. Hermann Stieve in O. Hajek, "Willkürliche Geburtenregelung," Ärztliche Praxis 5, no. 12 (21 March 1953), p. 9; "Die andere Auffassung," p. 4; and F. G. von Stbckert, "Kindheit, Pubertät, Reife, Alter," in Die Sexualität des Menschen: Handbuch der medizinischen Sexualforschung, ed, Hans Giese (Stuttgart: Enke, 1955), p. 288. On Stieve's "research" under Nazism, see Ulrich Schultz-Venrath and Ludger M. Hermanns, "Gleichschaltung zur Ganzheit: Gab es eine Psychoso-matik im Nationalsozialismus?" in Neues Denken in der Psychosomatik, ed. Hörst-Eberhard Richter and Michael Wirsching (Frankfurt: Fischer, 1991), p. 98.
149. Hans Harmsen, "Das medizinische Übel der Abtreibung," Die Heilkupst 66, no. 7 (1953), p. 233. Atina Grossmann has not only documented Harmsen's oWn.embrace of and close collaboration with the Nazis but also explained why, in Cold War West Germany, Harmsen was nonetheless deemed more acceptable by American family-planning organizations than any of the activists who had been
308   .  Notes to Pages 99-103
Notes to Pages 103-108   • 309
affiliated with the Communist Party's sex reform activities in the "Weimar era. Sec Atina Grossmann, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950 (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1995), as well as the concise summary of Harmsen's blatant disdain for the disabled (and his meteoric postwar career) in Ernst Klee, Was sie taten—Was sie wurden: Ärzte, Juristen und andere Beteiligte am Kranken- oder Judenmord (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer. 1986), pp. 150-51. The point here is that in 1953 Harmsen felt no need to hide his approval of Nazi policies.
150. March, "Zur Sexual-Ethik," pp. 297-99. On the perception of Muckcr-mann as a "moderate" antisemité, see the review of Muckermann's Rassenforschung und Volk der Zukunft: Ein Beitrag zur Einführung in die frage vom biologischen Werden der Menschheit, 3rd expanded ed. (Berlin and Bonn: Ferdinand Dümmler, 1934), by Peter Schmitz in Der Seelsorger 10 (1.934), p. 362. Schmitz praised Muckermann for "being in racial matters totally free of all fantastical thinking, putting the significance of races into its proper bounds, but also pointing out forcefully the damages and disadvantages of an unharmonious racial mixing." On Muckermann's openly advanced post-1945 opinions—including his;; opposition to marriage between European and "Negroid" peoples and his vociferous concern that the disabled cost society more than the healthy ("the thought is unbearable that hopeless progeny from mentally debilitated hereditary lines would be cared for with greater devotion than the progeny of healthy parents")— see Klee, Was sie taten—Was sie wurden, pp. 148—49.
151. Y. Michal Bodemann, "Mentalitäten des Verweilens: Der Neubeginn jüdl^ sehen Lebens in Deutschland," in Leben im Land der Täter: Juden im Nachkriegs-; deutschland (1945-1952), ed. Julius H. Schoeps (Berlin: Jüdische Veriagsanstaltj: 2001), p. 15.
Chapter Three
Desperately Seeking Normality
1. Martin Dannecker, "Die verspätete Empirie: Anmerkungen zu den Anfängen der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sexualforschung," Zeitschrift für Sexual*; forschung 14, no. 2 (June 2001), p. 173.
2. Ulf Preuss-Lausitz, "Vom gepanzerten zum sinnstiftenden Körper," in Kricgs-kinder, Konsumkinder, Krisenkinder: Zur Sozialisationsgeschichte seit dem; Zweiten Weltkrieg, ed. Preuss-Lausitz et al. (Weinheim: Beltz, 1989), pp. 90, 92.;;
3. See Hans-Peter Schwarz, Die Ära Adenauer: Gründerjahre der Republik 1949-1957 (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1981), p. 382; and Ulrich Herbert, "Legt die Plakate nieder, ihr Streiter für die Gerechtigkeit," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, no. 24 (29 Jan. 2001), p. 48.
4. All quotations in Wolf gang Lohr, "Rechristianisierungsvorstellungen im; deutschen Katholizismus 1945-1948," in Christentum und politische Verantwortung: Kirchen im Nachkriegsdeutschland, ed. Jochen-Christoph Kaiser and Anselm Döring-Manteuffel (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1990}, pp. 26-27, 29.
I .; ,;5. See Frank Biess, "Repräsentanten der Not—Christliche Wohlfahrtsorgani-
I sationen zwischen Krieg und Nachkrieg" (paper presented at the German Studies
I Association, San Diego, 5 Oct. 2002).
6. The phrase in quotes is from Hanna Schissler, "'Normalization' as Project: Some Thoughts on Gender Relations in West Germany during the 1950s," in The Miracle Years: A Cultural History of West Germany, 1949-1968, ed. Schissler (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 2001), p. 366.
!,::7V See Sophinette Becker, "Zur Funktion der Sexualität im Nationalsozialismus," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 14, no. 2 (June 2001), pp. 142-43. Becker is here building on the work of historian Ian Kershaw. On the function of withdrawal into privacy as a way of avoiding emotional confrontation with the knowledge of mass murder, see also David Bankier, The Germans and the Final Solution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992).
:..;::8. Y. Michal Bodemann, "Eclipse of Memory: German Representations of Auschwitz in the Early Postwar Period," New German Critique, no. 75 (fall 1998), pp. 61-72, 88-89.
;.: 9. See Frank Stern, The Whitewashing of the Yellow Badge: Antisemitism and PhUosemitism in Postwar Germany (Oxford: Pergamon, 1992), pp. 302-10; Micha Brumlik, "Post-Holocaust Theology: German Theological Responses since 1LJ45," in Betrayal: German Churches and the Holocaust, ed. Robert Ericksen and Susannah Heschel (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1999).
t0. See in this context also Maria Hoehn, GIs and Fräuleins: The German-American Encounter in 1950s West Germany (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina press, 2002), pp. 14.5-47.
Olav Münzberg, "Wovon berührt? Vom jüdischen Trauma? Von den Traumata der Eltern?" Ästhetik und Kommunikation 51 (June 1983), p. 25. .:. 12. On the dearth of spiritual renewal and the superficiality of motivations for church attendance in the late 1940s, see also Martin Greschat, Die evangelische Christenheit und die deutsche Geschichte nach 1945 (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2002), pp. 71-72.
13. Hermann Peter Piwitt, "Autoritär, betulich, neckish und devot," Konkret, May 1979, p. 34.
:;.;;14. Günter Grass, "Geschenkte Freiheit: Versagen, Schuld, vertane Chancen," Die Zeit, no. 20 (10 May 1985}, p. 21.
15. "Mit Unbehagen," Die Welt, 19 Sept. 1952.
16. "Schutz vor Schund und Schmutz," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 13 Dec. 1949.
17. For an example of early government hesitation about the advisability of 4n antismut law, see the remarks of the federal minister of justice, Thomas Dehler, summarized in "Gegen Schmutz- und Schundgesetz," Allgemeine Kölnische Rundschau, 1 Feb. 1950. See as well the antilegislation stances of politicians in
state of Baden-Württemberg ("Gegen Schund und Schmutz," Mannheimer Morgen, 4 Mar. 1950) and in the Free Democratic Party ("FDP-Kulturausschuss lehnt Schundgesetz ab," Wiesbadener Kurier, 20 Mar. 1950).
18. "Der 'Skandal der Kioske,' " HamburgerAllgemeine, 27 Feb. 1950; Alfred Happ. " 'Feinere Schamlosigkeit,' " Frankfurter Rundschau, 3 May 1950.
310   •  Notes to Pages 108-112
Notes to Pages 112-116   • 311
19. See "Zum Schutz der heranwachsenden Jugend," Die Welt, 20 April 1930.
20. Under the 1926 Weimar law 3,660 publications and all the works of an additional 455 authors were put on a blacklist. The Nazis nullified and replaced the Weimar law with their own stricter ruling in April 1935. See Stefan Maim, "Zu diesem Schund und Schmutz: Mit der 'Lex Heintze' begann es," Die neue Zeitung, 12 Mar. 1950; "Moral mit Paragraphen," Die deutsche Zeitung und Wirtschafts Zeitung, 23 July 1952; and see also the protests of writers and publishers summarized in Gerhard Lüttke, "Verleger und Autoren gegen ein Schund- und Schmutzgesetz," Frankfurter Rundschau, 14 Jan. 1950,
21. See "Mit untauglichen Mitteln," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 26 Aug. 1952. The language about "glorifying war crimes and racial hatred" suddenly appeared as the Bundestag's Committee for Youth Welfare, after almost two years of work, offered a revised version of the law to the Bundestag for final deliberation in July 1952. See "Schmutz- und Schundgesetz fertiggestellt," Die Neue Zeitung, 12 July 1952.
22. See the trajectory of the discussion in Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestages. I. Wahlperiode 1949, vol. 13 (Bonn: Universitäts-Buchdruckerei, 1952), pp. 10532-56. See especially the comments of Maria Niggemeyer of the CDU (p. 10533), Minister of the Interior Robert Lehr, also of the CDU (p. 10536), Anne Marie Heiler of the CDU (p. 10539), Gertrud Strohbach of the Communist Pärty (KPD) (p. 10542), and Ferdinand Friedensburg of the CDU (p. 10547).
23. See Robert Schilling, Gesamtverzeichnis der jugendgefährdenden Schriften nach dem Stande vom 1. April 1961 (Neuwied: Luchterhand, 1961), p. 65.
24. See Petra Jäschke, "Produktionsbedingungen und gesellschaftliche Einschätzungen," in Zwischen Trümmern und Wohlstand: Literatur der Jugend 194S-1960, ed. Klaus Doderer (Weinheim and Basel: Beltz, 19 88), p. 324.
25. See Reimut Reiche, "Über Kinsey," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 11, no. 2 (1998), p. 167.
26. For example, see Malin, "Zu diesem Schund und Schmutz."
27. Happ, " 'Feinere Schamlosigkeit.' "
28. Erich Kästner, "Schund- und Schandgesetzgebung," reprinted in Kästner für Erwachsense, ed. R. W. Leonhardt (Frankfurt am Main and Zurich: S. Fischer/ Atrium, 1966).
29. Carlo Schmid, "Schmutz- und Schund-Gesetz—endlose Schraube," Die Welt, 13 Jan. 1950.
30. Kästner, "Schund- und Schandgesetzgebung."
31. Communist analyses did not help in offering a more differentiated explanation for the appeals of pornography. KPD politician Renner's remarks in the Bundestag to the effect that the millions of Deutschmark spent on pornographic literature were "indicative of the rotted social order in the. Federal Republic" (in; contrast to the impressive model provided by the Soviet zone of occupation;.; "where erotic-decadent literature is not purchasable") only inspired a journalist to sharp sarcasm about the contrast between Stalinist "moralism" on the one; hand and the Red Army rapes of German women and concentration and forced., labor camps for political opponents of Stalinism on the other. H. H., "Totale Moral," General-Anzeiger, 14 Feb. 1952.
I
1
.3
IP
11 *} ■ 1
:■■ .32. F. M. Reifferscheidt, "Was steckt hinter 'Schmutz und Schund?' " Frankfurter Rundschau, 10 Jan. 1950.
■ 33. See "Schund und Schmutz," Rhein-Echo, 2 Mar. 1950.
;';';.34. 5 vor 12 (Echter-Verlag, 1950), quoted in Jäschke, "Produktionsbedingungen," p. 321.
■; 35. See Heinz Neudeck, "Pressefreiheit und Jugendschutz," Die neue Zeitung, 18. Mar. 1950.
36. Helmut Thielicke, "Schmutz und Schund: Massnahmen von unten her," Stuttgarter Zeitung, 4 May 1.950.
37. "Was ist 'jugendgefährdend'?" Frankfurter Neue Fresse, 6 May 1950.
38. Richard Tungel, "Schmutz und Schund," Die Zeit, no. 39 (25 Sept. 1952), P-l.
. 39. See "Kardinal Frings mahnt Bundesrat," Kölnische Rundschau, 29 Aug. 1950.
;:-40. "Das Wichtige und die halbe Wahrheit," Münchner Allgemeine, 15 Jan. 1950.
;;41. See " 'Schwarzer Terror,' " Rheinische Zeitung, 25 Jan. 1951; "Der erste Seheiterhaufen," Frankfurter Rundschau, 8 Apr. 1952.
42. " 'Schwarzer Terror.' "
43. Strauss quoted in "Mehr christliche Aktivisten!" Westfalenpost, 21 Feb. 1952.
44. "Moral mit Paragraphen," Deutsche Zeitung und Wirtschafts Zeitung, 23 July 1952.
;;;45. "Bundestag verabschiedet 'Schmutz- und Schundgesetz,' " Frankfurter Rundschau, 18 Sept. 1952.
46. "Mit Unbehagen."
47. Jugend in Gefahr (1952), brochure of the Vereinigte Jugendschriften-ausschüsse, quoted in Jäschke, "Produktionsbedingungen," p. 394.
■ .48. See the discussion in Jäschke, "Produktionsbedingungen," p. 330.
49. Toska Hesekiel, Eltern antworten: Eine Hilfe zur Aufklärung unserer Kinder (Berlin: Burckhardthaus-Verlag, 1955), p. 27.
;;5Ö. Oesterreich (1954) quoted in Peter Kuhnert and Ute Ackermann, "Jenseits yöriLust und Liebe? Jugendsexualität in den 50er Jahren," in "Die Elvis-Tolle, die hatte ich mir unauffällig wachsen lassen": Lehensgeschichte und jugendliche Aütagskultur in den fünfziger Jahren, ed. Heinz-Hermann Krüger (Opladen: Leske, 1985), p. 48.
51. Oesterreich (1959) quoted in ibid., p. 49.
52. Hans Wollasch, "Der menschliche Sinn des Geschlechtslebens," in Familie in\ Not: Sexualpädagogische Vortragsreihe, ed. Stadtverwaltung Bad Godesberg (Bad Godesberg, 1954), p. 16.
53. See Erich Schröder, Reif Werden und Rein Bleiben: Briefe eines Arztes an seinen Patensohn (Konstanz: Christliche Verlagsanstalt,1956), p. 29.
;: 54. Gagern quoted in Kuhnert and Ackermann, "Jenseits von Lust und Liebe?" p. 49.
55. Wolf gang Fischer, "Selbstbefriedigung und geschlechdiche Erziehung," Der evangelische Erzieher 6, no. 3 (May—June 1954), pp. 74-75.
56. Conversation with F. B., 2001.
312   •  Notes to Pages 117-120
57. See Kuhnert and Ackermann, "Jenseits von Lust und Liebe?" esp. pp. 55-72.
58. See ibid., esp. pp. 72-81.
59. Indeed, in the course of the 1960s—as the society was in other ways beginning to liberalize—a number of notorious Federal Court (Bundesgerichtshof ^decisions, inspired by church teachings on the indissolubility of marriage, limited individuals' ability to seek divorce even further. Refusal of intercourse with: :one'"s spouse (considered one of the "marital duties"), like refusal to conceive, were taken as violations of marriage. The "guilty" party was not permitted to fUe-for divorce, only the guiltless partner could do so. And if the woman was the "guilty" party in these cases, she could lose both her right to alimony and—if the-man wanted the children—custody of their children. (These developments, notably, had their roots in the Western occupiers' particular interpretation of thij 1938 liberalized Nazi divorce law as a "typically Nazi" law in its concern with dissolving "undesirable" marriages and encouraging reproduction within new marriages. Thus in the wake of the war, the occupiers added a clause that made divorce impossible when it was opposed to the interests of the children.) See Sibylla Flügge, "Der verschlungene Weg zur Gleichberechtigung: Entwicklung der Frauenrechte seit 1945," in Wir sind so frei: 3 Jahrzehnte Frauenbewegung in Frankfurt, ed. Frauenreferat der Stadt Frankfurt am Main (brochure, 2001); Ute Gerhard, ed., Frauen in der Geschichte des Rechts (Munich: Beck, 1997); Robert Moeller, Protecting Motherhood: Women and the Family in the Politics of Postwar West Germany (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1993); Karin Stiehr, "Aspekte der gesellschaftlichen und politischen Situation von Frauen in den 5 Oer Jahren," in Verdeckte Überlieferungen: Weiblicbkeitsbilder zwischen Weimarer Republik, Nationalsozialismus und Fünfziger Jahre, ed. Barbara Determan et al. (Frankfurt am Main: Haag und Herchen, 1991), pp. 121; Angela Delille andAn-drea Grohn, Blick zurück aufs Glück: Frauenleben und Familienpolitik in den 50er Jahren (Berlin: Elefanten, 1985), pp. 130, 138-40. For an example of the kinds of sexual responsiveness and cooperation some leading jurists expected wives to show their husbands as a matter of course, see the commentary on the Federal Court decision of 2 Nov. 1966 in Neue juristische Wochenschrift 20, no. 23 (8 June 1967), pp. 1078-80.1 thank Sibylla Flügge for calling this document to my attention.
60. Schissler, "'Normalization' as Project," p. 368.
61. Excerpt from Franz-Joseph Wuermeling, Familie—Gabe und Aufgabe, reprinted in Delille and Grohn, Blick zurück aufs Glück, p. 68.
62. Metzger (1957) quoted in Jaeschke, "Produktionsbedingungen," -pp. 361, 366.
63. See Delille and Grohn, Blick zurück aufs Glück, p. 86.
64. Excerpt from Wuermeling, Familie—Gabe und Aufgabe, p. 68.
65. "Hundert Ehefrauen raten einer Braut," reprinted in Frauenalltag und Frauenbewegung im 20. Jahrhundert, vol. 4, ed. Annette Kuhn and Doris Schubert (Frankfurt am Main: Dezernat für Kultur und Freizeit, 1980), p. 38.
66. "Sind Sie eine vollkommene Ehefrau?" questionnaire reprinted in Delille and Grohn, Blick zurück aufs Glück, p. 122.
Notes to Pages 120-124   . 313
■■67. See Kirsten Plötz, "'Echte' Frauenleben? 'Lesbierinnen' im Spiegel öffentlicher Äusserungen in den Anfängen der Bundesrepublik," Invertito 1 (1999), pp. 47-69. For a more disturbing 1950s interpretation of lesbianism—in which lesbianism is intrinsically linked with fascism—see the novel by Wolfgang Koeppen, Das Treibhaus (Stuttgart: Scherz and Goverts, 1953).
; 68. Ruth Seiler, "Vom Kindersegen," in Mann und Frau, ed. Liselotte Nold (Nürnberg: Laetare, n.d.), pp. 37-38.
69. Maria Jochum, "Frauenfrage 1946," Frankfurter Hefte 1 (June 1946), pp. 24-25.
70. Hanns Lilje, "Zerfall der Familie?" Sonntagsblatt, 7 Feb. 1954, p. 24.
71. Wollasch, "Der menschliche Sinn," pp. 7,17.
72. See in this context, for example, Theodor Bovet, "Sexualethik oder eheliche Partnerschaft," Radius, no. 4 (1963), p. 28. For an indication of the durability of religious commentators' worry that noncoital practices could be nothing but "reciprocal masturbation" rather than truly relational, see the rejection of such a view in Siegfried Keil, " 'Zur Jugendliebe gehört die Empfängnisverhütung,' " Der Spiegel, 22 Aug. 1966, p. 55; and the reaffirmation of this view in Denkschrift zu Fragen der Sexualethik: Erarbeitet von einer Kommission der Evangelischen Kir-cbe in Deutschland (Gütersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1971), p. 28.
■:73. Numerous doctors and Christian advice writers liked to present the idea that planned pregnancy prevention of any kind inhibited female pleasure as an idea advanced by women themselves. For example, see A. Mayer, Seelische Krisen im Leben der Frau (Munich: Lehmann, 1954), pp. 80-82, and its approving cita-tion in Anselm Günthör, "Kritische Bemerkungen zu neuen Theorien über Ehe und Eheliche Hingabe," Theologische Quartalschrift 144 (1964), p. 343.
74. See the summary remarks about the differences between West Germany and;Other western nations in Hermann Knaus, "Zur Frage der natürlichen Gebur-tehregelung und ihrer individuellen Anwendung," Die Heilkunst 69 (1956), pp. 272-73; K. Salier, "Zivilisation und Sexualität," Die Heilkunst 70 (1957), p. 48; Günter Grund, "Optimale Kontrazeption," Medizinische Welt, no. 32 (10 Aug. 1963), p, 1601; and "Die Antikonzeption—in Deutschland noch ein Stiefkind," Berliner Ärzteblatt 78, no. 2 (1965), pp. 73-77.
75. Quoted in Hans Harmsen, "Mittel zur Geburtenregelung in der Gesetzgebung des Staates," in Sexualität und Verbrechen, ed. Fritz Bauer et al. (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1963), p. 183. See also the 1959 Hamburg case, p. 186.
76. See the discussions in Clemens Bewer, "Verkauf von Gummischutzmitteln durch Aussenautomaten," Zeitschrift für ärztliche Fortbildung 50, no. 6 (1961), pp. 460-62: and "Unzucht—schwer gemacht," Konkret, Oct. 1963, p. 11.
r-77. See Harmsen, "Mittel zur Geburtenregelung," p. 185.
78. See Ludwig von Friedeburg, Die Umfrage in der Intimsphäre, Beiträge zur Sexualforschung, vol. 4 (Stuttgart: Enke, 1953), p. 50.
79. See "Theologische Stimmen zur ärztlichen Beratung über Empfängnisverhütung," Wege zum Menschen 9 (1957), p. 193; "Erst die Liebe, dann die Moral? Alles über die Deutschen (15)," Stern, no. 48 (1963), pp. 43-52; and Jahrbuch der öffentlichen Meinung 1958-1964, ed. Elisabeth Noelle and Peter Neumann (Allensbach: Verlag für Demoskopie, 1965), p. 589.
314   •   Notes to Pages 124-127
Notes to Pages 127-134   • 315
80. In this context see also Helmut Schelsky, who—interestingly—gave authority to his own critique of petting by citing anthropologist Margaret Mead's negä;:: tive assessment of it. Helmut Schelsky, Soziologie der Sexualität (Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1955), pp. 121-22. For an example of an ordinary citizen who shared these views that "substitute solutions" like petting would have "the most damaging;: consequences for a later marriage," see Gerda Ruppricht, letter to the editor, Twen, no. 10 (1962), p. 11.
81. L. M. Lawrence, "Der Kinsey Report," Merkur 3, no. 5 119491, pp. 495-99.
82. See "Erst die Liebe, dann die Moral?" p. 50.
83. See "Die gefallene Natur," Der Spiegel, 2 May 1966, pp. 64-67.
84. Notably, however, Pope Pius XII in 1951 declared that the rhythm method:, was only for short-term use; indefinite reliance on the method was unacceptable: ■ "Its use is also a sin against the true nature of marital life if the purpose is continuously to prevent pregnancy without a serious reason." W. F., "Gegen die Gebur-; tenkontrolle: Eine Erklärung des Papstes über die christliche Ehe," Die Zeit, 8 Nov. 1951.
85. Hanns Dietel, "Möglichkeiten und Grenzen der natürlichen Geburtenregelung," Hamburger Ärzteblatt, Nov. 1953, pp. 234-35.
86. Anne Marie Durand-Wever, "Ärztliche Indikationen zur Empfängnisverhü-, tung," in Die gesunde Familie, ed. Hans Harmsen, Beiträge zur Sexualforschung; vol. 13 (Stuttgart: Enke, 1958), p. 129. For a robust defense of the withdrawal method—after more than a decade of very hostile attacks on it by numerous physiri cians—see Herbert Lax, "Methodik der Antikonzeption," Deutsches medizinisches journal 15, no. 8 (Apr. 1964), pp. 261-67.
87. Conversation with ET., 2001.
88. See R. Hobbing, "Zur Frage der Haltbarkeit von Minderjährigenehen," Unsere Jugend 6, no. 8 (1954), pp. 366-68; "Erst die Liebe, dann die Moral?" p. 46; and "Jung gefreit—Nie gereut," Twen, no. 5 (1960), p. 29; and "Darüber spricht man nicht," Twen, no. 7 (1960), p. 30. The divorce rate for teen marriages was twice as high as that for marriages between twenty-four- to twenty-six-year-olds.
89. See Delille and Grohn, Blick zurück aufs Glück, p. 124; "Ist der Betrieb, ein Heiratsmarkt? Alles über die Deutschen (2)," Stern, no. 35 (1963), p. 25; Harmsen, "Mittel zur Geburtenregelung," p. 175; Gisela Staupe and Lisa Vieth;: "Einführung," in Die Tille: Von der Lust und von der Liebe, ed. Staupe and Vieth} (Berlin: Rowohlt, 1996), p. 14; and "Heiraten nur weil ein Kind kommt?" Twen; no. 6 (1960), p. 26.
90. See Hans Harmsen, "Abtreibung oder Empfängnisverhütung?" Gesund^ heitsfürsorge 3 (1953-54), p. 123; and the informative essay by A. V. Knack and W. Pieper, "Der Stand der Empfängnisverhütung in der ärztlichen Praxis," Ärztliche Mitteilungen 41, no. 14 (May 1956), p. 388.
91. Hermann Doerfler, "Was kann die Bayer. Ärzteschaft und was der einzelne; Arzt zur Bekämpfung der Abtreibungsseuche beitragen?" Münchener Medizi-} nische Wochenschrift 95, no. 17 (24 Apr 1953), pp. 509-11; and Harmsen, "Mit-; tel zur Geburtenregelung," p. 186.
{'92. Durand-Wever, "Ärztliche Indikationen," p. 129. Also see Michael Luft, "Abtreibung in Deutschland: Hilfe, ich kriege ein Kind! 1," Konkret, May 1964, pp. 7-11, One study done in Kiel in the early 1950s suggested that one out of every twenty abortions was performed by a physician. See Doerfler, "Was kann die Bayer. Ärzteschaft." See also Theodor Bruck, Geburtenregelung: Empfängnisverhütung—Problem und Praxis (Flensburg: C. Stephenson, 1964), pp. 129-30.
93. Delille and Grohn, Blick zurück aufs Glück, p. 123. v 94. Michael Luft discusses this case in "Paragraph 218 oder Baby-Pille für Alle: Hilfe, ich kriege ein Kind! 2," Konkret, July—Aug. 1964, p. 8.
95. See Delille and Grohn, Blick zurück aufs Glück, p. 123; and the comments about Dr. Hanns Dietel's study in the interview with Dr. Heinz Kirchhoff in " Anti-Baby-Pillen nur für Ehefrauen," Der Spiegel, 26 Feb. 1964, p. 87. :;9.6. See Carl Nedelmann, "Abtreibung: Geburtenregelung und Strafrechtsre-form," Konkret, July 1965, p. 6,
97. See Heike Rieder, letter to the editor, Konkret, Sept. 1964, p. 2; and the statistics on West Germany in P. Kühne, "Australiens Frauen und die Pille: Bremswirkung pseudowissenschaftlich erzeugter Karzinophobie," Berliner Ärzteblatt 78, no. 7 (1965), pp. 370-73.
98. Kirchhoff quoted in "Anti-Baby Pillen," p. 87.
99. See Bruck, Geburtenregelung, pp. 127-28; and Delille and Grohn, Blick zurück aufs Glück, p. 123.
:::100. See "Anhang: Auszüge aus der Bundestagsdrucksache IV/ 650 vom 4. Oktober 1962 (Regierungsentwurf eines Strafgesetzbuches—E 1962)," in Bauer et ^Sexualität und Verbrechen, pp. 406-7, 409-11.
101. Ibid., p. 388.
102. Carl Reiner, "Anmerkungen zum geplanten Sexualstrafrecht," Diskus 14, no. 2 (Feb. 1964).
.,103. Wolfgang Eckhardt, "Unzucht—schwer gemacht: Bedenkliches am Ent-wurf zum. neuen StGB," Konkret, Oct. 1963, p. 11.
104. See on this point about Jews and ex-Nazis also Wolf Lepenies, "Exile and Eitnigration: The Survival of 'German Culture,' " Occasional Paper, no. 7, School of Social Science, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, NJ (March 2000), pp. 11,14.
105. Wolfgang Hochheimer, "Das Sexualstrafrecht in psychologisch-anthropologischer Sicht," in Bauer et al., Sexualität und Verbrechen, pp. 90, 97-98.
106. Theodor W. Adorno, "Sexualtabus und Recht heute," in Bauer et al., Sexualität und Verbrechen, pp. 301-3, 305, 310.
107. Christian Crull and Hans Hagedorn, "Sex und Profit," Diskus 12, no. 7 (Aug. 1962), p. 1.
108. As Schoeps put it, "The impression is unavoidable that in present-day public opinion there is apparently a major absence of impartiality, honestyNand courage when it comes to taking a truly independent and objective stand on these questions [of homosexuality]. In fact, anyone who tries to do this can count on being personally suspected, slandered, and vilified. . . . Before 1914 one was in
316   •  Notes to Pages 134-139
Notes to Pages 142-147   • 317
many ways much further along [since in 1905, five thousand prominent individuals signed a petition against Paragraph 175]. Also the comparison with the 'roar-ing twenties' makes the present look bad. For back then. German intellectuals were less mendacious and cowardly. Undoubtedly the corruption by Flitler is at some considerable fault here, but the greater responsibility lies with the moral decomposition that has in the meantime been self-inflicted." Hans-Joachim Schocps, "Soli Homosexualität strafbar bleiben?" Der Monat 15, no. 171 (Dec. 1962), p. 19. Schoeps did not mention his own homosexuality in this essay.
109. Ibid., pp. 26-27.
110. See "Auf der Rampe," Der Spiegel, 18 Dec. 1963, pp. 46-47. For the further impact of this specific assessment of the perpetrators, see the discussion in the section on "legalized criminality" in Arno Plack, Die Gesellschaft und das Böse: Eine Kritik der herrschenden Moral (Munich: Paul List, 1967), pp. 3.04-10. On the enormous importance of the Auschwitz trial for postwar West German culture more generally, see Michael Jeismann, "Glanzstunde der Republik." Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 27 March 2004, p. 33.
111. Heribert Adam, "Spiesser Moral," Diskus 15, no. 4 (June 1965), p. 1.
112. Luft, "Paragraph 218 oder Baby-Pille fuer Alle: Hilfe, ich krieg ein Kind' 2," p. 16.
113. Adam, "Spiesser Moral," p. 1.
114. See the discussion of Konkret in Ulrike Heider, "Freie Liebe und Liebesrc-ligion: Zum Sexualitätsbegriff der 60er und 80er Jahre," in Sadomasochisten, Keusche und Romantiker: Vom Mythos neuer Sinnlichkeit, ed. Heider (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1986), p.93.
115. For example, see Ludwig Henze, "Antisemitismus in Deutschland: Der Unsichtbare Stern," and Fritz Bauer quoted in "Lebt Hitler noch?" both in Konkret, Apr. 1963, p. 7; Hermann Pieper, letter to the editor and the editors' response, Konkret, May 1964, p. 2; Ernest L. Moss, "Jude in Deutschland," Konkret, May 1965, pp. 6-10; and Peggy Parnass, "Jüdin in Deutschland," Konkret, July 1965, pp. 14-16.
116. For example, see the excerpts from Karlheinz Deschner's Abermals krähte der Hahn: Eine kritische Kirchengeschichte von den Anfängen bis zu Pius XU (Stuttgart: H. E. Günther, 1962), a study of the churches' complicity in the Third Reich, serialized in Konkret between November 1962 and February 1963.
117. Hermann Rraemer quoted in Heinz Ungureit, "Bernkastels Landrat vergleicht 'Das Schweigen' mit Auschwitz," Frankfurter Rundschau, 24 June 1964, p.22.
118. Wolfgang Fritz Haug, "Vorbemerkung," Das Argument 32 (1965),: pp. 30-31.
119. "Die gefallene Natur," pp. 57-58.
120. Plack, Die Gesellschaft und das Böse, p. 309.
121. See Hannes Schwenger, Antisexuelle Propaganda: Sexualpolitik in der Kirche (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1969), pp. 34-36.
122. Barbara Köster, "Rüsselsheim Juli 1985," interview by Daniel Cohn-Bcn-dit, in Wir haben sie so geliebt, die Revolution, ed. Colm-Bendit (Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum, 1987), p. 244.
? 3
■II
Wm
Chapter Four
The Morality of Pleasure
I. "Die gefallene Natur," Der Spiegel, 2 May 1966, p. 58.
i.2,.. To give just one example: while in 1963 one of every five West Germans had insisted women should be virgins at marriage, as of 1970 only one in ten West Germans took this stance. See "Thema eins," Der Spiegel, 3 Aug. 1970, p. 46.
3. See "Umfrage in die Intimsphäre: Alles über die Deutschen (13)," Der Stern, no. 46 (1963), p. 56; and "Erst die Liebe, dann die Moral? Alles über die Deutschen (15)," Der Stern, no. 48 (1963), p. 52.
4. Horst Fischer, Gruppensex in Deutschland (Hamburg: Merlin, 1968).
5. For example, see Heinz van Nouhuys's report on Marlies Kolle: "Meine Ehe mit Oswalt Kolle," Jasmin, no. 11 (May 1968), pp. 32-40.
6. See the excellent study by Annette Miersch, Schulmädchen-Report: Der deutsche Sexfilm der 70er Jahre (Berlin: Bertz, 2003).
7. See "Kosen und Posen," Der Spiegel, 13 March 1972, pp. 66-67.
8. "Die gefallene Natur," p. 50.
9. "Amüsiert, ironischer Blick," Ovis, Nov. 1968, p. 3.
10. See Horst Eglau, "Die Liebesdienerin der Nation," Die Zeit, 28 Jan. 1972, pp. 22-23; and "Porno-Markt: Frau Saubermann an der Spitze," Der Spiegel, 1 Nov. 1971, pp. 79, 94.
II. See "Porno-Markt," pp. 78-97; Eglau, "Die Liebesdienerin," p. 23; "'Bekennt, dass ihr anders seid,' " Der Spiegel, 12 Mar. 1973, p. 58; and Andreas Saimen and Albert Eckert, 20 Jahre bundesdeutsche Schwulenbewegung 1969-1989 (Cologne: Bundesverband Homosexualität e. V., 1989), pp. 8-12.
,12. Härtung and Rosenberg quoted in "Porno-Markt," pp. 81, 97. ■1.3. Jean-Francis Held, "Sex über Alles," he Nouvel Observateur, 17 Aug, 1970, p. 51.
14. See Pierre Simon et al., Rapport sur le comportement sexuel des Francais il'aris: René Julliard/Pierre Charron, 1972); as well as the bemused summary of the findings in "Montags fast nie," Der Spiegel, 30 Oct. 1972, pp. 124-26. According to the study, 45 percent of French women between the ages of twenty and twenty-nine were virgins when they married (compared with, depending on the generation, maximally 30 percent, if not only 10 percent of German women); 50 percent of French women had only had one male lover in their lifetime; the average French woman had slept with no more than two men. Most couples did it in the dark; foreplay was brief to nonexistent; positions outside the missionary and woman-on-top, and practices besides coitus, were pursued only by a minority. Le. Nouvel Observateur noted: "The report paints the picture of a profoundly conservative France."
15. "Jugend forscht," Der Spiegel, 22 Mar. 1971, pp. 175,190.
16. See Wilfried Ruff, "Ist die Sexualethik am Ende?" Publik, no. 31 (30 July 1971), p. 12.
;17. See Gunter Schmidt, Arne Dekker, and Silje Matthiesen, "Sexualver&al-ten," in Kinder der sexuellen Revolution: Kontinuität und Wandel studentischer Sexualität 1966-1996. Eine empirische Untersuchung, ed. Schmidt (Giessen: Psy-chösozial-Verkg, 2000), pp. 40, 64.
318   •   Notes to Pages 147-151
18. 1968,
19.
20.
21.
22.
:'Ihr könntet uns Liebe erlauben,' " Der Spiegel, 8 Apr.
;54j
38.
Peter Brügge, pp. 90-91.
"Liebe im Schlafsack," Der Stern, no. 49 (1971), pp. 76-77. Conversation with T. D., 1999. Quoted in "Die gefallene Natur," p. 54.
Council quoted in "Freude im Haus," Der Spiegel, 22 Aug. 1966, p bishopric quoted in "Thema eins," p. 38.
23. Quoted in Brügge, "Thr könntet,' " p. 91.
24. Theologian and biologist Gerd Siegmund quoted in "Thema eins," p.
25. See Siegfried Keil, "Ist Sex des Teufels?" Die Zeit, 11 June 1971, p. 48.
26. Thielicke quoted in " 'Der Sexus ist kein Sündenpfuhl,' " Der Spiegel, 28 Nov. 1966, p. 87.
27. Geno Hartlaub, "Leben für den Sex (II): Ist die Liebesheirat überholt?" Deutsches Allgemeines Sonntagsblatt, no. 47 (24 Nov. 1968), p. 17. See the similar sentiments in Wilhelm Quenzer, "Sexuelle Befreiung und Aggressivität," Infor-r mation Nr. 47, ed. Evangelische Zentralstelle für Weltanschauungsfragen (Stuttgart, 1971), p. 3.
28. "Die gefallene Natur," p. 54. See "'Der Sexus,' " p. 75.
Lange-Undeutsch quoted in "Diese Dame," Der Spiegel, 29 Aug. 1966;
29.
30. .51.
31.
32.
Cartoon reprinted to accompany "'Der Sexus,' " p. 86. See Koch's remarks from his presentation at a conference sponsored by the YMCA (CVJM) in 1971, quoted in "Liebe im Schlafsack," p. 78; and see Friedrich Koch, Sexualpädagogik und politische Erziehung (Munich: Paul List, 1975).
33. Karlheinz Deschner, Das Kreuz mit der Kirche: Eine Sexualgeschichte des Christentums (Düsseldorf: Econ, 1974), pp. 385, 390-91, 398-99. The Catholic writer quoted by Deschner is F. Pittet, one of the contributors to the Catholic advice manual Gesundes Geschlechtsleben: Handbuch für Ehefragen, ed. Franz Xavier von Hornstein and A. Faller (Ölten: Otto Walter, 1950).
34. Siegfried Keil, Sexualität: Erkenntnisse und Mass-Stäbe (Stuttgart: Kreuz-Verlag, 1966).
35. Kirchenkanzlei der Evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland, ed., Denkschrift zu Fragen der Sexualethik: Erarbeitet von einer Kommission der Evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland (Gütersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1971), pp. 26-29.
36. See Pastor Horst Küngsporn quoted in "Liebe im Schlafsack," p. 78; and Pastor Paul Schulz, "... zum Beispiel das sechste Gebot," Die Zeit, 8 June 1973, p. 66. Under the caption "The human being must be liberated from the rigid corset of norms—precisely the theologians should be clearing out outdated concepts," Schulz lamented the stultified desires and lack of pleasure evident within many-marriages and declared that the sixth commandment, '"thou shalt not commit: adultery,' is simply not adequate for the needs of a society in the process of self-emancipation." See also "Schluss mit dem (heimlichen) Seitensprung," Bild, 7 Mar. 1969, p. 1.
37. Cartoon accompanying "Liebe im Schlafsack," p. 78.
38. See the photograph accompanying Keil, "Ist Sex des Teufels?" p. 48.
39. See "Jugend forscht," p. 181.
Notes to Pages 151-155   • 319
40. See Ruff, "Ist die Sexualethik am Ende?" p. 12.
41. See Hubertus Mynarek, Eros und Klerus: Vom Elend des Zölibats (Düsseldorf: Econ, 1978); and Mynarek quoted in "Totale Tröstung," Der Spiegel, 20 Feb. .1978, p. 75. More than one-third of all twenty-four thousand priests in West Germany, Mynarek estimated, broke their vows with females, another third with males. Celibacy for him was "an institutionalized untruth," a "systematic sexual oppression."
■42. Working-class youth quoted in Gunter Schmidt and Volkmar Sigusch, Ar-bäiter-Sexualität: Eine empirische Untersuchung an jungen Industriearbeitern (Neuwied and Berlin: Luchterhand, 1971), pp. 88-92.
43. Quoted in Rosa Geschichten, ed., Eine Tunte bist Du auf jeden Fall: 20 lihre Schwulenbewegung in Münster (Münster: Schnelldruck Coerdestrasse, 1592), p. 16.
v44. Amendt quoted in "Richtige Wohltat," Der Spiegel, 31 Aug. 1970, p. 71.
45. See "Liebe im Schlafsack"; and Rentier's study in Hans Grothe, "Ehe 70," Eltern, no. 5 (May 1970), pp. 101-8; and Hans Grothe, "Ehe 70 (Ff)," Eltern, no. 6 Qune 1970), pp. 124-33.
46. Quoted in "'Wir haben heute eine positive Besessenheit,' " Der Spiegel, 3 Aug. 1970, p. 51.
:47. Volkmar Sigusch, "Liebe kann doch nichts dafür," Der Spiegel, 21 June 1971, p. 136.
:48. See Rosa Geschichten, Eine Tunte, p. 14; and Schmidt quoted in "Späte Milde," Der Spiegel, 12 May 1969, p. 63. 49. Conversation with Volkmar Sigusch, 2002.
;:5Ö. Martin Dannecker and Reimut Reiche, Der gewöhnliche Homosexuelle: Eifie soziologische Untersuchung über männliche Homosexuelle in der Bundesrepublik (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1974); '"Bekennt, dass ihr anders seid,' " pp. 46-62; "Ich bin schwul," Der Stern, no. 41 (1978), pp. 104-18.
51. See on this point esp. Martin Dannecker, "Die verspätete Empirie," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 14, no. 2 (June 2001).
;52. Klaus Theweleit, . . . ein Aspirin von der Grösse der Sonne (Freiburg LB.: Jos Fritz, 1990), p. 49. Note also Theweleit's observation in 1998: "The interest Iii: the political was manifest among many young people as an interest in the sexual. The bodies of young people in the early sixties were sexually charged in a wholly unusual way." Klaus Theweleit, Ghosts: Drei leicht inkorrekte Vorträge (Frankfurt am Main: Stroemfeld Roter Stern, 1998), pp. 106-7. :;53. Peter Schneider, "Nicht der Egoismus verfälscht das politische Engagement, sondern der Versuch ihn zu verheimlichen," Frankfurter Rundschau, 25 June 1977, p. III.
54. Götz Eisenberg, "Auf der Suche nach Identität," Frankfurter Hefte 34, no. 4 (Apr. 1979), p. 88.
55. Claus Offe, "Vier Hypothesen über historische Folgen der Studentenbewegung," Leviathan, no. 4 (1998), p. 552.
56. Berliner Kinderläden: Antiautoritäre Erziehung und sozialistischer Kampf (Cologne: Kiepenheuer und Witsch, 1970), pp. 108-9.
57. Dannecker and Reiche, Der gewöhnliche Homosexuelle, p, 169.
;58. Günter Amendt, SexFront (Frankfurt am Main: März, 1970), pp. 123,126.
320   •  Notes to Pages 155-159
Notes to Pages 159-166   • 321
59. Reimut Reiche, Sexuality and Class Struggle, trans. Susan Bennett (New York: Praeger, 1971), pp. 138-39. Like Adorno before him, Reiche called attention to the apoliticism and conformity that appeared to accompany much youth sexual liberalization (p. 171).
60. Quoted in Rosa Geschichten, Eine Tunte, p. 16.
61. Theodor W. Adorno, "Sexualtabus und Recht heute," in Sexualität und Verbrechen, ed. Fritz Bauer et al. (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer 1963), pp. 300-301.
62. Trial testimony reproduced in Rainer Langhans and Fritz Teufel, eds., Klau mich (Frankfurt am Main: Ed. Voltaire, 1968), approximately p. 173 (there are no page numbers).
63. Ulrike Heider, "Freie Liebe und Liebesreligion: Zum Sexualitätsbegriff der 60er und 80er Jahre," in Sadomasochisten, Keusche, und Romantiker: Vom Mythos neuer Sinnlichkeit, ed. Heider (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1986), pp. 92-109, esp. p. 94.
64. Arno Plack, Die Gesellschaß und das Böse: Eine Kritik der herrschenden Moral (Munich: Paul List, 1967), pp. 163, 308-9.
65. Erich Fromm, Autorität und Familie (1936), quoted in Reiche, Sexuality, p. 118.
66. Reinhart Westphal, "Psychologische Theorien über den Faschismus," Das Argument 32 (1965), pp. 34, 38.
67. Fromm quoted in Reiche, Sexuality, p. 118.
68. For example, see Max Horkheimer, "Theoretische Entwürfe über Autorität und Familie: Allgemeiner Teil," in Studien über Autorität und Familie, ed. Horkheimer (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1936); and Max Horkheimer, "Authoritarianism and-the Family," in The Family: Its Function and Destiny, ed. Ruth Nanda Ashen (New York: Harper and Bros., 1949; rev. ed., 1959).
69. Adorno et al. were concerned to show that while it did appear that racially prejudiced and "potentially fascistic" personalities tended also to manifest a-"moralistic rejection of instinctual tendencies," and that "it seems likely that this; moral condemnation serves the purpose of externalization of, and defense against,: temptation toward immoral and unconventional behavior," "crude promiscuity": was also one of the frequent characteristics of prejudiced individuals. See Theodor;! Adorno et al., The Authoritarian Personality (New York: Harper and Bros., 1950), esp. pp. 1, 393, 395, 420.
70. See Berliner Kinderläden, pp. 13-14, 90-91.
71. See Hille Jan Breiteneicher et al-, Kinderläden: Revolution der Erziehungoder Erziehung zur Revolution? (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1971), pp. 13, 16-17.
72. Eckhard Siepmann, "Genital versus Prägerdtal: Die Grossväter der sexuell■ len Revolution," in CheSchahShit: Die Sechziger Jahre zwischen Cocktail uridi Molotow, ed. Siepmann et al. (Berlin: Elefanten, 1984), p. 101; "Ich will das so alles nicht," Pflasterstrand, no. 21 (15 Dec. 1977-11 Jan. 1978), p. 33.
73. Wilhelm Reich, Die Punktion des Orgasmus: Sexualökonomische Grund-probleme der biologischen Energie (1927; reprint., Cologne: Kiepenheuer und/; Witsch, 1969), p. 139.
74. Gunter Schmidt, "Aus der Zauber? Eine kurze Geschichte der Sexualität-; in der BRD," in Schmidt, Kinder der sexuellen Revolution, p. 11.
* -
75. See Peter Mosler, Was wir wollten, was wir wurden: Studentenrevolte— zehn Jahre danach (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1977), p. 159. ; 76. Heider, "Freie Liebe," p. 94.
.77. Dietrich Haensch, Repressive Familienpolitik: Sexualunterdrückung als Mittel der Politik (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1969), pp. 12,14, 66-67.
78. Dieter Duhm, Angst im Kapitalismus: Zweiter Versuch der gesellschaftlichen Begründung zwischenmenschlicher Angst in der kapitalistischen Warengesellschaft (Lampertheim: Kubier, 1972), p. 100.
79. "Kinderschule Frankfurt, Eschersheimer Landstrasse," in Erziehung zum Ungehorsam: Kinderläden berichten aus der antiautoritären Praxis, ed. Gerhard Bott (Frankfurt am Main: März, 1970), p. 55.
80. The children were horrified. See Klaus Härtung, "Die Psychoanalyse der Küchenarbeit: Selbstbefreiung, Wohngemeinschaft und Kommune," in Siepmann et a!., CheSchahShit, p. 106.
81. Sophinette Becker, "Bewusste und unbewusste Identifikationen der 68er Generation," in Erinnern, Wiederholen, Durcharbeiten: Zur Psycho-Analyse deutscher Wenden, ed. Brigitte Rauschenbach (Berlin: Aufbau, 1992), p. 273.
82. See Lutz von Werder, "Kinderläden: Versuch der Umwälzung der inneren Natur," in Siepmann et al., CheSchahShit, p. 108; Gerhard Bott, "Erziehung zum Ungehorsam: Bericht über antiautoritäre Kindergärten" (film script for the documentary televised by the Norddeutscher Rundfunk in 1969), in Bott, Erziehung zum Ungehorsam, p. 106.
83. For details on the battles between the founding women and the usurping men, see the essay by Heike Sander, "Mütter sind politische Personen: Die Kindertrage seit '68," Courage 9 (1978).
.84. Ursula Gröttrup, "Im 'Kinderiaden' hat Mao das Rotkäppchen verdrängt: Junge Eltern wollen antiautoritäre und aggressive Erziehung," Berliner Morgenpost, 19 Jan. 1969, reprinted in Berliner Kinderläden, p. 151.
85. Heiko Gebhart, "Kleine Linke mit grossen Rechten: Berliner APO-Mit-glieder experimentieren mit ihren Kindern," Der Stern, no. 9 (1969). .: 86. See Berliner Kinderläden, pp. 15-17,205; Breiteneicher et al., Kinderläden; Revolution, p. 103; as well as the remarks of the translators for the English-language version of Berliner Kinderläden: Storefront Day Care Centers: The Radical Berlin Experiment, trans. Catherine Lord and Renee Neu Watkins (Boston: Beacon, 1973), p. viii; Christian Büttner, "Chancen kollektiver Erziehung," Neue Praxis 3 (1974), pp. 228-29; Rüdiger Beier and Christian Büttner, "Kinderläden und Reformtendenzen im Elementarbereich," Neue Praxis 5 (1975), pp. 7-14; Lottemi Doormann, "Aufbruch aus dem Mütterghetto: Die Kinderfrage in der Frauenbewegung seit 1968," in Der grosse Unterschied: Die neue Frauenbewegung und die siebziger Jahre, ed. Kristine von Soden (Berlin: Elefanten, 1988), v csp. pp. 25-27; Lutz von Werder, "Bedeutung und Entwicklung der Kinderladenbewegung in der Bundesrepublik," in Was kommt nach den Kinderläden? Erlebnis-Protokolle, ed. von Werder (Berlin: Klaus Wagenbach, 1977), esp. pp. 21-23 and 37-39; Traude Bremer, Kinderladen Frankfurterstrasse: Versuch earner pragmatischen Hermeneutik (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1986).
87. Conversations with Z. S., L. L., K. T, 1990s.
88. Bott, "Erziehung," pp. 84-86, 89.
322   »  Notes to Pages 166-177
Notes to Pages 177-181   • 323
89. Ibid., pp. 92, 99.
90. Letters from viewers, reprinted and quoted in Erziehung zum Ungehorsam? pp. Ill, 114.
91. Excerpt from Annie Reich, Wenn Dein Kind Dich Fragt . .. Gespräche,, Beispiele und Ratschläge zur Sexualerziehung {Leipzig: Verlag für Scxualpolitik, 1932), reprinted in Für die Befreiung der kindlichen Sexualität! Kampf den. falschen Erziehern! ed. Zentralrat der sozialistischen Kinderläden West-Berlin^.: (Berlin: Sozialistischer Kinderladen Charlottenburg 1,1969), p. 54.
92. See Zentralrat der sozialistischen Kinderläden, Für die Befreiung, pp. 68f.; 70; Kommune 2 (Christel Bookhagen, Eike Hemmer, Jan Raspe, Eberhard1 Schultz), "Kindererziehung in der Kommune," Kursbuch 17 (June 1969), pp. 165 and 168-69.
93. See, for example, Theweleit, . . . ein Aspirin von der Grösse der Sonne, pp. 56-57.
94. See Monika Seifert, "Kinderschule Frankfurt, Eschersheimer Landstrasse;": Vorgänge 5 (1970), p. 162; and "Kinderschule Frankfurt," in Bott, Erziehung zum Ungehorsam, pp. 57-58. For an earlier criticism by Frankfurt Kinderladen. founder Monika Seifert of the Berliners' purported masturbation obsessions, see.; Sepp Binder, "Erst das Kind und dann die Politik," Die Zeit, 24 Jan. 1969, p. 50.
95. "Kinderladen Stuttgart: Bericht über einen Prozess," in Bott, Erziehung: zum Ungehorsam, pp. 43^44.
96. "Kinderschule Frankfurt," pp. 51, 54, 56-57.
97. Peter Schneider, "Die Sache mit der 'Männlichkeit': Gibt es eine Emanzipa-tion der Männer?" Kursbuch 35 (Apr. 1974), p. 121.
98. Zentralrat der sozialistischen Kinderläden, Für die Befreiung, p. 88; "Kinderschule Frankfurt," pp. 55-56.
99. Von Werder, "Bedeutung und Entwicklung," p. 7.
100. Berliner Kinderläden, p. 126.
101. Zentralrat der sozialistischen Kinderläden, Für die Befreiung, p. 35.
102. Zentralrat der sozialistischen Kinderläden West-Berlins, ed., Kinder im Kollektiv (Berlin: Sozialistischer Kinderladen Charlottenburg 1,1969), p. 79.
103. Kruse quoted in Gebhart, "Kleine Linke."
104. Breiteneicher et al., Kinderläden: Revolution, p. 16.
105. Zentralrat der sozialistischen Kinderläden, Kinder im Kollektiv, pp. 83.; 87, 93. For an outstanding and detailed critique of this document, see Reimut Reiche, "Sexuelle Revolution—Erinnerung an einen Mythos," in Die Früchte der'. Revolte: Über die Veränderung der politischen Kultur durch die Studentenbewe-gung, ed. Lothar Baier et al. (Berlin: Wagenbach, 1988), pp. 65-67.
106. Eberhard Knödler-Bunte, "Verlängerung des Schweigens," Ästhetik und] Kommunikation 51 (1983), pp. 43^+5.
107. See Dany Diner, "Fragmente von Unterwegs: Über jüdische und politische: Identität in Deutschland," Ästhetik und Kommunikation 51 (1983), pp. 11-13;: Elizabeth Domansky, "'Kristallnacht,' the Holocaust, and German Unity: The; Meaning of November 9 as an Anniversary in Germany," History and Memory. 4 (spring—summer 1992).
108. Hermann Peter Piwitt, "Kristallnacht und Nebel," Konkret, Dec. 1978, p. 33.
::. 109. For two powerful (very different) preliminary analyses, see Inge Deutschkron, "Normalisierungen der Beziehungen?" in Israel und die Deutschen: Das
I-besondere Verhältnis (Cologne: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik, 1983), esp. pp. .336-46; and Y. Michal Bodemann, "Das Klappern der Holzschuhmänner: Der Weg zur Erinnerungsexplosion in Deutschland 1960-1975," in In den Wogen der ^Erinnerung: Jüdisches Leben in Deutschland (Munich: DTV, 2002), esp. pp. 70-76. Bodeniann quotes the left-wing activist and Konkret author Ulrike Meinhof's .cutting assessment of the right-wing newspaper Bild's enthusiasm for Israel's victory: "In the Sinai, Bild finally, after twenty-five years, won the battle of Stalingrad :after all. Anticommunist resentment seamlessly merged into the destruction of Soviet Mig-fighters. ... If [in the Second World War], one had taken the Jews along to the Ural mountains instead of gassing them, the Second World War would have ended differently. The mistakes of the past were acknowledged as such, anti-semitism was regretted, self-cleansing took place, the new German fascism has learned from the old mistakes. Not against, but with, the Jews anncommunism leads to victory" (p. 72). Deutschkron emphasizes the way young leftists interpreted the pro-Israeli stance of their elders as a belated admission of the elders' own guilt. " So the young believed, that they now had the obligation to act nonchalant vis-ä-vis Israel and Jews. The past was not their concern. Following their new teachers [Mao, Castro, Ho Chi-minh, etc.] Israel was an imperialist state. . . . Without even bothering to research the problem of the Middle East, they took up the battle against Israel and declared the Arabs to be the revolutionaries that deserved support" (pp. 343^14). Deutschkron also holds the New Left student movement, due to its unpopularity with the German populace, to be co-responsible (along with the beginning economic recession) for the strong rise of the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) in the late 1960s. 110. Cartoon accompanying Diner, "Fragmente." ; ; 111. Henryk M. Broder, " 'Ihr bleibt die Kinder eurer Eltern.' 'Euer Jude von heute ist der Staat Israel': Die neue deutsche Linke und der alltägliche Antisemitiismus," Die Zeit, 27 Feb. 1981, pp. 9-11.
1112. See Klaus Härtung, "Versuch, die Krise der antiautoritären Bewegung .wieder zur Sprache zu bringen," Kursbuch 48 (June 1977), pp. 19-20, 28. Aside from this indicative but disturbing discussion of gassing, this essay is a very perceptive and thought-provoking analysis of the New Left's problems. Yet contrast Hartung's later far more sensitive autocritique: Klaus Härtung, "Erinnyen in Deutschland: Überlegungen zur 'Historikerdebatte,' zum Faschismusbegriff der ;:'68er,' und zu Peter Schneiders Selbstkritik," Niemandsland 2, no. 1 (1987). 113. Peter Schneider, "Im Todeskreis der Schuld," Die Zeit, 27 Mar. 1987, p. 66. 114. Claus Leggewie, "Antifaschisten sind wir sowieso," Die Zeit, 19 Feb. 1988, p. 62. 115. See Reiche, "Sexuelle Revolution," pp. 50-51, 67. ^ 116. Ibid., pp. 63, 65. 117. Dutschke quoted in " 'Wir fordern die Enteignung Axel Springers,' " Der Spiegel, 10 July 1967, pp. 32-33.
324   .   Notes to Pages 181-185
Notes to Pages 186-187   • 325
118. See Cordt Schnibben, "Vollstrecker des Weltgewissens," Der Spiegel,'.2-June 1997, p. 109; Breiteneicher et al., Kinderläden: Revolution, p. 16; Härtung,: "Versuch," p. 42.
119. Theweleit,. . . ein Aspirin, pp. 43-A4.
120. Among the further avenues that could be explored to make sense of these: "circuitous" mechanisms might be the ways New Left demonstrators experienced beatings by police truncheons as repetitions of beatings by parents and teachers: (but which, because they experienced them together with others, could be borne better than those earlier beatings). See the moving reflections on this in SDS/KU Autorenkollektiv, "Der Untergang der Bild-Zeitung" (1969), reprinted in Berliner Kinderläden, pp. 30-31; see also Klaus Härtung and Max Thomas Mehr, "Der Schuss, der die Studenten in Bewegung setzte," Die Zeit, 30 May 1997, p. 11. Another avenue that deserves further study is New Leftists' relationships to theiir mothers, or as Heipe Weiss put it, this " 'squeaky clean' Lady Macbeth-generation of mothers," these "former BDM-girls" who tormented their children both with an "anal compulsion to clean house" and with a "strict silence . . . about, their worship of Hitler." Weiss also quotes 68er bad-boy Bernward Vesper's devastating comment that "Even when I'm lying in my coffin, Mommy, you'll still say? I didn't wash my feet!" Heipe Weiss, "Freie Liebe war vor allem Reden über Sexy"; Frankfurter Neue Presse, 24 Apr. 1998, p. 9. See also the remarks about the generation of 1968's mothers sweeping the "wreckage of fascism" "under the carpet, just like the majority of German men," in Ulrike Schmauch, "Alte oder neue Sexualaufklärung?" Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 7, no. 4 (Dec. 1994), p. 354; äs: well as the extended reflections about the New Leftists' dysfunctional relationships to their mothers in Sibylla Flügge, "1968 und die Frauen—Ein Blick in die; Beziehungskiste," in Gender und soziale Praxis, ed. Margit Göttert and Karin Walser (Königstein/Taunus: Ulrike Helmer, 2002), esp. pp. 283-84,
Chapter Five
The Romance of Socialism
1. Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, vol. 1: An Introduction (New York: Vintage, 1980), p. 103.
2. See Ina Merkel, Utopie und Bedürfnis: Die Geschichte der Konsumkultur in> der DDR (Cologne: Böhlau, 1999), pp. 12-13; and Rainer Land, "Unvereinbar:;'; Avantgardismus und Modernismus, Diskussion: Waren die Reformsozialisten verhinderte Sozialdemokraten? Teil 1," Neues Deutschland, 23-24, Apr. 1994, p. 10L-
3. See Sigrid Meuschel, Legitimation und Parteiherrschaft: Zum Paradox vom Stabilität und Revolution in der DDR 1945-1989 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhr-: kamp, 1992); and Thomas Schmidt, "Civil Religion in the GDR" (paper presented,: at the conference "Formen Religiöser Vergemeinschaftung in der Moderne," Uni-versin' of Chicago, 25 Oct. 2003). Schmidt especially emphasizes that the core; values of "labor," "equality," and "peace" were shared by regime and populace. The point is that, although citizens did not much like the state, they endorsed the:: values promoted by the state.
: ■. 4. The aggressive invasiveness is well described in Bürgerkomitee Leipzig, ed., Stasi intern: Macht und Banalität (Leipzig: Forum, 1998), esp. pp. 198-212; and Vera Wollenberger, Virus der Heuchler: Innenansicht aus Stasi-Akten (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1992), esp. pp. 7,18, 37, 40,106,121 (Wollenberger was reported oh by her own husband). The use by the Stasi of sex as bait is discussed in Belinda Ciooper, "Patriarchy within a Patriarchy: Women and the Stasi," German Politics and Society 16, no. 2 (summer 1998); and Eduard Stapel, "Schwulenbewegung iffider DDR" (interview conducted by Kurt Starke), in Schwuler Osten: Homosexuelle Männer in der DDR, ed. Kurt Starke (Berlin: Christoph Links Verlag, 1994), pp. 101-2. On the Stasi's use of prostitutes, see Uta Falck, VEB Bordell: Geschichte der Prostitution in der DDR (Berlin: Links, 1998), pp. 108-41. For a thought-provoking critique of the intensity of affect directed against the former collaborators with the Stasi, see Matthias Wagner, Das Stasi-Syndrom: Über den Umgang mit den Akten des MfS in den 90er Jahren (Berlin: Edition Ost/Das Neue Berlin, 2001), esp. pp. 7-9,174-87.
5. See on these points also Detlef Pollack, "Über die 68er und ihr Verhältnis zur DDR," Leviathan, no. 4 (1998), p. 545; and Konrad Jarausch, "Jenseits von Verdammung und Verklärung," Frankfurter Rundschau, 30 May 2000, p. 22. For ä concise and thoughtful summary of the significant differences between the East German dictatorship and the Nazi one (along with some fascinating insights into the complex roles played by the several hundred thousand "informal collaborators" working for the Stasi—not just as functionaries of repression but also "paternalistic caregivers and privilege-distributors" and as mediums for the articulation of the infantilized citizenry's interests)—see Jürgen Habermas, "Bemerkungen zu einer verworrenen Diskussion: Was bedeutet 'Aufarbeitung der Vergangenheit' heute?" Die Zeit, 10 Apr. 1992, p. 18.
:. 6. See Ursula Sillge, Un-Sichtbare Frauen: Lesben und ihre Emanzipation in der DDR (Berlin: LinksDruck, 1991), pp. 82-87.
7. Conversations with T. T., 2001, and J. T., 2002. :■: 8. H. Ruppert, "Sexuelle Erziehung vom Blickpunkt des Gynäkologen," Zeitschrift für ärztliche Fortbildung 50, nos.1-2 (15 Jan. 1956), p. 63. See also the remarks of Hilde Benjamin a year earlier: "The SS ideology, the Nazi racial madness dissolved the moral relationships within many families, the relationships between man and woman, parents and children. The moral degradation, above all also the fascist war of plunder, allowed primitive sexual lusts to develop unrestrainedly." Hilde Benjamin, "Familie und Familienrecht in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik," Einheit 10, no. 5 (May 1955), p. 450.
. 9. Friedrich Heilmann, "Die sexuelle Erziehung als pädagogisches Problem," Zeitschrift für ärztliche Fortbildung 50, nos.1-2 (15 Jan. 1956), pp. 65, 67.
10. Ibid., p. 65. This remained a favorite device. Popular advice writer Rolf Borrmann in the 1960s, for example, criticized the "hostility to the body" encouraged by Christianity even as he lamented that "also in the GDR many people still have a false stance toward the sexual." So also in the 1970s, sexologist Siegfried Schnabl continued to bemoan the damage being done by "the formula: the pleasure of the flesh is sin" through "almost two thousand years under the influence of the Christian religion." Rolf Borrmann, Jugend und Liebe (Leipzig: Urania,
326   •   Notes to Pages 187-192
Notes to Pages 193-198   • 327
1966), pp. 42-43; Siegfried Schnabl, Intimverhaken Sexualstörungen Persönlichkeit (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag der "Wissenschaften, 1972), pp. 14-15.
11. On both the routineness of premarital heterosexual intercourse in the mid-1950s GDR and doctors' acceptance of it, see H.~D. Rosier, "Sexuelle Interessen des Großstadtkindes," and Elfriede Paul, "Die sozialhygienische Bedeutung-der sexuellen Aufklärung," both in Zeitschrift für ärztliche Fortbildung 50, nos. 1-2 (15 Jan. 1956), pp. 57, 61. On the prevalence of extramarital sex, see Rudolf Neubert, Das neue Ehebuch: Die Ehe als Aufgabe der Gegenwart und Zukunft (Rudolstadt: Greifenverlag, 1957), pp. 100, 111.
12. See Wolfgang Bretschneider, Sexuell Aufklären—Rechtzeitig und Richtig (Leipzig: Urania, 1956), p. 154.
13. See Atina Grossmann, "A Question of Silence: The Rape of German Women by Occupation Soldiers," October 72 (spring 1995); and Atina Gro.ss-mann, "Unfortunate Germany: Victims, Victors, and Survivors at War's End, Germany 1945-1950: Notes Toward a Research Project" (paper presented at the Center for the Study of Social Transformations, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 16 March 1995).
14. See Gerhard Klumbies, "Zur Jugendsexualität," Zeitschrift für Psychotherapie und Medizinische Psychologie 6, no. 6 (Nov. 1956), p. 264.
15. Wolfgang Höfs, "Erfahrungen aus einer Ehe- und Sexual-Beratungssteile für Männer," Das deutsche Gesundheitswesen 7, no. 18 (1952), p. 571.
16. Neubert, Das neue Ehebuch, pp. 7,171.
17. Kühne, "Geburtenkontrolle," Das deutsche Gesundheitswesen 2, no. 23 (1947), pp. 746—47. These reflections were in part inspired by Kühne's reading of J. C. Flugel, Population, Psychology and Peace (London: Watts, 1947).
18. See Atina Grossmann, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950 (New York: Oxford Univ. Press^ 1995), pp. 196-201.
19. "Zweihundertachtzehn: Gestern, Heute und Morgen," Für Dich 1, no. 18 (1946), p. 3.
20. Hilde Benjamin, "Juristische Grundlagen für die Diskussion über den Paragraph 218" (25 Feb. 1947), reprinted in Kirsten Thietz, Ende der Selbstverständ-. liebkeit? Die Abschaffung des Paragraph 218 in der DDR (Berlin: Basis Druck,;; 1992), p. 49.
21. See on this point also Annette F. Timm, "Guarding the Health of Worker: Families in the GDR: Socialist Health Care, Bevölkerungspolitik, and Marriage Counselling, 1945-1970," in Arbeiter in der SBZ-DDR, ed. Peter Hübner and Klaus Tenfelde (Essen: Klartext, 1999), p. 470.
22. Maxim Zetkin, "An den Vorstand der SED," in Thietz, Ende, p. 29.
23. "Gesetz über den Mutter- und Kinderschutz und die Rechte der Frau vom 27 Sep. 1950," in Amt für Information der Regierung der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, ed., Gesunde Familie—Glückliche Zukunft (Berlin: Deutscher Zentralverlag, 1950), pp. 43^44.
24. Otto Grotewohl, "Zur Begründung des Gesetzes," in Amt für Information, Gesunde Familie, pp. 7-8, 19; and "Frauen Fragen, Der DFD Antwortet," in Thietz, Ende, p. 77.
25. See Thietz, Ende, p. 19.
26. Neubert, Das neue Ehebuch, p. 192. ;:27. A valuable source on ordinary GDR citizens' attitudes about premarital sex in the 1950s are the letters collected in Hanns Schwarz, Schriftliche Sexualbe-ratüng: Erfahrungen und Vorschläge mit 60 Briefen und Antworten (Rudolstadt: Greifenverlag, 1959). The letters make clear that in the populace premarital heterosexual activity was simply taken as a given; it was the common sense behavior iti1950s East Germany. Whenever qualms or anxieties were expressed, they had to.: do with masturbation, not premarital intercourse. The letters also make clear that girls and women were hardly fearful shrinking violets but rather often the active ones who willingly made overtures to men. Not only do the letter writers remark in passing on their experiences with premarital sex; they also openly asked Schwarz for advice in resolving sexual problems they were having within nonmari-tal relationships. See also the remarks that while extramarital sex is deemed immoral in the prevailing popular value system, premarital sex is "not seen as indecent" in Karl Dietz and Peter G. Hesse, 'Wörterbuch der Sexuologie und ihrer Grenzgebiete (Rudolstadt: Greifenverlag, 1964), pp. 37, 314. ,.: 28. Hanns Schwarz, Sexualität im Blickfeld des Arztes: Vortrag (Berlin: Verlag Volk und Gesundheit, 1953), pp. 10-11.
29. Schwarz, Schriftliche Sexualberatung, pp. 34, 48.
30. Neubert, Das neue Ehebuch, pp. 130,188.
..31. See "Der Jugend Vertrauen und Verantwortung" (1963), in Dokumente zur Jugendpolitik der DDR (Berlin: Staatsverlag der DDR, 1965), pp. 93-94; and seethe discussion in Heinz Grassel, Jugend, Sexualität, Erziehung: Zur psychologischen Problematik der Geschlechtserziehung (Berlin: Staatsverlag der DDR, 1967), pp. 11-12.
;:;:32. Wolfhilde Diehrl, Liebe, Ehe—Scheidung? (1958,1961), reprinted in Wolfhilde Diehrl and Wolfgang Bretschneider, Liebe und Ehe (Leipzig: Urania, 1962), pp. 198, 201.
33. A classic expression of all three of these assumptions can be found in Bretschneider, Sexuell Aufklären, pp. 63-64.
: 34. Rudolf Neubert, Die Geschlechterfrage: Ein Buch für junge Menschen (Rudolstadt: Greifenverlag, 1955,1966), pp. 80-82.
. :35. Some scholars surmise that the legal tolerance implemented in 1957 was ^preceded by a discreet directive from the GDR's Ministry of Justice not to prosecute consensual adult homosexuality already in 1950. See Eike Stedefeldt, Schwule Macht oder Die Emanzipation von der Emanzipation (Berlin: Elefanten, 1998), pp. Ill, 113; Gudrun von Kowalski, Homosexualität in der DDR: Ein 'historischer Abriss (Marburg: Verlag Arbeiterbewegung und Gesellschaftswissenschaft, 1987), pp. 26-27; James Steakley, "Gays under Socialism: Male Homosexuality in the GDR," Body Politics (Toronto), no. 29 (1976-77), pp. 15-18; and Johannes Wasmuth, "Strafrechtliche Verfolgung Homosexueller in BRD und DDR," in Nationalsozialist er Terror gegen Homosexuelle: Verdrängt und un-gesühnt, ed. Burkhard Jellonek and Rüdiger Lautmann (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2002), p. 178.
..: .36. The "Committee of Antifascist Resistance Fighters," for example, rejected the East German physician and homosexual rights activist Rudolf Klimmer's efforts to get homosexual victims of Nazism officially acknowledged as victims of
328   •   Notes to Pages 198-199
Notes to Pages 199-201   • 329
fascism with the following words: "The overwhelming majority of surviving homosexuals are in the FRG. ... In the rule they belonged to bourgeois or petty bourgeois strata and were hostile to the socioeconomic changes that took place in the GDR after 1945." Quoted in von Kowalski, Homosexualität, p. 26. See also Günter Grau, "Return of the Past: The Policy of the SED and the Laws against Homosexuality in Eastern Germany between 1946 and 1968," Journal of Homosexuality 37, no. 4 (1999), pp. 1-21; and Marianne Krüger-Potratz, Anderssein Gab Es Nicht: Ausländer und Minderheiten in der DDR (Münster: Waxmann, 1991), p. 2.
37. Gerhard Weber and Danuta Weber, Du und ich (Berlin: Verlag Volk und Gesundheit, 1965), pp. 102-3. On Du und ich's popularity, see Werner Kirsch, Zum Problem der sexuellen Belehrung durch den Biologielehrer (Berlin: Verlag Volk und Wissen, 1967), pp. 78-79.
38. For example, even as medical school professor Helmut Rennert was manifestly pleased to report, based on his empirical studies in Halle in the early 1960s, that young GDR citizens were not only sexually healthy but also sexually active, he also had a hard time disguising his sense of pride that the incidence of homosexual activity was remarkably low. Rather than self-reflexively wondering whether his informants, in view of a homophobic climate, might be evasive on this point; as they filled out his questionnaires, perhaps not fully trusting that their answers would remain anonymous (even though on other issues he considered the possibiJi;: ity of false answers), Rennert—while presenting himself as progressive by express-; ing pleasure that the draft of the new East German criminal code decriminalized homosexuality—nonetheless pandered to the regime's preoccupation with normality by stressing how low rates of homosexual activity apparently were in the;; GDR in comparison with the findings of researchers like Magnus Hirschfeld-iii-Weimar Germany or Alfred Kinsey in the United States. See Helmut Rennert, "Url-tersuchungen zur Gefährdung der Jugend und zur Dunkelziffer bei sexuellen Straftaten," Psychiatrie, Neurologie und Medizinische Psychologie: Zeitschrift für-Forschung und Praxis 17, no. 10 (Oct. 1965), p. 364; Helmut Rennert, "Untersür chungen zur sexuellen Entwicklung der Jugend," Zeitschrift für ärztliche Fortbildung 60, no. 3 (Feb. 1966), p. 152; Helmut Rennert, "Untersuchungen über.die; sexuelle Entwicklung der Jugend in der DDR," Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Universität Rostock (Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Reihe) 17, nos. 6-7. (1968), p. 707; and Helmut Rennert, "Die geschlechtliche Entwicklung der heutig gen Jugend am Beispiel unserer Medizinstudenten," in Jugendprobleme in pädagogischer, medizinischer und juristischer Sicht, ed. Hanns Schwarz (Jena: Gustav: Fischer Verlag, 1967), pp. 93, 95.
39. Conversation with L. S., 2003.
40. Bretschneider, Sexuell Aufklären, pp. 40—41, 67-68, 131.
41. This widely held 1950s conviction about the need to sublimate libidiiial energies into reconstruction is documented persuasively by Matthias Rothe in "Semantik der Sexualität" (European University Viadrina, Frankfurt an der Oder, unpublished manuscript, 2001). Only in the 1960s, Rothe finds, did the SED— turning to the theory of "cybernetics"—consider the possibility that sex could be a source of energy rather than an energy drain.
42. See André Steiner, "Dissolution of the 'Dictatorship over Needs'? Consumer Behavior and Economic Reform in East Germany in the 1960s," in Getting
ctptd Spending: European and American Consumer Societies in the Twentieth Century, ed. Susan Strasser et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1998), pp. 167-85.
43. Hans-Joachim Hoffmann and Peter G. Klemm, Ein offenes Wort: Ein Buch über die Liebe (Berlin: Verlag Neues Leben, 1972), pp. 175-76.
44. Conversation with L. U., 2001.
;;■; 45. Kurt Starke, "... ein romantisches Ideal" (interview conducted by Uta Ko-lario), in Uta Kolano, Nackter Osten (Frankfurt an der Oder: Frankfurter Oder Editionen/Sammlung Zeitzeugen, 1995), pp. 83, 86.
46. Conversation with Volkmar Sigusch, 2002. "47. Starke, "... ein romantisches Ideal," pp. 82-83; and conversation with Kurt Starke, 2001.
;; 48. Conversation with L. U., 2001; Heiner Carow, "... da kommt niemand gegen an," in Kolano, Nackter Osten, p. 153. For the transcript of a 1967 SED shaming session, see Felix Mühlberg, "Die Partei ist eifersüchtig," in Erotik macht die Hässlichen Schön: Sexueller Alltag im Osten, ed. Katrin Rohnstock (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1995), pp. 122-^3.
49. For example, see Lykke Aresin, Eheprobleme (Berlin: Verlag Volk und Gesundheit, 1963), p. 6; Heinz Grassel, "Studentin und Mutterschaft," Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Universität Rostock (Gesellschaftliche und Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe), no. 13 (1964), pp. 541-47; K. Lungwitz, "Die Stabilität ;frühzeitig geschlossener Ehen im Spiegel der Statistik," Neue Justiz 19 (1965); arid Karl-Heinz Mehlan, "Die Abortsituation im Weltmassstab," in Arzt und Familienplanung: Tagungsbericht der 3. Rostocker Fortbildungstage über Probleme der Ehe- und Sexualberatung vom 23. bis 25. Oktober 1967 in Rostock-Warnemünde (Berlin; Verlag Volk und Gesundheit, 1968), pp. 85-86.
50. See Siegfried Mempel, "Zum Gesetz der DDR über die Unterbrechung der Schwangerschaft," Recht in Ost und West 16, no. 5 (Sept. 1972), p. 208. Karl-Heinz Mehlan estimated in 1964 that for the year 1959 there had been at least 60,000 illegal abortions in the GDR and that annually in the GDR in the early 1960s there was approximately 1 abortion for every 3.5 to 4.5 births. Karl-Heinz Mehlan, "Die Familienplanung aus gesellschaftlicher Sicht," Das Deutsche Gesundheitswesen 19, no. 16 (1964), p. 743. This was proportionally fewer abortions than in West Germany, where the ratio of abortions to births in these years was estimated at 1 to 1.
51. See H. Rayner and J, Rothe, "Zur Entwicklung von Richtlinien über Arbeitsweise und Organisation des medizinischen Zweiges der Ehe- und Familienberatung (Ehe- und Sexualberatung)," in Arzt und Familienplanung.
; 52. See Siegfried Schnabl, "Die Sexualberatung bei der Anorgasmie der Frau und der Impotenz des Mannes," Zeitschrift für ärztliche Fortbildung 60, no. 132 (1966), p. 815; Lykke Aresin and M. Bahder, "25 Jahre Ehe- und Sexualberatung /an. der Universitäts-Frauenklinik Leipzig" (1973-74), Magnus Hirschfeld Archive, Berlin; the entry on the GDR in "Familienplanung in Europa aus" persönlicher Sicht," and "Hindernisse für die Kontrazeption," both in IPPF Europa: Regionale Informationen 8 (1979); and Lykke Aresin, "Ehe- und Sexualbera-■tüngsstellen und Familienplanung in der DDR," in Sexuologie in der DDR, ed. Joachim Hohmann (Berlin: Dietz, 1991), pp. 72-94.
330   •   Notes to Pages 201-207
Notes to Pages 207-218   • 331
53. See, for example, Grassel, Jugend, p. 110; Weber and Weber, Du und ich, p. 107.
54. See Heinrich Brückner, Das Sexualwissen unserer Jugend, dargestellt als-: Beitrag zur Erziebungsplanung (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften,. 1968), pp. 134-37; and "Hüben wie drüben," Der Spiegel, 26 May 1969, pp. 72, 75.
55. Klaus Trümmer, Unter vier Augen gesagt...: Fragen und Antworten über Freundschaft und Liebe (Berlin: Verlag Neues Leben, 1966), pp. 7, 11-1.2.
56. Bernd Bittighöfer in Deine Gesundheit, June 1966, pp. 169-71.
57. See the discussion in Grassel, Jugend, pp. 141,155-56. As Erich Honecker put it in 1965, "we are no disciples of hypocrisy and are most certainly in favor of the realistic representation of all sides of human life in literature and art;" But "effusions of disinhibition [Ergüsse der Enthemmung]" and "pornographic traits" were not acceptable. See Erich Honecker, Bericht des Politbüros an dielt.: Tagung des Zentralkomitees der Sozialistischen Einheitspartei Deutschlands 15.-18. Dezember 1965 (Berlin: Dietz, 1966), pp. 59, 61. How this played out concretely could be seen for example in the SED's direct censorship, also in 1965, of Irmtraud Morgner's novel Rumba auf einen Herbst. The party bureaucrats among: other things rejected as overly detailed and/or entirely inappropriate sex scenes in. which unfaithful spouses appeared to be having fun and/or to be finding themselves; although the novel had originally been accepted for publication, if Morgner> was not willing to change key moments in her text and cut certain scenes, it would! simply not be able to appear in the GDR. Morgner soon turned to a more fabulist*;; magical realist prose style and never published Rumba, instead reworking porf: tions of it in a later text. I am grateful to Matthias Rothe for sharing with me; copies of the SED memoranda pertaining to Rumba.
58. Peter G. Hesse, Empf'dngis und Empfängnisverhütung (Berlin: Verlag Volk; und Gesundheit, 1967), p. 39. See also Peter G. Hesse et al., eds., Sexuologie:: Geschlecht, Mensch, Gesellschaft, 3 vols. (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1974-77).
59. See Donna Harsch, "Society, the State, and Abortion in East Germany. 1950-1972," American Historical Review 102, no. 1 (Feb. 1997), pp. 62-66.
60. See Lykke Aresin, "Sexologische Probleme in jungen Ehen," Psychiatrie 20 (1967),pp. 3-7; Aresin andBahder, "25 Jahre," p. 87; Schnab\,Intimverhalten,a: 265; and Siegfried Schnabl, "Sexuelle Störungen—Verbreitung, Zusammenhänge,: Konsequenzen," in Hohmann, Sexuologie in der DDR, pp. 116-41, esp. pp. 117, 124,128. Before she became a strong advocate for the pill, Aresin's clinic in Leipzig dispensed diaphragms and also recommended coitus interruptus, the rhythm method, spermicidal jellies, and condoms. Aresin, Eheprobleme, p. 17; and Are-sin, "Ehe- und Sexualberatungsstellen," p. 77.
61. See Siegfried Schnabl, Mann und Frau intim: Fragen des gesunden und des gestörten Geschlechtslebens, 5th ed. (Berlin: Verlag Volk und Gesundheit, 1972).
62. Starke, "... ein romantisches Ideal," pp, 87-88.
63. Staatssekretariat für westdeutsche Fragen, "Das schöne Geschlecht und die: Gleichberechtigung in der DDR," Visite, no. 3 (1971), pp. 17-21.
64. "Das Kind ist krank—wer bleibt zu Haus?" Für Dich, no. 47 (1974), pp. 20, 22.
65. "Zwei Liebeserklärungen," NBI, no. 16 (Apr. 1971), pp. 12-14.
"Auf dem Lehrplan steht die "Junge Ehe besonders gefähr-
■
66. Ibid., p. 14.
67. Ibid., pp. 14,16.
68. Marlies Allendorf and Ingeburg Hirsch, Liebe," Für Dich, no. 12 (Mar. 1972), p. 6.
69. Prof. Dr. Grandke quoted in Helga Bobach, det?" Für Dich, no. 12 (Mar. 1972), p. 38.
70. K. v. Billerbeck, "Rund um Sex," Für Dich, no. 12 (Mar. 1972), p. 27.
71. The Schnabl movie was discussed and clips were shown in the made-for-TV movie directed by Tilman Jens, Liebeslehrer der Nation: Oswalt Kolle zum 70. (Westdeutscher Rundfunk, 1998).
72. Schnabl, Intimverhalten, p. 15-18.
73. Conversation with TT, 2001.
74. Wolfgang Polte, Unsere Ehe, 8th rev. ed. (Leipzig: Verlag für die Frau, 1980), pp. 131,137-38.
75. See on this point also Starke, "... ein romantisches Ideal," p. 94.
76. Kurt Starke and Walter Friedrich, Liebe und Sexualität bis 30 (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften, 1984), pp. 187, 202-3.
77. Ulrich Clement and Kurt Starke, "Sexualverhalten und Einstellungen zur , Sexualität bei Studenten in der BRD und in der DDR," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung, no. 1 (1988), pp. 30-44; conversations with Ulrich Clement and Kurt Starke, 2001 and 2002. See also Gunter Schmidt, "Emanzipation zum oder vom Geschlechtsverkehr?" Pro Familia Magazin, no. 5 (1993); and Wolfgang Engler, "Nacktheit, Sexualität und Partnerschaft," in Die Ostdeutschen: Kunde von einem verlorenen Land (Berlin: Aufbau, 1999), pp. 271-72.
78. See Hans-Joachim Ahrendt, "Neue Aspekte der Familienplanung und Geburtenregelung in Ostdeutschland," in Sexualität und Partnerschaft im Wandel: .Jahrestagung 1991 der Gesellschaft für Sexualwissenschaft, Leipziger Texte zur Sexualität 1, no. 1 (1992), p.6.
79. Conversation with N. U., 1997.
80. Conversation with H. N., 1998.
81. Conversation with L. U., 2001.
82. See Hans-Joachim Maaz, Der Gefühlsstau: Ein Psychogramm der DDR ■(Berlin: Argon, 1990); and Dietrich Mühlberg, "Sexualität und ostdeutscher Alltag," Mitteilungen aus der kulturwissenschaftlichen Forschung 18, no. 36 (1995), p. 10.
83. "DDR-Frauen kriegen öfter einen Orgasmus," Bild, 30 May 1990, p. 1.
84. Holger Kaukel, Schweriner Volkszeitung, 23 Oct. 1993, quoted in Ina Merkel, "Die Nackten und die Roten: Zum Verhältnis von Nacktheit und Öffentlichkeit in der DDR," Mitteilungen aus der kulturwissenschaftlichen Forschung, 18, no. 36 (1995), p. 80.
85. Conversation with Kurt Starke, 2001.
86. See Carmen Beilfuss, " 'Über sieben Brücken musst Du geh'n ...' : Der -schwierige Weg der Liebe in der Marktwirtschaft," in Sexualität und Partnerschaft, pp. 18-27.
87. Katrin Rohnstock, "Vorwort," in Rohnstock, Erotik macht die Hässlichen : Schön, pp. 9-10.
88. Conversation with T. T., 2001.
332   «   Notes to Pages 218-222
Notes to Pages 222-225   • 333
89. D. Mühlberg, "Sexualität und ostdeutscher Alltag," p. 20.
90. Beilfuss, " 'Über sieben Brücken.' "
91. See Bert Thinius, "Vom grauen Versteck ins bunte Ghetto: Ansichten zur Geschichte ostdeutscher Schwuler," in Starke, Schwuler Osten, p. 73; Stärkt, Schwuler Osten, pp. 300-301; Kolano, Nackter Osten; Konrad Weiler, Das Sexuelle in der deutsch-deutschen Vereinigung: Resümee und Ausblick (Leipzig: Forum, 1991); Werner Habermehl, Sexualverhalten der Deutschen: Aktuelle Daten, intime Wahrheiten (Munich, 1993), pp. 26-31. For a Wessi who largely concurs with this assessment, see Karl Scheithauer, "Männerpositionen," in Stiefbrüder: Was Ostmänner und Westmänner voneinander denken, ed. Katrin Rohn-stock (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1995), p. 42.
92. See Aleksandar Stulhofer, "Sexual Freedom and Sexual Health in Times of Post-Communist Transition" (paper presented at the International Academy ot Sex Research, Hamburg, Germany, 20 June 2002); and Katrin Rohnstock, "Der Bierbauch," in Rohnstock, Stiefbrüder, esp. pp. 47-48, 54.
93. Kurt Starke makes these points in "Die Unzüchtige Legende vom prüden Osten," in Rohnstock, Erotik macht die Hässlichen schön, p. 157. See also Stapel, "Schwulenbewegung in der DDR," pp. 91-110.
94. Diehrl, Liebe, Ehe—Scheidung?, p. 199.
Chapter Six Antifascist Bodies
1. Johann August Schülein, "Von der Studentenrevolte zur Tendenzwende oder der Rückzug ins Private: Eine sozialpsychologische Analyse," Kursbuch 48 (June 1977), p. 101; and Heinrich Mehrmann, "Erobern Kommunen Deutschlands Betten? Mehr Sex mit Marx und Mao," Pardon, Aug. 1967, p. 22. Especially important reflective essays include Peter Schneider, "Die Sache mit der 'Männlichkeit': Gibt es eine Emanzipation der Männer?" Kursbuch 35 (Apr. 1974); Lothar Binger, "Kritisches Plädoyer für die Gruppe," Kursbuch 37 (Oct. 1974); and Klaus Härtung, "Versuch, die Krise der antiautoritären Bewegung wieder zur Sprache zu bringen," Kursbuch 48 (June 1977).
2. Peter Schneider, " 'Nicht der Egoismus verfälscht das politische Engagement, sondern der Versuch ihn zu verheimlichen,' " Frankfurter Rundschau, 25 June 1977, p. III.
3. Eckhard Siepmann, "Unergründliches Obdach für Reisende," and "1969— Die grosse Sormerrfmsternis," both in CheSchahShit: Die sechziger Jahre zwischen Cocktail und Molotow, ed. Siepmann et al. (Berlin: Elefanten, 1984), pp. 194, 204.
4. The best example—a marvelously funny and thoughtful sex-affirmative curriculum that incorporated feminist and lesbian and gay issues—is Peter A. W.; Figge et al., Betrifft: Sexualität. Materialien zur Sexualerziehung im Medienver-.. bund für Jugendliche, Eltern und Pädagogen (Braunschweig: Westermann, 1977), sponsored by the Norddeutscher Rundfunk television company and the Federal Office for Health Education (Bundeszentrale für gesundheitliche Aufklärung). In 1982, when the Christian Democrats came back into office under Chancellor Hel-
mut Kohl, all copies of the curriculum remaining in the Federal Office were shredded, and all the educational films for classroom use that had been used in conjunction with the curriculum were officially recalled.
5. On the Alternative Draft, see Herbert Jäger, "Zur Gleichstellung von Homosexualität und Heterosexualität im Strafrecht," Vorgänge, no. 4 (1981), p. 19.
6. See CDU/CSU representative Max Güde's remarks in the Bundestag debate of 9 May 1969 (232. Sitzung), in Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestages, 5. Wahlperiode: Stenographische Berichte, vol. 70 (Bonn, 1969), pp. 12829,12832; and "Erster Schriftlicher Bericht des Sonderausschusses für die Strafrechtsreform [Drucksache V/4094]," in Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestages, S. Wahlperiode: Anlagen zu den stenographischen Berichten (Bonn, 1969), p. 3. The
> CDU/CSU was adamant about retaining twenty-one as the age of consent, on the grounds that homosexuality among men held "dangers for the sexual development" of young people, even as it (in keeping with the old idea of youth bisexu-ality) agreed that judicial leniency might be appropriate when homosexual aas
:• engaged in by the under-twenty-one group were the sign of "developmental disturbances or other age-specific difficulties." The SPD, fully aware of the enormity of the change the legal reform represented ("it is the first time that something that was criminalized in our Volk is to be decriminalized"), felt the compromise was acceptable. See the remarks of Jungmann (CDU/CSU) and Kubier (SPD) in debate of 7 May 1969, pp. 12787-88.
7. See Karena Niehoff, ". .. der werfe endlich den letzten Stein," Der Tagesspiegel, 31 July 1971; "Will Selbstbewusstsein stärken: Rosa von Praunheim," Münchner Merkur, 18 Dec. 1971; and Dietrich Kuhlbrodt, "Nicht der Homosexuelle ist pervers, sondern die Situation, in der er lebt," in Rosa von Praunheim, ed. Wolfgang Jacobsen (Munich: Carl Hanser, 1984), pp. 113-26.
8. For an important testimonial, see Elmar Drost, "Mit dem Schwanz gedacht: Meine Geschichte fängt da an, wo schwule Geschichte aufgehört hat," in Schwule Regungen—schwule Bewegungen, ed. Willi Frieling (Berlin: Rosa Winkel, 1985). See also Andreas Salmen and Albert Eckert, 20 Jahre bundesdeutsche Schwulenbewegung 1969-1989 (Cologne: Bundesverband Homosexualität e.V., 1989), pp. 23-45.
9. Quotes in Kuhlbrodt, "Nicht der Homosexuelle ist pervers," p. 123; and Wolfgang Selitsch in the Journal him in 1971, quoted in Salmen and Eckert, 20 Jahre, p. 20. See also " 'Bekennt, dass ihr anders seid,' " Der Spiegel, 12 Mar. 1973, pp. 46-62; Michael Foster, "Gegen Spott und Schmach: Homosexuelle formieren sich in Partei- und Gewerkschaftsgruppen," Vorwärts, 19 July 1979; and "Hallo, Gerda," Der Spiegel, 20 Aug. 1979. See also "Geschichte der Rosa Lüste," http://home.t-online.de/home/rosalueste/histrolu.htm.
10. "Wir sind schwul," Der Stern, no. 41 (1978), cover page for the story "Ich bin schwul," pp. 104-18.
11. See graffiti on church wall in Ele Schöfthaler, "Zweierlei Mass: Die evangelische Kirche und der Paragraph 218," in Das Kreuz mit dem Frieden: 1982 Jahre Christen und Politik, ed. Peter Winzeier (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1982), p. 145; banner about gynecologists in "Abtreibung: Massenmord oder Privatsache?" Der Spiegel, 21 May 1973, p. 39; cartoon of pregnant Jahn in "Wir müssen uns selber helfen," Frauen-Zeitung 1, no. 1 (Oct. 1973), p. 4. See also the
334   •  Notes to Pages 225-229
Notes to Pages 229-230   • 335
arguments made by feminists in Mainz and Frankfurt in "Warum der Paragraph 218 keine Klassenjustiz ist—oder: Was die Genossin mit der Betschwester zu tun hat!" Frauen-Zeitung 1, no. 1 (Oct. 1973), p. 5; and by feminists in the Berlin women's group Bread and Roses in "Brot und Rosen: Paragraph 218," reprinted in Autonome Frauen: Scblüsseltexte der Neuen Frauenbewegung seit 1968, ed. Ann Anders (Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum, 1988), pp. 89-93.
12. See "Abtreibung," pp. 38, 44, 50. Pardon cartoon also reprinted here.
13. Quotations in "Abtreibung," p. 39.
14. See Ann Anders, "Chronologie der gelaufenen Ereignisse," in Anders, Autonome Frauen, pp. 16-21.
15. See Kristina Schulz, Der lange Atem der Provokation: Die Frauenbewegung in der Bundesrepublik und in Frankreich 1968-1976 (Frankfurt am Main:: Campus, 2002), esp. pp. 188-90, 217-25; Kristine von Soden, ed., Der grosse .. Unterschied: Die neue Frauenbewegung und die siebziger Jahre (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1988); Alice Schwarzer, So fing es an! 10 Jahre Frauenbewegung (Cologne: Emma, 1981); and Lottemi Doormann, ed., Keiner schiebt uns weg: Zwischenbilanz der Frauenbewegung in der Bundesrepublik (Weinheim: Beltz, 1979).
16. See Eine Frau aus dem Rheinland, "Lesben gemeinsam sind stark" (1972), and Eine Frau aus Heidelberg, "Wie ich gemerkt habe, das ich lesbisch bin," both in Frauenjahrbuch 1, ed. Frankfurter Frauen (Frankfurt am Main: Roter Stern, 1975), pp. 200-207; "Lesben: Geschichte der Lesbengruppe im Weiberrat," Frauen-Zeitung, no. 1 (Oct. 1973), pp. 13-14; and Ina Kuckuc, Der Kampf gegen Unterdrückung: Materialien aus der deutschen Lesbierinnenbewegung, 2nd ed. (Munich: Frauenoffensive, 1977), pp. 73-80. On lesbians' experiences and on the distinctive qualities of lesbophobia in West German culture, see the pathbreaktng studies by Siegrid Schäfer, "Sexuelle und soziale probleme von Lesbierkmen in der BRD," in Ergebnisse zur Sexualforschung, ed. Eberhard Schorsch and Gunter,: Schmidt (Cologne: Kiepenheuer 8c Witsch, 1975); and Susanne von Paczensky, Verschwiegene Liebe: Lesbische Frauen in unserer Gesellschaft (Munich: Bertek-; mann, 1981).
17. "Hexenprozess in Itzehoe, oder: Wie der weiblichen Sexualität der Prozess/ gemacht wird!" and "Lebenslänglich für Notwehr," both in Frankfurter Frauen, •. Frauenjahrbuch 1, pp. 219-24. See also Annette Dröge, "Jetzt reicht's! Lesbische Frauen werden öffentlich," in von Soden, Der grosse Unterschied, pp. 53-56.
18. Photo in Frankfurter Frauen, Frauenjahrbuch 1, p. 199.
19. For example, see Ellen Carstens-Graeff, "Mein Fühlen hinterlässt Bremsspuren," and Sibylle Plogstedt, "Ich hatte immer das Gefühl, ich muss näher "ran," both in Sexualität (Courage Sonderheft 3, no. 5 [1981]), pp. 56-68.
20. For example, see "Einleitung," Frauenzeitung, no. 5 (1974), pp. 1-2.
21. Thus, for instance, in praising the 1969 Bundestag vote to decriminalize male homosexuality, Der Spiegel had also compared homophobes with Nazis as it reminded its readers that the same "healthy" "sensibility of the Volk" that had been used to justify the persecution, imprisonment, and murder of homosexuals* in the Third Reich was still alive and well in 1969 West Germany in the form of popular prejudice against homosexuals. "Späte Milde," Der Spiegel, 12 May: 1969, p. 55. Along related lines, in 1975, Der Spiegel pointedly accompanied its criticism of Pope Paul VPs hostility to the pill with contrasting photographs from:
the 1940s and the 1970s: one photograph, captioned "Birthing Propaganda," ..showed a woman in the Third Reich receiving the Nazi "Mother's Cross" for : having done her part to raise the birthrate, while the other, captioned "Birthing ^Protest," showed an abortion rights demonstration from the early 1970s in West Germany with signs declaring "My belly belongs to me" and calling for "Pleasure ■^ithout burden" (Lust ohne Last). Implicitly here, with respect to sexual politics, ■the pope was placed on the side of the fascists. "Die Kinder wollen keine Kinder 'fi%        mehr," Der Spiegel, 24 March 1975, p. 44.
22. For example, see Ute Döser, "Die Schüler wollen noch mehr wissen," Ham-::burger Abendblatt, 7 Mar. 1970, p. 74; Hartmut Wendscheck, "Reform-Vorschlag geht den Eltern zu weit," Kölnische Rundschau, 18 Feb. 1971; "Grenze überschritten," Der Spiegel, 20 Mar. 1972, pp. 62-63; "Urteil gegen 'Aufklärung' :in der Schule," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 7 June 1972; "Forsch oder Fromm," Der Spiegel, 31 July 1972, pp. 39^0; "Sexual-Unterricht ist gesetzlos und verfassungswidrig!" Bergedorf er Zeitung, 16 Nov. 1974; "Zurück zum Gürtel," Der Spiegel, 8 Nov. 1976, pp. 98-99; Rainer Klose, "Sexualkunde-Unterricht ■nicht beanstandet," Süddeutsche Zeitung, 15 Feb. 1978; Claus Voland, "Kein .Werk des Teufels: Karlsruher Richter zum Sexualkundeunterricht," Die Zeit, 24 Feb. 1978; " 'Sexualkunde, na, das macht der Kollege,' " Der Spiegel, 27 Feb. :1:978, pp. 62-76; " 'Lieber ein Jahr zu früh als eine Stunde zu spät,' " Der Spiegel, .27 Mar. 1978, pp. 95-1.05; and Rupp Doinet, "Macht Sexualkunde impotent?" Der Stem, no. 7 (1980), pp. 204-5.
. 23. Alexander von Hoffmann, "Wie Heil ist der Rechts-Staat?" Konkret, Apr. :.1976, p. 17. See also Axel Eggebrecht, "Was ist Faschismus? Warnung vor einem Wort," Konkret, Feb. 1978, pp. 22-23; and Peter Schneider, "Im Todeskreis der Schuld," Die Zeit, 27 Mar. 1987, p. 66.
24. Quoted in Binger, "Kritisches Plädoyer," p. 3.
25. Härtung, "Versuch," p. 36. ::   26. P. Schneider, " 'Nicht der Egoismus,' " p. m.
27. Uli Puritz, "Schreiben über Sexualität oder wie fische ich das Salz aus der Suppe," Ästhetik und Kommunikation 40-41 (Sept. 1980), pp.16-17.
28. Rote Presse Korrespondenz, no. 36 (24 Oct. 1969), quoted in Berliner ■Kinderläden: Antiautoritäre Erziehung und sozialistischer Kampf (Cologne: Kie-penheuer und Witsch, 1970), p. 239. See also, for example, Detlev Claussen et al., "Einleitung," in Hans-Jürgen Krahl, Konstitution und Klassenkampf: Schriften,
"Reden und Entwürfe aus den Jahren 1966-1970 (Frankfurt am Main: Verlag :,Neue Kritik, 1971), p. 7; Reimut Reiche's self-criticism of 1971 summarized in .Stefan Micheler, "Der Sexualitätsdiskurs in der Studierendenbewegung der : 1960er Jahre," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 13, no. 1 (2000), p. 21; and Die-. trich Haensch, "Zerschlagt die Kleinfamilie? Frage an eine sozialistische Alternative zur bürgerlichen Familienpolitik," in Familiensoziologie: Ein Reader als Einführung, ed. Dieter Ciaessens and Petra Milhöfer (Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum, 1973), p. 363.
29. P. Schneider, " 'Nicht der Egoismus,' " p. III.
30. Drei aus der Redaktion, "Von Feen und Faunen," Pflasterstrand, no. 23a (9-22 Feb. 1978), p. 5.
336   •  Notes to Pages 231-235
Notes to Pages 235-239   • 337
31. Seeon this matter also the reflections of Heike Sander, "Referat," reprinted in Berliner Kinderläden, pp. 57-61; and Gabriele Huster, "Die Verdrängung der;-: Femme Fatale und ihrer Schwestern: Nachdenken über das Frauenbild des Nationalsoziaiismus," in Inszenierung der Macht: Ästhetische Faszination im Faschismus, ed. Klaus Behnken and Frank Wagner (Berlin: NGBK, 1987), pp. 145-46.
32. Fischer quoted and discussed in Sibylla Flügge, "1968 und die Frauen— Ein Blick in die Beziehungskiste," in Gender und soziale Praxis, ed. Margit Göttert and Karin Walser (Königstein/Taunusr Ulrike Helmer, 2002), p. 281.
33. As Ulf Preuss-Lausitz pointed out in the early 1980s, it might have been hard by that point to imagine anymore that this former "battle cry" of the 1960s had ever been considered progressive, but he assured readers that it most certainly;■ had been. "An incredibly chauvinist, heartless, indeed reactionary sentence, J would say today." However, in the 1960s, "the astonishing thing is that almost--no one but the 'old moralists' questioned its progressiveness (which was taken; as evidence for its progressiveness)." Ulf Preuss-Lausitz, "Vom gepanzerten zum: sinnstiftenden Körper," in Kriegskinder, Konsumkinder, Krisenkinder: Zur Sozia-,, lisationsgeschicht seit dem zweiten Weltkrieg, ed. Preuss-Lausitz et al. (Weinheirm Beltz, 1989), p. 98.
34. See Mehrmann, "Erobern Kommunen Deutschlands Betten?" pp. 17, 21.
35. Klaus Theweleit, Ghosts: Drei leicht inkorrekte Vorträge (Frankfurt am Main: Stroemfeld/Roter Stern, 1998), pp. 106-7.
36. Sabine Weissler, "Sexy Sixties," in Siepmann et al., CheSchahShit, p. 99.
37. H. Abholz, H. W. Dräger, and B. Witt, "Lautloses Platzen," FU Spiegel, Feb. 1968.
38. Flyer written by the Frankfurt "Broads' Collective" (Weiberrat) and distributed at the national SDS convention in Hannover in 1968. Text reprinted in Sibylla Flügge, "Der Weiberrat im SDS," in Siepmann et al, CheSchabShitf. p. 174.
39. Conversation with R. G-, 2002.
40. Verena Stefan, Häutungen (Munich: Frauenoffensive, 1975), p. 25.
41. "Psychische Verelendung und Emanzipatorische Selbsttätigkeit" (collective, statement produced by a women's group circa 1974), p. 5. Personal archive, Sibylla Flügge, Frankfurt am Main.
42. Elisabeth Skerutsch, "Was soll der Abtreibungsparagraf?" mimeograph.; flyer (circa 1974). Personal archive, Sibylla Flügge, Frankfurt am Main.
43. "Zum Wandel der Sexualmoral" (seminar paper, University of Frankfurt, early 1970s). Personal archive, Sibylla Flügge, Frankfurt am Main.
44. "Psychische Verelendung," pp. 6-7.
45. For example, see the reflections in Binger, "Kritisches Plädoyer," pp. 11-14.
46. See Karin Rasch, "Geschichte des ersten Weiberrats" (manuscript from, early 1971). Personal archive, Sibylla Flügge, Frankfurt am Main.
47. Conversation with T. S., 2002.
48. "Psychische Verelendung," p. 6.
49. Stefan Hinz, "Die Kunscht des Liebens," Konkret, Apr. 1981, p. 50.
50. "Sexualität: Wenig Fortsetzung...," Pflasterstrand 22 (12-25 Jan. 1978), p. 19.
51. Drei aus der Redaktion, "Von Feen und Faunen," p. 4.
52. "Sexualität: Wenig Fortsetzung .. . ," p. 19.
53. "Intern," Sexualität Konkret 1 (1979), p. 4.
54. "Kontroverse zum 'Stammheim-Fick,' " Pflasterstrand 22 (12-25 Jan. 1978), p. 23; "Sexualität: Wenig Fortsetzung ...p. 19.
55. Dany, in Pflasterstrand 23 (late Jan.-early Feb. 1978), p. 3.
56. Puritz, "Schreiben," p. 13; "Gedanken eines Sauriers," Pflasterstrand 21 (15 Dec. 1977-11 Jan. 1978), p. 40; "Vögeln," ibid., p. 28.
57. Harry Oberländer, "Notizen aus der Provinz," Pflasterstrand 23 (late Jan.-early Feb. 1978), p. 3.
58. Micky, "Warum ich mich an dieser Diskussion nicht beteilige .. . ," Pfla-sterstrand 23a (9-22 Feb. 1978), p. a.
59. "Gedanken eines Sauriers," p. 42.
60. "Antwort eines Sauriers," Pflasterstrand 22 (12-25 Jan. 1978), p. 23.
61. Gernot Gailer, "Eine Traumfrau zieht sich aus," Ästhetik und Kommunikation 40-41 (Sept. 1980), pp. 84-85, 91.
62. Cover caption "Zurück zur Weiblichkeit," Der Spiegel, 30 June 1975; see also Wilhelm Birtorf, "Der anatomische Imperativ," ibid., p. 42: "Demanding women and men who have become insecure exhaust each other with expectations that they cannot fulfill, get snarled up in ego battles, in which the man often loses not only his feeling of superiority but also his potency and the woman loses all the magic that once upon a time had awakened passion and love."
63. "Bis 25: Täglich Liebe. Ab 30: Ich bin so müde," Bild, 24 Jan. 1969.
64. Der Stern cartoon reprinted in "Jüngstes Gerücht," Der Spiegel, 28 Feb. 1977, p. 190.
65. "Jüngstes Gerücht," p. 191.
66. "Mild bis wild," Der Spiegel, 7 Mar. 1977, p. 207.
67. "Stunde der Wahrheit," Der Spiegel, 18 Apr. 1977, p. 231.
68. Leona Siebenschön, "Noch genauso frigide," Die Zeit, 18 July 1975, p. 37 (a review of the interviews collected in Alice Schwarzerd Der "kleine" Unterschied [1975]).
69. SEAT study and quotation in Ingrid Kolb, "Zwischen Lust und Frust," Der Stern, no. 21 (1980), p. 132.
70. Quoted in Conrad Zander, "Die Männer werden keusch: Schluss mit dem Sex," Der Stern, no. 51 (1982), p. 50.
71. Kolb, "Zwischen Lust und Frust," p. 120.
72. Zander, "Die Männer werden keusch," pp. 48^19. On the striking lack of impact of feminist perspectives on sex in the advice columns of mainstream women's magazines in the early 1980s, see Cheryl Barnard and Edit Schlaffer, "Der Mann im Bett," in Viel erlebt und nichts begriffen: Die Männer und die Frauenbe-wegung (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1985), pp. 77-81.
73. For example, see "Eine Welle von Nazi-Drohungen gegen Feministinnen," Emma, Dec. 1983, p. 5; Margarete Mitscherlich, "Die Unfähigkeit zu kämpfen," Emma, Apr. 1991, p. 28; Ingrid Schmidt-Harzbach, "Die Lüge von der Stunde Null," Courage, June 1982, p. 34; and Annemarie Troeger, "Die Dolchstossle-gende der Linken: 'Frauen haben Hitler an die Macht gebracht.' Thesen zur Geschichte der Frauen am Vorabend des Dritten Reichs," in Frauen und Wissen-
338   •  Notes to Pages 239-240
scbaft: Beiträge zur Berliner Sommeruniversität für Frauen, Juli 1976, ed. Gruppe ^ Berliner Dozentinnen (Berlin: Courage, 1977), p. 324.
74. See FIL, "Sieg Macho," Emma, Dec. 1987, p. 6; Ingrid Strobl, "Justine :-\ und Justiz," Emma, Feb. 1988, p. 33; and the section on "Playboy bis TAZ," in Schwesternlust und Schwesternfrust: 20 Jahre Frauenbewegung, ed. Alice :v Schwarzer (Cologne: Emma, 1991), p. 129.
75. Die Frankfurter Stadthexen et al., in Pflasterstrand 23 (late Jan.-early Feb. 1978), p. 1.
76. "Der Aufstand der Frauen: Am 6. Juni 1971 ging es los!" Emma, June : 1991, pp. 18, 20-21.
77. See the discussion in Karin Windaus-Walser, "Gnade der weiblichen Ge- j burt? Zum Umgang der Frauenforschung mit Nationalsozialismus und Antisemit- 4 ismus," Feministische Studien 1 (1988), p. 111.
78. See the discussions in Annette Kuhn, "Der Antifemmisrnus als verborgene ä Theoriebasis des deutschen Faschismus: Feministische Gedanken zur national- :: sozialistischen 'Biopolitik,' " in Frauen und Faschismus in Europa: Der faschi- :\ stische Körper, ed. Leonore Siegele-Wenschkewitz and Gerda Stuchlik (Pfaffen-1 weiler: Centaurus, 1990), p. 39; and Frauen gegen Antisemitismus, "Der Natio- f nalsozialismus als Extremform des Patriarchats: Zur Leugnung der Täterschaft;v von Frauen und zur Tabuisierung des Antisemitismus in der Auseinandersetzung :: mit dem NS," Beiträge zur feministischen Theorie und Praxis, no. 35 (1993), pp. 77-89.
79. Henryk M. Broder, "Ich bin ein Chauvi," Konkret, Oct. 1979, pp. 55, 57. ;
80. Berndt Nitzschke's lecture before sexologists in Salzburg, 5 Nov. 1988, : excerpted in Emma, Feb. 1989, p. 29.
81. See Troeger, "Die Dolchstosslegende," p. 325.
82. In Fest's work (Das Gesicht des Dritten Reiches: Profile einer totalitären Herrschaft (Munich: R. Piper, 1963), and Hitler: Eine Biographie (Berlin: Propyläen, 1973), there are repeated descriptions of supposedly "unsatisfied," sexually frustrated "overripe" older women "worshiping" Hitler with "turbid yearning." Fest also wrote that "Hitler increasingly became the object of desire around which neurotic petty bourgeois women gathered for collective wantonness, greedy for the moment of disinhibition, of the great release, which—in the overflowing scream of the mass—decisively revealed the carnal character of these events and their extraordinary similarity to the public sexual acts of primitive tribes." Noting that the immense extent of male enthusiasm for Hitler was quietly sidestepped in Fest's "analysis," and amazed both at the brazenness of Fest's claim and the obvious allusions to "rut, ecstasy, orgasm," feminist sociologist Eva Sternheim-Peters concluded with caustic sarcasm: "Here a 'woman' can only ask pityingly and politely whether at least a few neurotic petty bourgeois men were able to enjoy a miserable scrap of pleasure in this 'great release."' Eva Sternheim-Peters, "Brunst, Ekstase, Orgasmus: Männerphantasien zum Thema 'Hitler und die Frauen,"' Psychologie heute 8, no. 7 (1981), pp. 36, 38-39.
83. See Troeger, "Die Dolchstosslegende," p. 325.
84. Sternheim-Peters, "Brunst, Ekstase, Orgasmus," p. 36.
Notes to Pages 241-247  • 339
85. Rudolf Augstein, "Frauen fliessen, Männer schiessen," Der Spiegel, 19 Dec. 1977, p-132; and Lothar Baier, "In den Staub mit allen Feinden der Frau," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 18 Apr. 1978.
86. Bazon Brock, "Frauen, Fluten, Körper, Geschichte: Ein wichtiger Beitrag linker Theorie zur Faschismusdebatte," Die Zeit, 25 Nov. 1977, p. 11.
87. "Blut und Widerstand: Der Traum vom Terror," Pflasterstrand 21 (15 Dec. 1977-11 Jan. 1978), p. 19.
88. Thomas Kühne, "Männergeschichte als Geschlechtergeschichte," in Männergeschichte—Geschlechtergeschichte: Männlichkeit im Wandel der Moderne, ed. Kühne (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 1996), p. 16.
89. Klaus Theweieit, Male Fantasies, vol. 1: Women, Floods, Bodies, History, trans. Stephen Conway with Erica Carter and Chris Turner (Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1987), p. xx.
90. Theweieit is very uneven on homosexuality. At one point—precisely in the context of trying to refute the old canard that all Nazis were homosexual—Theweieit claims to find similarities between homosexuals and fascists and suggests that homosexuals, like psychotic children, might be "incompletely born." See Klaus Theweieit, Male Fantasies, vol. 2: Male Bodies: Psychoanalyzing the White Terror,
■ trans. Erica Carter and Chris Turner with Stephen Conway (Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1989), pp. 314-18.
91. Ibid., p. 104.
92. Ibid., pp. 189,195, 201,432. See also Theweieit, Male Fantasies, 1:430-32.
93. Theweieit, Mafe Fantasies, 2:61,127,279, 315.
94. Ibid., pp. 301-3.
95. See the brief considerations of the problem in Michael Rogin, "Fascist Fantasies," Nation, 18-25 July 1987, p. 65; and Jessica Benjamin and Anson Rabin-bach's foreword to Theweieit, Male Fantasies, 2:xiv. One way Jews continually reappear is as part of the standard triumvirate of things fascist men were said to hate: women, communists (or proletarians), and Jews (as in a sort of tired rattling-down of the three analytic categories of gender, class, race). But what is interesting here is the way Theweieit often makes this triplet fit better into his argument by linking Jews with sex or, in other words, by subsuming Jews into his sexual argument, as in such phrases as "contagious Jewish lust" (ibid., p. 162) or "lascivious
■--or avaricious Jews" (ibid., p. 348).
96. For example, Theweieit, Male Fantasies, 2:118, 213, 348^19.
97. Ibid., pp. 6-7, 9, 237. As an antifascist strategy Theweieit recommended the following type of analytic treatment for a soldierly male: since he is "locked .... in his totality-armor," "analysis might perhaps involve guiding him toward an acknowledgment of his bodily openings and of the interior of his body, in order to protect him from immediate inundation by the fear of dissolution if his bodily periphery becomes pleasurably invested" (ibid., p. 261; also see pp. 267-68 on "political work with potential fascists").
98. See Richard Herzinger, "Wandlungen eines Mythos: Die Kulturrevolutionäre von 1968—Garanten der liberalen Kultur in Deutschland?" in Die Nacht hat zwölf Stunden, dann kommt schon der Tag: Antifaschismus—Geschichte und Neubewertung, ed. Claudia Keller (Berlin: Aufbau, 1996), pp. 252-67; Helmut DubieL "Linke Trauerarbeit," Merkur 496 (June 1990), pp. 482-94; Detlev Pol-
340   •   Notes to Pages 247-248
Notes to Pages 248-250   • 341
lack, "Über die 68er und ihr Verhältnis zur DDR," Leviathan 26, no. 4 (1998), pp. 540-49; and Jan-Werner Müller, "Melancholy, Utopia and Reconciliation: Left-Wing and Liberal Responses to Unification," in Another Country: German Intellectuals, Unification and National Identity (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2000).
99. See Hartmut Schergel, "Reise in eine andere Galaxie," Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger, 2-3 Jan. 1999, p. 7 (especially the summary of Bild's study, "Zwischen Cola und Corega Tabs"); and Cordt Schnibben, "Vollstrecker des Weltgewissens," Der Spiegel, 2 June 1997, pp. 113,115. For the prevalence or this argument also in France, see Kristin Ross, May '68 and Its Afterlives (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2002), pp. 19-21.
100. See the critical discussions in Friedrich Christian Delius, "Die Dialektik des Deutschen Herbstes," Die Zeit, 1 Aug. 1997, p. 3; Klaus Theweleit, "Very Important Grown-Ups," tageszeitung, 23 Apr. 1999; and Belinda Davis, "New Leftists and West Germany: Violence, Fascism, and the Public Sphere, 1967-1974" (paper presented at the German Studies Association conference, Washington, DC, 7 Oct. 2001). See also Heinrich August Winkler, "Ende alter Sonderwege," Der Spiegel, 11 June 2001, p. 176; and Jeremy Varon, Bringing the War Home: The Weather Underground, the Red Army Faction, and the Revolutionary Violence in the Sixties and Seventies (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 2004).
101. See "Die Verräter sind unter uns," Die Zeit, 21 Apr. 1999; and Gerd Holz-heimer, Wider den genitalen Ernst: Sex von den 68em bis zur Love-Parade (Leipzig: Reclam, 2002).
102. See Elazar Barkan, The Guilt of Nations: Restitution and Negotiating Historical Injustices (New York: Norton, 2000); Hans-Georg Betz, "Towards a Community of Values? Reflections on Europe's Future from North America ' (York University, Toronto, unpublished manuscript, 2002); Winkler, "Ende aller Sonderwege," p. 180; and Karl Schlögel, "Der Dämon der Gewalt," in Experiment Europa (Spiegel Spezial, no. 1 [2002]), pp. 86-95.
103. See Hanno Loewy, "A History of Ambivalence: Post-Reunification German Identity and the Holocaust," Patterns of Prejudice 36, no. 2 (2002); and Susanne Klingenstein, "Wer sind diese Deutschen?" Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 6 Oct. 2001.
104. See Jörg Friedrich, Der Brand: Deutschland im Bombenkrieg 1940-1.94S (Berlin: Propyläen, 2002); W. G. Sebald, "Air War and Literature," in On the Natural History of Destruction (New York: Random House, 2003); Robert G. Moeller, War Stories: The Search for a Usable Past in the Federal Republic of Germany (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 2001); Günter Grass, Im Krebsgang (Göttingen: Steidl, 2002); Vera Neumann, Nicht der Rede Wert: Die Privatisierung der Kriegsfolgen in der frühen Bundesrepublik: Lebensgeschichtliche Erinnerung (Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 1999); Elisabeth Domansky and Harald Welzer, eds., Eine offene Geschichte: Zur kommunikativen Tradierung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit (Tübingen: Edition Diskord, 1999); Elisabeth Domansky and Jutta de Jong, eds., Der lange Schatten des Krieges: Deutsche Lebens-Geschichten nach 1945 (Münster: Aschendorff, 2000); Klaus Naumann, ed., Nachkrieg in Deutschland (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2001); Jason
Cowley, "Forgotten Victims," Guardian Weekly, 4-10 Apr. 2002, p. 22; and Alice Förster and Birgit Beck, "Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and World War II: Can a Psychiatric Concept Help Us Understand Postwar Society?" in Life after Death: Approaches to a Cultural and Social History of Europe during the 1940s and 1950s, ed. Richard Bessel and Dirk Schumann (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2003).
105. On the self-exculpatory function of narratives of non-Jewish German victimization, see, for example, Moeller, War Stories; Frank Stern, The Whitewashing of the Yellow Badge: Antisemitism and Philosemitism in Postwar Germany (Oxford: Pergamon, 1992).
106. On Walser, see esp. Jan-Holger Kirsch, "Identität durch Normalität: Der Konflikt um Martin Walsers Friedenspreisrede," Leviathan 27, no. 3 (1999).
107. Schaff er quoted in Stern, Whitewashing, p. 380; see also p. 383 on Adenauer's mixed motives. For more on Schäffer's and Adenauer's views about restitution, and on how very popular Schäffer was in West Germany, specifically because of his overt antisemitism, see Christian Pross, Wiedergutmachung: Der Kleinkrieg gegen die Opfer (Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum, 1988), esp. pp. 31-32,58-68.
108. On Gruber, see Richard Rubenstein, "The Dean and the Chosen People," in Holocaust: Religious and Philosophical Perspectives, ed. Michael Berenbaum and John K. Roth (New York: Paragon, 1989); and Philipp Gassert, " 'Der Nazi-Kanzler': Kurt Georg Kiesinger und die Auseinandersetzungen um die NS-Ver-gangenheit in den späten 1960er Jahren" (paper presented at the German Studies Association Conference, Washington, DC, 7 Oct. 2001).
109. Von Dohnanyi quoted in the superb essay by Reinhard Möhr, "Total normal?" Der Spiegel, 30 Nov. 1998, p. 46.
110. Conversation with F. C, 2003. See also Armin Himmelrath, "Neue, alte Ängste: Jeder dritte Student will Ende der Holocaust-Debatte—jüdische Studenten in Sorge," Unicum (July 2002), p. 12; Anton-Andreas Guha, "Ablehnung von Juden, Amerikanern und Arabern hat zugenommen: Studie des Freud-Instituts und der Universität Leipzig/Antisemitismus in Westdeutschland stärker verbreitet alsim Osten," Frankfurter Rundschau, 15 June 2002, p. 1; and Robin Detje, "Im freien Fall," Die Zeit, no. 26 (18 June 2003), p. 34. In November 2002, Die Zeit reported that a study found 52 percent of Germans believing that "many Jews try to draw advantage out of the Holocaust." On the special avidity of attention paid by Europeans to Israel, see Andrei S. Markovits, "Der salonfähige Antisemitismus," tageszeitung, 11 May 2002. On the earlier history of German reactions to.the Middle East conflict, see Dietrich Wetzel, ed., Die Verlängerung von Geschichte: Deutsche, Juden und der Palästinakonflikt (Frankfurt am Main: Neue Kritik, 1983).
111. Rex quoted in Mohr, "Total normal?" p. 46.
112. Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York: Knopf, 1996).
113. See Ulrike Jureit, ed., Verbrechen der Wehrmacht: Dimensionen des Vernichtungskrieges 1941-1944 (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2002); Bernd Ulrich, ed., Eine Ausstellung und ihre Folgen: Zur Rezeption der Ausstellung "Vernichtungskrieg—Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941 bis 1944" (Hamburg:
342   •   Notes to Pages 250-251
Notes to Pages 251-253   • 343
Hamburger Edition, 1999); Omer Bartov, Atina Grossmann, and Mary Nolan, eds., Crimes of War: Guilt and Denial in the Twentieth Century (New York: New Press, 2002).
114. Hannes Heer, "The Difficulty of Ending a War: Reactions to the Exhibition 'War of Extermination: Crimes of the Wehrmacht 1941 to 1944,' " History Workshop, no. 46 (1998), p. 194.
115. See, for example, Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance: "Euthanasia" in Germany 1900-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994); Hcidrun Kaupen-Haas and Christiane Rothmaler, eds., Moral, Biomedizin und Bevölkerungskontrolle (Frankfurt am Main: Mabuse, 1997); Christa Schikorra, Kontinuitäten der Ausgrenzung: "Asoziale" Häftlinge im Frauenkonzentrationslager Ra-venshrück (Berlin: Metropol, 2001); Michael Zimmermann, Rassenutopie und Genozid: Die nationalsozialistische "Lösung" der Zigeunerfrage (Hamburg: Christians, 1996); Guenter Lewy, The Nazi Persecution of the Gypsies (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2000); Frank Sparing, ". . . wegen Vergehen nach §175 verhaftet": Die Verfolgung der Düsseldorfer Homosexuellen während des Nationalsozialismus (Düsseldorf: Grupello, 1997); Joachim Müller et al., eds., Homosexuelle Männer im KZ Sachsenhausen (Berlin: Rosa Winkel, 2000); Burkhard Jellonek and Rüdiger Lautmann, eds., Nationalsozialistischer Terror gegen Homosexuelle: Verdrängt und ungesühnt (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2002); Frank Bajohr, "Arisierung" in Hamburg: Die Verdrängung der jüdischen Unternehmer 1933-1945 (Hamburg: Christians, 1997); Marion A. Kaplan, Between Dignity and Despair: Jewish Life in Nazi Germany (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1998); Götz Aly and Susanne Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung: Auschwitz und die deutschen Pläne für eine neue europäische Ordnung (Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1991); and Christian Gerlach, Krieg, Ernährung, Völkermord: Forschungen zur deutschen Vernichtungspolitik im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 1998).
116. See, for example, Jörg Friedrich, Die kalte Amnestie: NS-Täter in der Bundesrepublik, 2nd rev. ed. (Munich: Piper, 1994); Norbert Frei, Vergangenheitspolitik: Die Anfänge der Bundesrepublik und die NS-Vergangenheit (Munich: Beck, 1996); Ernst Klee, Deutsche Medizin im Dritten Reich: Karrieren vor und nach 1945 (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 2001).
117. Atina Grossmann, "The 'Goldhagen Effect': Memory, Repetition, and Responsibility in the New Germany," in The "Goldhagen Effect": History, Memory, Nazism—Facing the German Past, ed. Geoff Eley (Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 2000), pp. 89-90, 93,107.
118. Klaus Härtung, "Errinyen in Deutschland: Überlegungen zur 'Historikerdebatte,' zum Faschismusbegriff der '68er,' und zu Peter Schneiders Selbstkritik," Niemandsland 2, no. 1 (1987), pp. 88-89.
119. On this self-styling of former members of the generation of 1968 as the ones who brought democracy to postwar Germany, see also the critical remarks ■ of Herzinger, "Wandlungen eines Mythos," pp. 252-67; and Ulrich Herbert, : "Legt die Plakate nieder, ihr Streiter für die Gerechtigkeit," Frankfurter AUge-: meine Zeitung, no. 24 (29 Jan. 2001), p. 48.
120. See, for example, Hartmut Häusserman, "Was '1968' bedeutet," Ingrid-Gilcher-Holtey, " '1968' in Frankreich und Deutschland," and Claus Offe, "Vier
Hypothesen über historische Folgen der Studentenbewegung," all in Leviathan 26,: no. 4 (1998); and Heer, "The Difficulty." For the earlier and more critical consensus, see Michael Schneider, Den Kopf verkehrt aufgesetzt, oder Die melancholische Linke: Aspekte des Kulturzerfalb in den siebziger Jahren (Darmstadt: Lüchterhand, 1981); Jessica Benjamin and Anson Rabinbach, "Germans, Leftists, Jews," and Marion A. Kaplan, "To Tolerate Is to Insult," both in New German Critique 31 (winter 1984); Anson Rabinbach and Jack Zipes, eds., Germans and Jews since the Holocaust: The Changing Situation in West Germany (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1986); and Andrei S. Markovits, "Coping with the Past: The West German Labor Movement and the Left," in Reworking the Past: Hitler, the Holocaust, and the Historians' Debate, ed. Peter Baldwin (Boston: Beacon, 1990).
■ 121. For example, see Claus Leggewie, "Antifaschisten sind wir sowieso," Die Zeit, 19 Feb. 1988, p. 62; P. Schneider, "Im Todeskreis"; and Härtung, "Erinnyen."
122. See the thoughtful remarks in "Einleitung," Inszenierung der Macht, pp. 7-10; and Peter Reichel, Der schöne Schein des Dritten Reiches: Faszination und Gewalt des Faschismus (Munich: Carl Hanser, 1991), pp. 7-10.
123. See Anson Rabinbach, "Reponse to Karen Brecht, 'In the Aftermath of Nazi Germany: Alexander Mitscherlich and Psychoanalysis—Legend and Leg-aey,' " American Imago 52, no. 3 (1995).
! 124. Volkmar Sigusch, "Editorial," Operation AIDS {Sexualität Konkret, no. 7 [1986]), pp. 4-5.
125. See Rosa Flieder, no. 52 (Apr.-May 1987), p. 11; Dieter Schiefelbein, "Auftakt," in Der Frankfurter Engel, Mahnmal Homosexuellenverfolgung: Ein (Lesebuch, ed. Initiative Mahnmal Homosexuellenverfolgung (Frankfurt am Main: Eichborn, 1997), p. 12; and the discussion in Erik N. Jensen, "The Pink Triangle and Political Consciousness: Gays, Lesbians, and the Memory of Nazi Persecution," Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, nos. 1-2 (Jan.-Apr. 2002), p. 332.
;/■ 126. See Dirk Ruder, "Es sterben immer die anderen," Jungle World, no. 49 ;.:(2 Dec. 1998); and "Safer Sex: Worauf es wirklich ankommt," Du bist nicht
allein—Das OnlineMagazin für schwule Jugendliche, http://wwwl.dbna.net/
jühxzone/reports/safersexl. shtml.
7. 127. See Michael Bochow, Schwule Männer, AIDS und Safer Sex (Berlin: /'■Deutsche AIDS-Hilfe, 2001); and Michael Bochow, Die Reaktionen homosexueller Männer auf AIDS in Ost- und Westdeutschland (Berlin: AIDS-FORUM DAH, 1993).
■ ■ 128. On the conviction that HIV/AIDS did end the sexual revolution, see Ariane v/Barth, "Eine Infektion der kollektiven Phantasie," Der Spiegel, 6 Apr. 1987, pp. .114, 117. On more widespread use of pornography and sex-toys as crucial responses to HTV/AIDS, see, for example, Paul Schulz, "100 Jahre Sex," Siegessäule 16 June 2000; and Fabian Kress, Paul Schulz, and Andrea Winter, "Sex: Was .Berlins Lesben und Schwule wirklich tun," Siegessäule, 30 Nov. 2002.
129. See Ursula Knapp, "Karlsruhe lässt 'Homo-Ehe' zu," Frankfurter Rundschau, 19 July 2001, p. 1; Jan Feddersen, "Homoehe? Ein Luftschloss" (interview with Martin Dannecker), taz-magazin, 28-29 July 2001, p. vii; Holger Wicht, "100 Jahre Integration," Siegessäule, Sept. 1999; Eike Stedefeldt, Schwule
344   •  Notes to Pages 253-254
Notes to Pages 254-260   • 345
Macht oder Emanzipation von der Emanzipation (Berlin: Elefanten, 1998); and Norbert Blech, "Homo-Ehe ohne Grenzen: Signal aus Brüssel," EuroGay, 13 Feb. 2003, http://www.eurogay.de/8420.html.
130. Tanja Rest, "Als die Lust am Verbotenen blühte," Frankfurter Neue Presse, 24 Apr. 1998, p. 7; and cover caption "Nackt bis auf die Seele: Die exhibitionistische Gesellschaft," Der Spiegel, 14 July 1997.
131. " 'Der Tanz ums goldene Selbst,' " Der Spiegel, 14 July 1997, p. 92.
132. See, for example, Gunter Schmidt, Sexuelle Verhältnisse: Über das Verschwinden der Sexualmoral (Hamburg: Ingrid Klein, 1996), pp. 7-20.
133. See, for example, Volkmar Sigusch, "Die Trümmer der sexuellen Revolution," Die Zeit, 11 Oct. 1996, pp. 17-18; Volkmar. Sigusch, "The Neosexual Revolution," Archives of Sexual Behavior 27, no. 4 (1998), pp. 331-59; and Volkmar Sigusch, "Lean Sexuality: On Cultural Transformations of Sexuality and Gender in Recent Decades," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 15, no. 2 (June 2002). .
134. On Viagra, see Leonore Tiefer, "Doing the Viagra Tango: Die Sex-Pillc als Symbol und als Substanz," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 11, no. 4 (Dtc 1998); and Volkmar Sigusch, "Viagra: Forschungsstand," Zeitschrift für Sexualforschung 13, no. 4 (Dec. 2000). On "ego trip" see " 'Der Tanz,' " p. 92; and the.; interview with fashion designer Wolfgang Joop—who deemed the mirror-gazing, body-fetishizing, tricep-pumping world of fitness studios "profoundly asexual"— in " 'Jeder ist heute ein Diva,' " Der Spiegel, 14 July 1997, p. 104. On optimizing time investment, see Bert Thinius, in "Aufbruch aus dem grauen Versteck, Ah--kunft im bunten Ghetto?" in Schwuler Osten: Homosexuelle Männer in der DDR, ed. Kurt Starke (Berlin: Christoph Links Verlag, 1995), p. 11; and the remarks; about "modern autistic variants" of sexual behavior and " 'fast food, fast fuck,;, fast fitness,' " in Konrad Weller, Das Sexuelle in der deutsch-deutschen Vereinigimg: Resümee und Ausblick (Leipzig: Forum, 1991), p. 57.
135. Schuller cited in Rüdiger Lautman, Jakob Pastoetter, and Kurt Starke,.: "Germany," The Continuum Complete International Encyclopedia of Sexuality,. ed. Robert T. Francoeur, Raymond J. Noonan, and Martha Cornog (New York:. Continuum, 2003): and Rainer Gruber, "Die Verbindung von Computer und Sex-: ualität—Möglichkeiten," 21 Jan. 1996, http://www.eberl.net/dk/ws95/Gruber/: d_index.html.
136. "Jeder Fünfte in Deutschland hat Erektionsprobleme.—Sie auch?" (Pfizer, ad), in Der Stern, no. 12 (2002), p. 39.
137. Leonore Tiefer, "The Medicalization of Women's Sexuality," Americanv: Journal of Nursing 100, no. 12 (Dec. 2000); Jack Hitt, "The Second Sexual Revo-, lution," New York Times Magazine, 20 Feb. 2000. See also Sarah Boseley, "Drug Firms 'Invented' Female Sex Problems," Guardian Weekly, 9-15 Jan. 2003, p. 8.
138. Schmidt, Sexuelle Verhältnisse, p. 14. Also see Gunter Schmidt, "Weshalb Sex alle (Un)schuld verloren hat," taz-magazin, 24 Apr. 1999; Gunter Schmidt,.: "Motivationale Grundlagen sexuellen Verhaltens," in Psychologie der Motive, ed. Hans Thomae (Göttingen: Verlag für Psychologie, 1983); Volkmar Sigusch, "Lob des Triebes," and Gunter Schmidt, "Kurze Entgegnung auf Volkmar Siguschs 'Loh: des Triebes,' " both in Sexualtheorie und Sexualpolitik, ed. Martin Dannecker; and Volkmar Sigusch (Stuttgart: Erike, 1984).
139. Micha Fulgers, "Tote Hose im Bett," Frankfurter Rundschau, 6 May 2000, p. 6.
140. Freundin study cited in "Sex in den Medien verunsichert die Deutschen," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 5 Nov. 2002.
141. Rest, "Als die Lust," p. 7.
142. Starke on sex in the late twentieth-century West, quoted and discussed in Dietrich Mühlberg, "Sexualität und ostdeutscher Alltag," Mitteilungen aus der kulturwissenschaftlichen Forschung 18, no. 36 (1995), p. 21.
143. For example, see Rest, "Als die Lust," p. 7.
. 144. Susanne Beyer, Nikolaus von Festenberg, and Reinhard Mohr, "Die jungen Milden," Der Spiegel, 12 July 1999, pp. 94, 103.
145. Ralf König, "Veteranen," in Trau keinem über 30! Die 68er, ed. Andreas Knigge (Hamburg: Carlsen, 1998), pp. 40-43.
146. For example, see Mariam Lau, "Der neue Mensch als Bote des Eros," Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 17-18 Nov. 2001, pp. 53-54; and Schulz, "100 Jahre Sex."
147. See Alexandra Rigos, " 'Eltern sind austauschbar,' " Der Spiegel, 16 Nov. 1998, p. 129; and Werner Bohleber, "Schweigen der Generationen: Autorität und Freiheit heute—Sind die 68er schuld am Rechtsextremismus?" Polis 6 (1994), pp. 4-5. On the scandal surrounding Bettina Röhl's accusations against Daniel Cohn-Bendit, see Roger-Pol Droit, "Sexual Politics Haunts 60s Rebels," Guardian Weekly, 15-21 Mar. 2001, p. 34 (note the headline: "Left's fight against 'fascistic heterosexual ideology' may have been naive, but was far from paedophilia"); as well as Jacqueline Remy, "Le remords de Cohn-Bendit," L'Express, 22 Feb. 2001; "Pierre Beifond, editeur du Grand Bazar—'Je l'assume pleinement,' " L'Express, 11 June 2001; and Alexander Smoltczyk, "Bettina Röhl: Die letzte Gefangene der RAF," Spiegelreporter, no. 3 (2001).
148. Achim Schmillen, "Wir sind besser als die Alten!" Die Zeit, 14 Mar. 1997, p.22.
149. Schnibben, "Vollstrecker des Weltgewissens," p. 149. 1.50. "Die gefallene Natur," Der Spiegel, 2 May 1966, p. 58.
Conclusion
1. For example, see Harry Oosterhuis, Stepchildren of Nature: Krafft-Ebing, Psychiatry, and the Making of Sexual Identity (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2000); and Volkmar Sigusch, Karl Heinrich Ulrichs: Der erste Schwule der Welt-geschicbte (Berlin: Rosa Winkel, 2000).
2. This could happen quite unconsciously as well, as for example when observers in the first years of the twenty-first century lamented what they saw as a state of sexual ennui and nonrelationality between partners in the midst of sexual overstimulation. In doing so they were inadvertently echoing comments made first in the aftermath of World War II and then again in the eddying wake of the sex wave of the 1960s and 1970s. ^
3. See in this context the careful expositions in Stuart Hall, " Signification, Rep-presentation, Ideology," Critical Studies in Mass Communication 2, no. 2 (June
1985); Mary Poovey, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in
346   .   Notes to Pages 260-264
Notes to Pages 264-265   • 347
Mid-Victorian England (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1988}; Joan W. Scott. Gender and the Politics of History (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1988); Joan W. Scott and Judith Butler, eds., Feminists Theorize the Political (New York: Routledge, 1992); and Lisa Duggan, The Twilight of Equality? Neoliberalism, Cultural Politics, and the Attack on Democracy (Boston: Beacon, 2003).
4. Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer, Dialektik der Aufklärung:. Philosophische Fragmente (Amsterdam: Querido, 1947), p. 244.
5. See on these points also Das Kreuz mit dem Frieden: 1982 Jahre Christen und Politik, ed. Peter Winzeier (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1982); Josfe Casanova, Public Religions in the Modern World (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press,,1994): Dagmar Herzog, '"Believing in God as an Atheist': Left-Wing Theolog}7 and the Confrontation with Secularization" (paper presented at the conference "Religiöse Vergemeinschaftung in der Moderne," University of Chicago, 25 Sept. 2003); and Pascal Eitler, "'Gott ist Rot!': Politische Theologie in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (1965-1975)" (paper presented at the conference "Politik und Religion (18. bis 20. Jahrhundert)," University of Bielefeld, 6 Feb. 2004).
6. On the intersections between the histories of sexuality and religion in the nineteenth century, see Dagmar Herzog, Intimacy and Exclusion: Religious Politics in Pre-Revolutionary Baden (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1996). Path-breaking books that begin to tell the histories of sexuality and religion in the twentieth century in conjunction are Callum G. Brown, The Death of Christian Britain: Understanding Secularisation, 1800-2000 (London: Routledge, 2001): Mark Edward Ruff, The Wayward Flock (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 2004); and Caroline Ford, Divided Houses (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005).
7. See in this context the important article by Gerhard Ringshausen, "Die Kirchen—herausgefordert durch den Wandel in den sechziger Jahren," in Die Kultur der sechziger Jahre, ed. Werner Faulstich (Munich: Fink, 2003).
8. For the United States, see especially David K. Johnson, The Lavender Scare: The Cold War Persecution of Gays and Lesbians in the Federal Government^ (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2004); and Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988). On the role of anticommunism in securing gender conservatism in West Germany,, see Robert Moeller, "Reconstructing the Family in Reconstruction Germany: Women and Social Policy in the Federal Republic, 1949-1955," Feminist Studies 1 no. 1 (Spring 1989). See also Dagmar Herzog, "Sexuality in the Postwar äffest,"■■■Journal of Modern History: forthcoming.
9. For a provocative and useful assertion of the utter noninevitability of political conservatism's coincidence with sexual conservatism, see Rod Liddle, "Back to Basic Instincts," Spectator, 28 June 2003, pp. 10-11.
10. See Richard Bessel and Dirk Schumann, eds., Life after Death: Approaches to a Cultural and Social History of Europe during the.1940s and 1950s (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2003). This volume grew out of a conference entitled "Violence and Normality." On the need to theorize the post-World War. II moment also specifically as a -postwar time (an approach that had been used more frequently to think about the post-World War I era), see also Klaus Naumann, Nachkrieg in Deutschland (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2001).
11. On the Vichy law and its persistence into the postwar era, see Michael Sibalis, "Homophobia, Vichy France, and the 'Crime of Homosexuality': The Origins of the Ordinance of 6 August 1942," GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 8, no. 3 (May 2002); and Mario Kramp, "Homosexuelle im besetzten Frankreich 1940-1944/45: Fragmente einer noch zu schreibenden Geschichte," ^Nationalsozialistischer Terror gegen Homosexuelle: Verdrängt und ungesühnt, ed. Burkhard Jelionek and Rüdiger Lautmann (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2002).
12. See Dagmar Herzog, "Homosexuality after Fascism," LGBQ Research Initiative Working Paper, Institute for Research on Women and Gender, University of Michigan, 2004.
13. See Julian Bourg, "'Your Sexual Revolution Is Not Ours': French Feminist 'Moralism' and the Limits of Desire," in Love-in, Love-out: Gender and Sexuality inthe Global 1968, ed. Deborah Cohen and Lessie Jo Frazier (New York: Pal-grave, forthcoming); and Todd Shepard, "Not Women, Not Men, Not Arab: Male Same-Sex Radicals and the Revolution in 1970s France" (paper to be presented at the Berkshire Conference on the History of Women, Scripps College, 2-5 June Z005).
14. Siegfried Schnabl, "Sexuelle Störungen," in Sexuologie in der DDR, ed. Joachim Hohmann (Berlin: Dietz, 1991).
15. Conversation with Herbert Jäger, 2003.
Acknowledgments
The initial idea for this book was formulated over a decade ago on a snowy evening in East Lansing, Michigan. It seems entirely fitting that :it is now snowing once again. In the meantime, the journey has been .winding and long. The first round of research—on antifascist Christianity—was conducted in Harvard University's Divinity School and Widener i libraries with the help of an Andrew W. Mellon Faculty Fellowship. Further financial assistance—and with it, above all, time, precious time— ', was provided by a number of remarkable organizations. The National Endowment for the Humanities took sex out of the title of my proposal for a summer stipend but gave me aid nonetheless; I thank the thoughtful bureaucrat who took matters into his or her own hands. Two other organizations knew exactly what they were funding. Sincerest thanks are due Diane di Mauro, the wonderful director of the Social Science Research Council's Sexuality Research Fellowship Program, whose work is generously underwritten by funds provided by the Ford Foundation, and to the late John D'Arms, who pioneered the American Council of Learned Societies' Frederick Burkhardt Residential Fellowship program. Both individuals offered important personal intellectual support as well. In 1999 Cornell University and the Deutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst hosted a summer seminar on gender and sexuality in German cultural studies under the excellent direction of (now Provost) Biddy Martin; ties ! formed there still hold, and I remain grateful for them.
Michigan State University has also contributed to this project with money and time off, and above all with a nurturing environment. I have been especially fortunate to have terrific colleagues. My "bosses" Lewis ■ Siegelbaum and Patrick McConeghy deserve particular thanks for their farsightedness and commitment—and for their friendship. My students contributed greatly as well. Over and over they afforded me the privilege and thrill of being in the room as they—individually and together— worked out their analytic and intuitive thoughts on both the past and the present. I continue to learn from their relentless curiosity and insightful perspectives^ they have done much to inform my understanding of Nazism, the Holocaust, sexuality, religion, and many other matters.
Spectacular research assistance was provided by Julia Woesthoff, Con-, stanze Jaiser, and Patricia Szobar. At Princeton University Press, Brigitta van Rheinberg has been the dream editor from start to finish.
This book would not have been possible—and also would have been much less of a pleasure to work on—without the energetic help of a re-
350   • Acknowledgments
markable cohort of German sexologists, psychologists, psychoanalysts, and sex rights and feminist activists who with utmost graciousness shared their homes, lives, personal archives, and opinions with me. I especially,: thank Günter Amendt, Sophinette Becker, Ulrich Clement, Martin Dan-: necker, Sibylla Flügge, Reimut Reiche, Gunter Schmidt, Volkmar Sigusch, Kurt Starke, and Uta Starke. The friendship they have shown me has greatly enriched my life; Gunter Schmidt's comradeship—productively1 disputatious and nurturing at once—has been particularly meaningful. 1 also want to express my appreciation to the many informants who cannot be named here for their patience with me and their thoughtful and revelatory reflections on life in twentieth-century Germany. In addition, I would; like to thank Georg Bussmann for materials on Nazi art and Jakob Pas-toetter and Matthias Rothe for providing magnanimous access to crucial sources on East Germany; I thank them as well for sharing their astute and enlightening insights on sexuality and politics. The generosity of Agnes; Katzenbach at the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft in Frankfurt am Main was also a great support.
Dozens of professional colleagues in the interlocking worlds of the German Studies Association, the American Historical Association, and the Lessons and Legacies conferences of the Holocaust Educational Foundation have proved by their lived example that solidarity, sharing, and collective intellectual searching are not antiquated values. It is an honor to-be part of these worlds. For their mentorship and friendship I am especially grateful to Omer Bartov, Volker Berghahn, Paul Betts, Rebecca Bochling, Michael Geyer, Marion Kaplan, Anson Rabinbach, and Zev Weiss.
Several individuals took the time to read and respond to drafts of chapters or to the whole manuscript. I am very grateful for the careful and thought-provoking readings provided by Volker Berghahn, Frank Biess, Carolyn Dean, Sibylla Flügge, Michael Geyer, Maria Hoehn, Till van Rahden, Gunter Schmidt, Joan Scott, and the anonymous readers for Princeton University Press.
A number of signal conversations that took place en route—sometimes on the spur of the moment and far from home—also deserve acknowledgment. For the challenges they proffered and/or for their engaged brainstorming, I particularly thank Christina von Hodenberg (in San Diego), Jonathan Katz (in Bloomington), Vanessa Schwartz (in Washington), Jonathan Sperber (in Chicago), and Michael Geyer (in Charlottesville). I hope they will see how these discussions inflected my thinking.
More than twenty years ago, Joan Scott took a risk on someone who was at that point working for the Lutheran Volunteer Corps at a shelter-for homeless women in Washington, D.C., and who had never heard of: Michel Foucault (and had only the faintest of notions about Sigmund-Freud). Our first conversation took place (at my end) on a pay phone, with:
Acknowledgments   • 351
:police sirens wailing in the background. My gratitude to her is lasting; .'throughout, she has been the ideal mentor. In a seminar in women's history in 1985 (which the students—though surely unbeknownst to her— in our emphatic and insouciant insurgent feminism referred to as "the ovular") I and the others took our first serious steps toward making critically informed historical research and writing a lifelong avocation. When she left for the Institute for Advanced Study later that year, I was no longer ;:able to walk into her office but rather was forced to put all thoughts, both :stray and systematic, into writing. This turned out to be fortuitous. Joan's unerring instinct for the weak spots in an argument, her record-breaking turnaround time, her brilliance, and above all her unstinting encouragement and kindness have been orienting and sustaining in more ways than ;:I can name. It was a special gift to spend the year in which my research finally turned into this book once again in her vicinity.
In general, the atmosphere in Princeton, New Jersey, was at once stringent and completely magical. Thanks especially to David Holmes, Carol Markowitz, Rachel Tait, and Abby Speck for making everything possible :with their extraordinary competence and dedication. And Todd Lewis always had the right touch. The Institute for Advanced Study provided an amazing setting for uninterrupted work. Karen Downing's mindbog-glingly efficient Inter-Library Loan skills were beyond outstanding. Adam Ashforth, Clifford Geertz, Albert Hirschman, Eric Maskin, Joan Scott, and Michael Walzer were wonderful hosts, and the community of scholars .they gathered in 2002-3 nourished this project in multiple ways. I thank Wolf Lepenies and Martin Mulsow for what turned out to be pivotal conversations, and I especially treasure the hours I was able to spend with Caroline Bynum, Joan Judge, and Debra Keates.
I want to register as well my gratitude for a not-so-secret network of militant and devoted mothers whose clearheaded advice has carried me
■ through many years. To Stephanie Barbatano, Barb Byers, Maria Holter, Lynne Sebille-White, and Cathie Spino (in Michigan) and Eleni Passalaris, Doreen Petrocchi, and Terri Watts (in New Jersey): you're my inspiration.
■ Profuse thanks also go to the friends who have been there from the beginning and have given me such good company through all the stages of this book and so many parts of life: Jennifer Fleischner, Jim Henle, Amy MacKenzie, Dianne Sadoff, and Tracey Wilson.
:■ I am lucky indeed to have family that are friends and friends that have also become family. The enduring love of my mother, Kristin Herzog, and my aunt, Ruth Karwehl, has done so much to maintain my sense of perspective and proportion. The gentle humor and solicitude with which they tolerated my preoccupation with twentieth-century sexuality was as important as the countless clippings they sent my way. Above all, for decades
352   • Acknowledgments
they have modeled for me concern for justice and consistency of commitment; I am deeply grateful for all that they are and stand for.
In 2003 Brendan Hart reconfigured our family by adding himself to it; he has become a dearly beloved and trusted friend. His intelligence and incisive perceptiveness, his constancy and care, are profoundly appreciated.
If the completion of this book more generally demonstrates the at once beautiful and messy reality of human interconnection, in no case is this more true than that of Michael Staub. He envisioned the contours and the texture of this book long before I did. He was always a step ahead of me in figuring out what task came next, and at the same time he did everything to create the atmosphere in which those tasks were possible. His moral acuity and intellectual rigor, his passion and friendship, hive been the greatest gifts in my life and I thank him with all my heart.
Finally, to Lucy Milena, my most cherished companion and co-conspirator in those essential activities of reading together, singing, giggling, and hip-hop dancing: thank you forever for being my most important teacher and the bravest and most loving human being I know.
Index
abortion, 10,21, 24,57, 75-77, 99,105, 117,122,127-28, 130-32,142,187-92, 200, 205, 212, 216,221-22, 224-26, 228, 234, 280n.76 Ackermann, Ute, 116-18 ..Action Clean Screen, 148 Action Concern about Germany, 148 Action Council for the Liberation of v.:-.. Women, 163 Adenau«; Konrad, 72-73, 113, 139 Adorno, Theodor 132-34, 155-56, 158,
262, 270n.S Alfwohn, Adolf, 48 Althaus, Paul, 73 Amendt, Günter, 152, 155 Andersen, Judy, 226-27 Angst im Kapitalismus (Dieter Duhm), 160 anticapitalism, 2-4,155,159,178-79, 194, 211,218, 220, 244^5, 247,251, 258,262
: änticommunism, 17, 22, 27, 36-37,43, 49, 54,102,105,134, 181,201, 323n.l09 : antifeminism, 8, 231-34, 236-40 -■ antisemitism: before 1933,1, 19; 1933-1945, 21-23,25-27, 33-37, 40^4, 47-48, 52, 54, 60, 83-84,105,171-72, 181, 237, 239-40, 245,262; 1945-1960, 82-85, 88-89,107, 247, 249; 1960-1989, 137,175,177-78, 182, 239-40, 249, 251; 1989-present, 249, 341n.ll0
Aresin, Lykke, 202-3
Argument, Das, 137,157
Arnold, Franz, 78
art, Nazi, 15, 36-37,45, 98,285-86n.l22 .artificial insemination, 59, 293~94n.l94 . "asocials," 33, 57
.Ästhetik und Kommunikation, 175-77, 237
atheism. See secularization : Augstein, Rudolf, 241 Auschwitz trial, 6,129, 132, 135-37, 156,
160,175, 183 Austria, 13,49, 248,263, 306n.l38
Authoritarian Personality, The (Theodor
Adorno etal), 158, 175 Autonomie, 231
Bader, Karl Siegfried, 71,92 Baier, Lothar, 241 Bakei; Josephine, 40 Basic Law, 90, 92, 94, 118 Bauer; Fritz, 132, 134 Bebel, August, 185, 202 Bechert, Rudoif, 29-30, 33 Beck, Gad, 59
Becker, Sophinette, 104,162 Beilfuss, Carmen, 218 Beiträge zur Sexualforschung, 97 Belgium, 54,131, 248 Benjamin, Hilde, 191-92, 325n.8 Bergman, Ingmar, 137, 143 Berlin Wall, 199, 216. See also reunification
Berliner Kinderläden, 171
Bertram, Adolf Cardinal, 54
Betrifft: Sexualität (Peter A. W. Figge et al.), 332-33n.4
Beziehungen der Geschlechter, Die (Matthias Laros), 47-48
Bild, 143, 217, 238, 323n.l09
birthrates, 17, 23-24, 57, 63, 80, 83, 120-23,185, 190-92,199,203, 212-13, 278n.68
bisexuality. See sexual orientation Bittighöfer, Bernd, 202 Bleistein, Roman, 151 Bliewies, Theodor, 49-50 Bodemann, Y. Michal, 100, 104 Bott, Gerhard, 162-63, 165-67 Bovet, Theodor, 78, 80,199 Bretschneider; Wolfgang, 198-99 Britain, 71,123-24, 127, 131, 264, 280n.77
Broder, Henryk, 177, 240 -n Brückner Heinrich, 2.01 Brastmann, Martin, 83-84 Bürger-Prinz, Hans, 34,132,143, 296n.209
354   • Index
Bund Deutscher Mädel, 28, 324n.l20
Bundesrat, 113,129
Bundestag, 76,101,107,110-11, 113, 129, 134, 222-23,225-26
Bundeszentrale für gesundheitliche Aufklärung. See Federal Office for Health Education
Burleigh, Michael, 54
Capital (Karl Marx), 230
Catholicism, 6,17, 34,42-51, 53-54, 73-80, 93-94, 99, 108, 113,116,119,121, 123,125,131, 145, 148-53, 194,199, 224-25,228, 263-64
Cavani, Liliana, 12
Center for Youth Research (Leipzig), 204 Central Council of Socialist Kinderläden, 172-73
childcare facilities, 162,165,191, 205. See also Kinderladen movement
childrearing, 19, 31,139,158, 206,214, 230-31, 300n.48; antiauthoritarian, 7, 139,152-53, 155,162-75,180; and corporal punishment of children, 165, 171, 242, 324n.l20. See also family; Kinderladen movement; motherhood
Christian Democratic Party (CDU), 4, 72, 76-77,101,108, 110-11, 113,123, 129, 137,172,194, 222-23, 228, 252, 332-33n.4, 333n.6
Christian Social Union (CSU), 76-77, 113, 222, 249, 252, 333n.6
Christianity, 16, 22, 42-55, 64, 70-80, 82, 93-95,114,131, 133, 135, 163,186, 214, 219,222, 249, 287n.l46; and abortion, 75-77,190,192, 222, 224-25, 228; and antisexual attitudes, 49-50, 78,138-39,149-50,185,187,194,199, 212, 325n,10; and Christian sex advice, 78-80, 98, 120-21,142, 149,152; and Christian support for Nazism, 42-45, 53-54, 137; Nazi hostility to, 4, 6, 10, 29-30, 33-34, 36-37, 46, 78; and resistance against Nazism, 45-51, 53-55, 74-76, 103, 249; and revival after Nazism, 1, 72, 75,95,103-7, 109,184; and self-presentation as pro-sex, 49-51, 78, 150-51, 263. See also Catholicism; Protestantism; secularization
Christ und Welt, 94
Christliche Welt, 47
class: and New Left, 178,230; and sexual- .
ity, 4, 57, 116-17,125, 145,151-53,
187,216,281n.77 Cohn-Bendit, Daniel, 236 Cold War, 96
communism, 76,137, 148, 155, 159, 174, . 178,221, 229,233, 244, 247,251, 255, 264; in German Democratic Republic, 2, 188, 199, 207,246, 250; in ■Weimar, 12,
22, 25,43, 49,54, 76, 190-91, 243,259 concentration camps, 10-13, 35,53-54,
56, 58, 76-77, 89-90,134-38,156-57, 160, 172,176, 239-41, 243^5, 256- ::
57, 271n.l0, 293nn.l88 and 190 Confessing Church, 47, 55, 288n.l50 Constanze, 6S-69, 86-88,97-98 consumerism, and commodification of sex, -
3,16,129,141-46,154-56,192-94, 201,205,218,255,257-58 contraception, 25,27,49, 52, 61, 63, 75, 80, 101,105,118, 122-29, 131, 135, ■ 150, 196, 198,201, 212, 222,232, 259,-295n.208, 330n.60; and birth control ^ pill, 117,126,128, 135,141, 147,151,,: 187, 215, 225,231-33, 238-39; and co-: itus interruptus, 24, 79,126-27; and condoms, 24-25, 60-61, 101, 117,122-
23, 125, 145,190, 278n.72;and dia-phragms and pessaries, 24, 122-23, 279n.74; and intrauterine devices, 279n.74; and marketing of, 24,123; and noncoital practices, 20,122,124-26, : 212, 313n.72, 314n.80; rhythm method.-, of, 24, 75,117, 125-26, 279-80n.75, ;0-314n.84; and spermicides, 24, 122-23, i; 279n.74. See also abortion
(."saliner. Carl, 30
Cyankali (Friedrich Wolf), 20
Dann, Sophie, 172, 174
Dannecker, Martin, 102, 154-55, 223
Danzei; Paul, 26, 29
Dein Mann, das unbekannte Wesen : Oswalt Kollei, 143
Deleuze, Gilles, 243
denazification, 72, 83, 86-87, 105-6
Denkschrift zu Fragen der Sexualethik, 150,153
Denmark, 54, 60,131, 145
Deschner, Karlheinz, 149-50
Diehrl, "Wolfhilde, 196-97
Dinter, Artur, 19
Index   • 355
Dirks, Walter, 75-76
disability, 4, 33, 35, 46,54, 56-57, 80,99, 130, 249-50, 287-88n.l47, 293n.l88, 295n.208, 308nn.l49 and 150
Diskus, 131, 134,137
divorce, 28, 51-52, 66-67, 118,126,139, 142,150,200, 204,209, 290-91n.l73, 312n.59
Dohnanyi, Hans von, 249 : Dohnanyi, Klaus von, 249
Du (film), 143
■ Du und ich (Gerhard and Danuta
Weber), 198 Duhm, Dieter, 160 Dutschke, Rudi, 181
. Eichmann, Adolf, 129
Eisenberg, Götz, 154 : Elias, Norbert, 119
Eltern, 153
Emma, 239
Endres, Hans, 52
Engelhard, Julius, 37
Ernst, Siegfried, 225 . Erziehung zum Ungehorsam (Gerhard Bott), 162-63,165-67
eugenics, 44,46, 76-77, 79-80, 82-83, 97, 99,105, 259,276n.47. See also disability.
European Parliament, 252
euthanasia, 35
family, 73-74, 97,101-2,106,119-21, 153,155, 158,160-61,165,169-72, 174-75,179-80,182-83, 193,203-4
Fechner, Gerhard, 65
Federal Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht), 226
Federal Court (Bundesgerichtshof), 312n.59
Federal Evaluation Office for Youth-Endangering Publications, 110,146
Federal Office for Health Education, 332-33n.4
Federation for the Protection of Children, 171
Feldbinder, Else, 88
feminism, 8,13, 139, 141,156,161,177, 187,191, 204-5, 215-16,220-22, 224-28, 231-34, 236-42, 253,255
Fest, Joachim, 240, 338n.82
Figge, Peter A. W., 332-33n.4
film: Nazi, 63; sexuality in, 137, 143^45,
148,167,192, 223,269n.3 Fischer, Joschka, 231 Flammenzeichen, 48—49 Flex, Walter, 17 Flügge, Sibylla, 324n.l20 forced laborers, 57, 62, 76,99 Foucault, Michel, 18, 31, 184, France, 11, 54, 60, 62, 68, 127,131,146-
47, 248,263-64, 340n.99 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 240-
41, 254 Frankfurter Hefte, 75-76, 121 Frankfurter Neue Fresse, 112, 254 Frankfurter Rundschau, 110,112 fraternization, 68-69, 74 Frauenwarte, Al Frederking, Walter, 86 Free Democratic Party (FDP), 111,
222, 224 Freikörperkultur, 203^ Freikorps, 241-42, 245 Freud, Anna, 172-74 Freud, Sigmund, 18, 22, 52, 57-58,179,
243; and Freudianism, 13, 22-23, 52,
85,157, 159,190, 241, 243. See also
psychoanalysis Freundin, 254 Freundschaft, 91 Friedrich, Walter, 204,214-15 Fromm, Erich, 157-58, 270n.8 Fnihauf, Hermann, 76 FUSpiegel, III
Für Dich, 190-91, 206-7, 209-11
Für die Befreiung der kindlichen Sexualität! (Zentrakat der sozialistischen Kind-erläden West Berlins), 167
The Function of the Orgasm (Wilhelm Reich), 159
futurity, 7,194, 209,219. See also nostalgia
Gagern, Heinrich von, 116
Gailei; Gernot, 237
Gaspar, Andreas, 61
Gauweiler, Peter, 252
Gefuhlsstau, Der (Hans-Joachim Maaz),
217 ^ genocide. See Holocaust German Association for Sex Research,
71, 90
Gerstenmaier, Eugen, 107
356   • Index
Geschlecht-Liebe-Ehe (Johannes H. Schultz), 31
Geschlechterfrage, Die (Rudolf Neubert), 197
Gesellschaft und das Böse, Die (Arno Plack), 138-39, 156-57
gewöhnliche Homosexuelle, Der (Martin Dannecker and Reimut Reiche), 154
Glehm, Gerhard, 84-85
Giese, Hans, 70, 90, 92, 94, 132,143, 153
Giles, Geoffrey, 12
Gmeliri, Walter 29
Goebbels, Joseph, 53, 74,243
Göring Institute, 35
Goldhagen, Daniel Jonah, 250-51
Grass, Günter, 107
Graupner, Heinz, 70
Green Party, 256
Greece, 60
Grese, Irma, 13
Griffin Report, 131
Gröben Franziska, 77
Grossmann, Atina, 189, 251, 276n.47
Grotewohl, Otto, 192
Grubei; Heinrich, 249
Gruppensex in Deutschland (Horst Fischer), 143
Guardini, Romano, 76
Guattari, Flix, 243
Haensch, Dietrich, 160 handicapped. See disability; euthanasia Harmsen, Hans, 132, 295n.208, 307-Sn.149
Härtung, Klaus, 251, 323n.H2 Hattingberg, Hans von, 30 Häutungen (Verena Stefan), 232 Haug, Theodor, 49 Hecht, Karl, 213-14 Hecht, Tamara, 213 Heer, Hannes, 250 Heider, Ulrike, 156, 160 Heilmann, Friedrich, 187 Heilweck, Hermann, 75 Helga (Oswalt Kolle), 143 Herf, Jeffrey, 15 Heschel, Susannah, 43 Hesse, Peter G., 202-3 Heydrich, Reinhard, 84 Hilgers, Micha, 254 Hiiz, Sepp, 37
Himmler, Heinrich, 12, 24, 51, 58-59, 83-
84,101,122,160 Hirschfeld, Magnus, 20,23, 34, 47, 57-
58, 89,260 Hitler, Adolf, 11-14, 37-38, 42,44, 51,
53, 80,138,157, 160,181,240, 256;
287n.l46, 324n.l20, 338n.82 Hitler Youth, 28,186 Hitler's Willing Executioners (Daniel
Jonah Goldhagen), 250-51 HIV/AIDS, 252, 255 Hochheimer, Wolfgang, 132-33,143   : ■ Hodann, Max, 20, 276n.47 Hofbauer, Ernst, 144 Hoffmann, Ferdinand, 25-26,29 Hofmann, Anton, 75, 79 Hohenecken, Hans von, 83 Holland, Meta, 80 Hollander, Walther von, 87-8 8 Holocaust, 1, 54, 56, 58, 62,101,104,; .
129, 174-76, 241,245, 250,291- ■>
92n.l83; and Holocaust memory, 5-6,
76, 103-1,106, 133-39,156, 172, 17.5-
83, 242, 246-52, 292n.l83 homoeroticism, theories of, 11-12, 63,
187,269n.4,270n.8,295-96n.209. See
also sexual orientation homophobia, 12-13,15,17, 35-36, 63,
83, 89, 92, 95,102,105, 112,115,130--.
31,149,187, 197-98,219, 222-23,. V
226, 252, 259,295n.209, 327-28n.36j
334, nn. 1.6 and 21 homosexuality, 4,13-14, 30, 33, 34-36,,..
44, 57, 59, 82-83, 88-97,99,101, 10.5,
129,132-33,142,146, 150,154,157,
197-98, 212,218-19,222-24,228, 244,;
249,295n.209, 333n.6; and gay rights\:.
movement, 134, 141,152-53,155, 186,
216,219-24, 226-28, 252, 255,259, '.■ .:;
264, 327-28n.36. See also homoeroti-7
cism; law; lesbianism; sexual orientation; Honnecker, Erich, 185, 200, 330n.57 . : Horkheims*; Max, 158, 262 Höss, Rudolf, 136, 243, 245 Hundhammei; Alois, 110-11 Hungary, 219 Hunger, Heinz, 22 Hunold, Günter, 144^15
Ihns, Marion, 226-27 illegitimacy, 28-29, 36, 46, 59, 191, 193, 195, 198, 200,204, 215
wSm
till
■ :!*.,
■Hli 1111
BlilP
3m
Still
IlllS
MB
HR
Image of Man, The (George Mosse), 15
Institute for Demoscopy, 70, 95
Institute for Sex Research (Frankfurt/ Main
.  and Hamburg), 90, 153 . ■ Institute for Sex Scholarship (Munich), 144
Institute for Sexual Science (Berlin), 20, 23
Institute for Statistical Market and Opin-ion Research, 69
Intimverhalten, Sexualstörungen, Persönlichkeit (Siegfried Schnabl), 212
Israel, 172,174, 177, 249-50, 323n-109, :. 341n.H0 ; Italy, 11-12, 60, 131
/Jäger, Herbert, 132, 265 . Jahn, Gerhard, 224-25
Johnson, Virginia, 203
Jugend in Gefahr, 114 \ Junge Partner (Kurt Starke), 204
: Kästner, Erich, 109, 111-12
Keil, Siegfried, 150
Kentier, Helmut, 153
Kinder im Kollektiv (Zentralrat der sozialistischen Kinderiäden West Berlins), 172-74
Kinderladen movement, 152,162-75, 179-80, 255-56; and sexuality of children, 159, 165-67,169-70,172, 180, 255
Kinsey, Alfred, 71, 93, 97, 110,187 Kirkpatrick, Clifford, 28 Klemperer, Victor, 28 Klimmer, Rudolf, 327-28n.36 Knittel, Siegfried, 239 Knödler-Bunte, Eberhard, 175-76 Koch, Friedrich, 149 Koch, Ilse, 13 Koch, Karl, 13 König, Ralf, 255 Köster, Barbara, 139^10 Kohl, Helmut, 332-33n.4 Kolbe, Georg, 82, 85 Kolle, Oswalt, 97, 143-44, 146,155,167 Kommune 1, 152, 156, 161, 180, 221, 256-58
Kommune 2,161,167,169, 180,221 Konkret, 131, 135,137, 143,176-77,
235,240 Kraemej; Hermann, 137 Kranke Ehe, Die (Gerhard Fechner), 65
Index   • 357
Kreuz mit der Kirche, Das (Karlheinz
Deschner), 149-50 Kuhnert, Peter, 116-18 Kursbuch, 167,169
Lange-Undeutsch, Hildegard, 149 Langhans, Raine^ 256-57
Laras, Matthias, 47-48, 50
law: criminal code (of FRG), 129-34, 221-26,228,265, 333n.6; criininal code (of GDR), 328n.38; Equal Rights Law, 118; Law about the Distribution of Youth-Endangering Publications, 108-14; Law for the Preservation of Hereditarily Healthy Offspring, 56; Law for the Protection of Mothers and Children and the Rights of Woman, 191-92; Law for the Protection of Youth in Public, 109; and legal principles, 118,131; Nuremberg Laws, 47, 56; Paragraph 151, 198; Paragraph 175/ 175a, 20-21, 88-94, 130-31,134, 146, 197-98,216, 222-23, 316n.l08; Paragraph 218, 20, 77,127, 188,190, 222, 224-26; "pimping paragraph," 106, 157. See also Basic Law; Federal Constitutional Court; Federal Court
Lebensborn, 59, 293-94n.l94
Leggewie, Claus, 179
Leppich, Johannes, 74
lesbianism, 13,44, 68, 82,92-93, 97, 120, 141, 146, 186, 198,220-21,226-28, 252, 255, 313n.67, 334n.l6
Lewy, Guenten 43
Lichtenberg, Bernhard, 54
Liebe und Ehe, 80-85, 97, 125
Liebe und Ehe bis 30 (Walter Friedrich and Kurt Starke), 204, 214
Lilje, Hanns, 121
Löhe, Dorothee, 82, 85
Maaz, Hans-Joachim, 217
Magazin, Das, 205, 211
Mahlet. Margaret, 243
Mann und Frau (Liselotte Nold), 121
Mann und Frau intim (Siegfried Schnabl),
203, 212-13 Manner mit dem rosa Winkel, Die (Heinz
Heger), 244 ^ Männerphantasien (Klaus Theweleit), 220,
240-46 Marahrens, August, 54 March, Hans, 78, 99
358   * Index
Marcuse, Herbert, 18, 28-29
Marcuse, Max, 20, 23, 25, 125
marriage, 44-45, 50-51, 57, 60, 78-80, 94-95, 98-99,102,115,118-22,124, 142, 144,153, 161, 186, 194,200, 209, 229,234, 300n.48; and "marital crisis," 64-68, 87-88; and "mixed marriages," 54, 56, 291n.l73; and "must-marriages," 126-27; and same-sex marriages, 252-53. See also sexuality
Marx, Jenny, 214
Marx, Karl, 185, 214, 230, 243, 257. See
also communism Masters, William, 203 Mass Psychology of Fascism, The (Wilhelm
Reich), 159 Mead, Margaret, 314n.80 Mehlan, Karl-Heinz, 202-3 Meinhof, Ulrike, 323n.l09 men, 32, 59, 71, 89,163,193, 214,
338n.82; and masculinity, 1,12, 15, 52,
66, 85-88,94, 97,117,119,121,188,
206-9,218,230-43 Mein Kampf (Adolf Hitler), 19, 38,
44,138 Metzger, Wolfgang, 119 Mischwitzky, Holger. See Praunheim,
Rosa von Morgner, Irmtraud, 330n.57 Mosse, George, 15
motherhood, 106, 119,130, 132, 156, 172, 174,192, 205-6, 242, 324n.l20
Muckermann, Hermann, 44-45,99, 308n.l50
Mühlberg, Dietrich, 218
Müller, Alfred Dedo, 48
Münchner Allgemeine, 113
Münzberg, Olav, 106
Museum for Hygiene (Dresden), 212
Mynarek, Hubertus, 151
Nachtigall, Carola, 207-9 Nachtigall, Helmut, 207-8 Nationalzeitung, 137, 239 Nationalism and Sexuality (George
Mosse), 15 Nazi Germany: Its Women and Family Life
(Clifford Kirkpatrick), 28 NBI, 207-9
neosexual revolution, 253-55 Netherlands, 54, 61, 131, 225,248, 264 Neubert, Rudolf, 195,197
neue Ehebuch, Das (Rudolf Neubert), 195
New Left, 2, 8, 98, 102, 132,139,141, 152-83, 212, 220,225, 228-37,242, 244,251, 254-58,260, 323n.l09, 324n.l20
Nicht der Homosexuelle ist pervers, sondern die Situation in der er lebt (Rosa von Praunheim and Martin Dan-necker), 223
Nitzschke, Bernd, 240
Norway, 54, 60
nostalgia, 7, 85,107, 181, 188, 218-19, 256-57
Nouvel Obsewateur, 146
nudist movement, 44. See also Freikörperkultur
nudity, 15, 33, 36-38, 45, 47-^9, 81-82, f 85, 98,101, 103,107,110, 112,128, -137,141^17,150,193,203-5,211, 217,219, 254,285-86n.l22
Nuremberg Laws. See law
Obermaier, Uschi, 152, 256-58 Ockel, Gerhard, 82 Oesterreich, Heinrich, 115 Offe, Claus, 154
Padua, Paul Mathias, 37 Palestinians, 177, 249, 323n.I09 Paragraph 175. See law Paragraph 218. See law Pardon, 225
Parent-Child Groups, 163 parenting. See childrearing Paul VI, 151, 334-35n.21 Pflasterstrand, 230, 235-37, 240-41 philosemitism, 89, 175-77, 249 Piwitt, Hermann Peter, 107, 176-77 Plack, Arno, 138-39, 156-57,160 Planned Parenthood, 99, 201, 295n.208 Poland, 51,53-54, 56,172, 219, 248 Pommerening, Horst, 92-93 pornography, 5-6,11, 14, 37, 40,43^4, ■
47, 82,101, 108-14, 123, 129, 14.1-*6,
152-53,192,202, 205, 216-17, 219, :
239-^0, 254, 275n.33 Präventivverkehr, Der (Max Marcuse), 20 -Praunheim, Rosa von, 223 Preuss-Lausitz, Ulf, 102 prisoners of war, 57-58, 62, 66-67,
99, 118
Pro Familia, 99,132,295n.208
Index
359
Probst, Maria, 76
prostitution, 4, 35,44, 54,57-58, 60-61, 68, 82-83,90, 93, 109, 112,133, 142-43,219
Protestantism, 42-49, 53-55, 67, 73, 77-80,94,107-8,112-13,116,119,121, 148, 150, 153, 194, 199, 225, 249, 263, 288n.l50, 295n.208 psychoanalysis, 22-23, 27, 243,277n.56 psychotherapy, 31, 35, 89,197-98, 277n.56
Rabenalt, Arthur Maria, 63 Rade, Martin, 47 Rapaport, David, 172-74 Rapaport, Lynn, 14
rape, 58, 60,130, 188-89, 226,292n.l88 Reader's Digest, 68
Red Army Faction, 229, 231, 236-37, 247 Reich, Annie, 167
Reich, Wilhelm, 158-60, 163,167,175,
242, 276n.47 Reich, Das, 33 Reich Chamber of Art, 37 Reich Labor Service, 54, 61, 186,280n.75,
295n.205
Reiche, Reimut, 154-55, 157, 174,179-83
Reif Werden und Rein Bleiben (Erich ■;■   Schröder), 116
Repressive Familienpolitik (Dietrich Haensch), 160
resistance against Nazism, 54-55. See also Christianity
reunification, 2-3, 7,216-18, 221, 246,251
Rex, Zvi, 249 ■ Roggele, Otto Bernhard, 73, 78
Röbm, Ernst, 12, 295n.209 ; Rohnstock, Katrin, 218 -Romania, 219
Romini, Kurt, 90
Rosenberg, Helmut, 146
Rost, Joachim, 52
. SA (Sturmabteilung), 12,187, 287n.l46 ■■■"sadism, 4, 58, 159,292-93n.l88 Sauger, Ivo, 37
Scandinavia, 145, 264. See also Denmark;
Norway; Sweden Schäffer, Fritz, 249
Schelsky, Helmut, 295-96n.209, 314n.80 Schissler, Hanna, 119
Schmauch, Ulrike, 324n.l20 Schmid, Carlo, 111 Schmidt, Gunter, 153-54, 254 Schnabl, Siegfried, 203, 212-13, 264 Schneider, Peter, 154,170, 178-79, 221,230
Schoeps, Hans Joachim, 94,134, 316n.l08 Schöllgen, Werner, 79 Schröder, Erich, 116 Schüller, Alexander, 253 Schulmädchen-Report (Emst Hofbauer), 144
Schult, Johann, 37 Schultz, Johannes H., 31-33, 35 Schwarz, Gudrun, 59-60 Schwarz, Hanns, 195 Schwarze Korps, Das, 33-40, 48^9 Schwengel Hannes, 139 SD (Sicherheitsdienst), 58, 62 SDS (Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund), 159,163, 221,232 Seelsorge, 48
secularization, 43, 74,103^1,106-7,123, 184,186, 190, 194, 214,219, 262; and disability, 288n.l47; and Holocaust, 175-76; and sexuality, 1, 4, 16, 30-33, 73,262-63, 289-90n.l59, 290n.l62
Seelman, Kurt, 167
Seilmann, Adolf, 44
sex reform movement, 20, 276n,47
SexFront (Günter Amendt), 155
sexology, 70,102,146-47,149,152-53, 185-86,200, 204, 211-12,218, 240; and empiricism, 154, 214-15, 252, 254, 264
sexual orientation, theories of,
34-35, 89-90,92-94,97,157, 197, 284n.H0, 285mi.ll4 and 115, 296n.209, 305nn.l22 and 129, 306n.l35, 333n.6
sexual revolution, 125, 141-61, 179, 192, 219-22, 231-32,238-39, 242, 252-58. See also neosexual revolution
Sexual Revolution, Tfoe (Wilhelm Reich), 159
Sexualität Konkret, 235,252 Sexualität und Klassenkampf (Reirrrat
Reiche), 155, 157 Sexualität und Verbrechen (Fritz Bauer
etal.), 131-33, 265 sexuality: extramarital, 4, 25, 27-29, 33,
36, 46,51-53,59-62, 69, 80, 124,129,
360
Index
sexuality (cores.) 139,141-44,150,153, 163,187, 193, 200,223, 294~95n.200,296n.211, 31811.36, 327n.27; and frigidity, 32, 79-80, 84, 124,238, 280-81n.77; and herbal or hormonal treatments, 32, 89, 95,197, 303n.99; and oral or anal sex, 20, 81-82, 95, 125, 255; and orgasm, 24, 27, 31-32, 70, 79,118, 124-25, 146, 148,155,198-99, 201,203, 211-17, 232, 237-38, 240, 243^5, 253, 255,280-8ln.77, 33Sn.82; marital, 16, 31, 44, 69, 72, 78, 82,120-22,146-47, 150, 203; and masturbation, 30-32, 68, 89, 115-16,120,122,146, 150,169, 172, 199, 212, 236-38, 244-45, 253-55, 327n.27; premarital (before and during the Third Reich), 4, 6, 17, 23, 25, 27, 29, 33, 36, 49-51, 61-62,98,139, 259; premarital (after 1945 in West), 69-71, 79-80,102,105, 115-17, 120, 124, 132,139,141,147,149-50,153, 194, 229, 259; premarital (in GDR), 186-87, 193-96, 198, 202, 209, 327n.27; and sex advice literature, 31, 101-2, 114-15,118,120-22,124-25, 145,152,155,185-86,194-95,199-201, 204, 213-14; and sex advice centers, 25,200-1; and sex aids, 77,129, 145^.6; 216; and sex education, 45,48-49,115-16,147-48, 171,185, 209, 221; and sexual anomie, 64, 66, 77-78, 148,189,220, 229,238-39, 254-55, 344n.134; 345n.2; and sexual dysfunction, 10, 27, 72, 79, 84, 95-96, 189, 198, 213, 238,253; and "sexual misery," 24, 64; and voyeurism, 40,133, 142,146, 152,170, 193, 253-54, 286n.l22. See also contraception; homosexuality; Kinderladen movement; lesbianism; neosexual revolution; pornography; sexual orientation; sexual revolution Sharon, Ariel, 249 Siepmann, Eckhard, 221 Sigusch, Volkmar, 153-54, 200, 252-53 Silence, The (Ingmar Bergman), 137,143 Simplicissimus, 149 Sinti and Roma, 57, 249-50 Sittengeschichte des zweiten Weltkrieges
(Andreas Gaspar), 61 Six-Day War, 177
Social Democratic Party (SPD), 12, 22,   ,■.; 25,28,111-13,122-23,135,142-43, 145,147,163, 222,224-25, 229,249, 333n.6
Socialist Unity Party (SED), 184-85,187-
88,191-93,195-98, 200,202, 206-9,:.
213-14, 219, 330n.57 Soviet Union, 54, 56, 58, 60-61, 63,148,::
182,184,188-90,199, 219, 248 Soziologie der Sexualität (Helmut Schel-
sky), 295-96n.209, 314n.80 Spain, 131
Spiegel, Der, 90, 93, 135-38, 142, 149,
180,224-25,238,241,256-58 Spöck, Benjamin, 167 Springer, Axel, 145
SS (Schutzstaffel), 12, 33, 51-52, 58-59, : 76,83-84,133,187,239,244, 293n.l90, 325n.8
St. Pauli Nackrichten, 146
Staatssicherheitsdienst, 186
Stalin, Joseph, 185,190,247
Starke, Kurt, 200, 204,214-15
Stapel, Wilhelm, 48
Stefan, Verena, 232
sterilization, 10,46, 56, 80, 83, 89-90,
250, 295n.208 Stern, Der, 150, 153, 163-64, 172, 223,
238-39
Stemheim-Peters, Eva, 338n.82 Strauss, Franz Joseph, 113 Streicher, Julius, 19 Stürmer, Der, 19, 21, 37, 40^1,237 Sünde wider das Blut, Die (Artur
Dinter), 19 Süssmuth, Rita, 252 Süsterhenn, Adolf, 137, 148 Sweden, 131, 137 Switzerland, 78,199,248
tageszeitung (tax), 237
Tausch, Annemarie, 166
Tehumberg, Heinrich, 153
Theweleit, Klaus, 154,182-83, 220,232,
240-46 Thielicke, Helmut, 112,148 Tiefer, Leonore, 8 Trümmer, Klaus, 201
Uhse, Beate, 145^16,155,216 Ulbricht, Walter, 185, 200
United States of America, 51, 68, 71-72, 103,108,122-24,137, 141,159,165, 177,203, 229, 234,248-49, 263-64
Unsere Ehe (Wolfgang Polte), 213
Van de Velde, Theodor, 44
venereal disease, 61, 66, 98,115, 122,
129, 3 71,294-9511.200 ^Verbrechen der Wehrmacht (exhibit), 250 Vesper. Bernward, 324n.l20 Viagra, 253
Vietnam War, 137, 150, 156, 211, 221,
229,232,239 virginity, 30,34 Visite, 205-6
Völkischer Beobachter, 45, 52
^Völkischer Wille, 26
Volkswartbuud, 93-94
Vollem Stephan, 45
Vom Eros zur Ehe (Hans Wir«), 78
Vor dem Tore der Ehe (Meta Holland), 80
Walser, Martin, 249
Weber. Danuta, 198
Webei; Gerhard, 198
Weimar Republic, 1,4, 6,16,19-22, 36-
.37,40, 43-44,48, 75, 89,102, 105,
108-9, 111, 116,121, 125,131, 175, ;. 184,190-91, 219, 228, 240, 243,259-t\ 60,264, 276n.47, 316n.l08
Index  . 361
Weiss, Heipe, 324n.l20
Weisses Kreuz, 45
Weissler, Sabine, 232
Werder, Lutz von, 171
Welt der Frau, Die, 77
Winter, Ernst Karl, 80
Wirtz, Hans, 78
Wochenend, 70
Wolf, Friedrich, 20
Wolfenden Report, 131
women, 5, 13, 25-26, 31-32, 50,59, 62, 67-74, 77, 87, 93, 122, 125,132,187-88,193, 196,201, 204-9, 211-18, 228, 232,239, 259,293n.l90, 306n,138, 327n.27, 338n.82; and femininity, 11, 87-88,115, 117-20, 163, 206,237-38
World War 1,16, 52,57-58, 67, 259
World War IL 16,19, 33,52-62, 66, 86-88,95,102-4, 114,121, 137,186,189, 199,248, 250,263, 296n.211; and Germany's defeat in, 64, 85-88, 189, 192, 259
Wuermeling, Franz Josef, 73, 98,119 Wunder der Liebe, Das (Oswak Kolle), 143
Wunder des Lebens, Das (exhibit), 46
Zeit, Die, 112-13, 177,241 Zeplin, Alfred, 30 Ziegler, Adolf, 37