Costanza, et al (1997). Nature 387(6630): 253-260. Costanza’s   inten,on  was  to   ‘give  the  natural   capital  stock  that   produces  these   services  adequate   weight’  in   decision-­‐making   (Costanza,  1997) ¡  Most  environmental  valua,on  takes  people’s  actual,  or   hypothe,cal,  ‘willingness  to  pay’  for  an  ecosystem  service,   as  a  proxy  for  its  overall  value.     ¡  Revealed  preference  methods:   §  HEDONIC  PRICING  method  analyses  varia,ons  in  market  prices,   par,cularly  house  prices     §  TRAVEL  COST  method  analyses  the  amount  people  spend  travelling   to  ‘use’  an  ecosystem  service   ¡  Stated  preference  methods  (aka  Con,ngent  Valua,on):   §  WILLINGNESS  TO  PAY  SURVEYS  ask  people  to  state,  ideally  off  the   top  of  their  head,  how  much  they  would  be  willing  to  pay  to   conserve  a  hectare  of  forest,  a  coral  reef,  or  a  flock  of  birds.     Some  criticisms:   ¡  Greater  weight  to  the  preferences  of  the  rich   (Clive  Spash,  2008)   ¡  Until  ecosystems  cease  to  function,  we  may   have  no  idea  of  their  real  value  (William  Rees,  1998)     §  Nobody  wants  to  pay  to  conserve  the  ugly  worm…   ¡  A  metaphor  that  blinds  us  to  complexity?  (See   Richard  Norgaard,  2010)   ¡  Different  dimensions  of  value  –  ecological,   aesthetic,  spiritual,  cultural  –  which  cannot  be   compressed  into  a  single  metric  (Martinez-­‐Alier,  J.,  Munda,   G.  &  O’Neill,  1998)   Valuation  studies  involving  non-­‐monetary   valuation  techniques  give  different  results:   ¡  group  deliberation   §  See  the  pioneering  study  in  the  Solomon  Islands  led  by  Jasper  Kenter.  When  asked  separately   for  their  instantaneous  ‘willingness  to  pay’  to  preserve  an  area  of  their  local  tropical  forest,   community  members  valued  its  services  at  30%  of  their  annual  income.  But  after  an  hour  of   simple  participatory  and  deliberative  exercises,  the  forest  became  effectively  priceless.  Given   time  to  discuss,  community  members  raised  concerns  about  ‘decrease  of  food  security;   violation  of  cultural  principles;  privatisation  of  land;  loss  of  community  and  social   cohesion;  and  more  inequality,  jealousy  and  division’  and  became  unwilling  to  trade  off  the   forest  for  any  price.  (Kenter,  J.O.,  Hyde,  T.,  Christie,  M.  &  Fazey,  I.  2011)   ¡  subjective  wellbeing  data     §  an  innovative  subjective  well-­‐being  (SWB)  valuation  technique,  based  on  individuals’  ratings   of  their  life  satisfaction  rather  than  on  their  actual  or  hypothetical  economic  preferences.  In   the  context  of  a  quasi-­‐  experiment  in  urban  regeneration,  Dolan  &  Metcalfe  found  that   monetary  estimates  elicited  from  subjective  wellbeing  data  were  significantly  higher  than   from  Willingness  to  Pay  data.  (Dolan,  P.  &  Metcalfe,  2008)   ¡  Some  argue  that  ‘failure  to  include  some   measure  of  the  value  of  ecosystem  services  in   cost-­‐benefit  calculations  will  implicitly  assign   them  a  value  of  zero’  (Heal  et  al  2005)   ¡  Opponents  warn  that  pricing  nature  could:     §  reinforce  the  idea  that  cost-­‐benefit  calculations  can   replace  the  need  for  political/ethical  deliberation   §  pave  the  way  for  the  commodification  of  ecosystems   §  Undermine  our  intrinsic  motivation  for  protecting   ecosystems   ¡  UNEP’s  2010  Economics  of  Ecosystems  and  Biodiversity  (TEEB)  called  on   governments  to  develop  ‘new  ecosystem  property  rights  and  trading   schemes’  and  businesses  to  ‘grasp  new  [biodiversity  and  ecosystem   service]  business  opportunities’     ¡  Britain  and  38  other  countries  have,  or  are  in  the  process  of  setting  in   place,  policies  which  will  allow  “biodiversity  offsetting”,  a  market  system   of  conservation  used  in  the  US  and  Australia  which  aims  to  ensure  that   there  is  no  net  loss  of  nature  from  any  development.   ¡  "A  market-­‐based  offsetting  mechanism  will  put  a  price  on  nature  and  turn  it   into  a  commodity  to  be  traded  on  markets.  This  ignores  the  fact  that  each   part  of  Europe's  biodiversity  is  unique  and  –  due  to  its  complexity  –  cannot   be  truly  replaced.  There  is  certainly  no  way  of  offsetting  extinction  of  a   species,  which  is  what  we  risk  with  a  policy  that  mistakenly  treats  nature   like  an  accountant's  ledger.”  Friedrich  Wulf,  biodiversity  campaigner  at   Friends  of  the  Earth  Europe   ¡  Research  on  values  from  the   field  of  social  psychology   may  shed  light  on  this   question     ¡  Next  few  slides  draw  on  a   summary  of  this  research  by   the  Public  Interest  Research   Centre,  UK   ¡  What  are  the  biggest  man-­‐made  threats  to   wellbeing,  the  biggest  causes  of  suffering?   ¡  Imagine  a  future  without  these  problems.   o If  we  are  to  get  there  what  five  values  must  people   hold  as  important?     X  Which  five  values  must  people  let  go  of?         Opinions are the ripples on the surface of the public's consciousness, shallow and easily changed. Attitudes are the currents below the surface, deeper and stronger. Values are the deep tides of the public mood, slow to change, but powerful.”  Sir Robert Worcester Founder of MORI “ Self-transcendent values associated with… . Greater empathy Sheldon & Kasser (1995); Myyry & Helkama (2001) Greater civic and democratic engagement Schwartz (2006); Augemberg (1999) Greater support and action for human rights Cohrs et al. (2007); Spini & Doise (1998) Lower prejudice Duriez et al. (2007); Roets et al. (2006); Feather and McKee (2008); Sagiv and Schwartz (1995); Sawyerr et al. (2005) Cooperation vs. competition Schwartz (1996); Sheldon et al. (2000) Lower anti-social behaviour Schwartz (2010); Cohen & Cohen (1996); McHoskey (1999); Kasser & Ryan (1993) Intrinsic Extrinsic Power Universalism Stimulation Hedonism B enevolence Achievem ent Self-Direction Securit y Conformity&Tradition Self-transcendent values associated with…. Concern about effects of environmental damage on other people, species, and generations (vs. self) Schultz et al. (2005) More sustainable (and cooperative) behaviour in a resource management game Sheldon and McGregor (2000) Higher frequency of donating to or volunteering for environmental organisations; voting for a ‘green’ political candidate; cycling; recycling; reusing; conserving energy; taking part in an environmentally-motivated political action etc. Gatersleben et al (2008); Kasser (2005); Richins & Dawson (1992); Karp (1996); Schultz et al (2005); Stern & Dietz (1996) Intrinsic Extrinsic Power Universalism Stimulation Hedonism B enevolence Achievem ent Self-Direction Securit y Conformity&Tradition Self-transcendent Values associated with Personal Well-being Higher life satisfaction Richins & Dawson (1992) Higher self-actualization & vitality Kasser & Ryan (1993, 1996) More positive vs. negative emotions Sheldon & Kasser (1995); Nelissen, Dijker and de Vries (2007) Lower levels of depression & anxiety Ibid; Schor (2004) Lower levels of personality disorders Cohen & Cohen (1996) Intrinsic Extrinsic Power Universalism Stimulation Hedonism B enevolence Achievem ent Self-Direction Securit y Conformity&Tradition Power Universalism Stimulatio n Hedonism B enevolence Achieve m ent Self-Direction Securi ty Conformity&Tradition Values can be engaged, with affects on other values Power Universalism Stimulatio n Hedonism B enevolence Achieve m ent Self-Direction Securi ty Conformity&Tradition Subjects memorised adjectives, items of furniture and either: - Benevolence-related words (forgiving, helpful, honest) - Achievement-related words (ambitious, capable, successful) - Food related words (control) Benevolence Control Achievement The see-saw effect Engaging one set of values suppresses and discourages conflicting values, and associated attitudes and behaviours. ¡  Early  1990s  referenda  in    Switzerland  about  where  to  site   its  nuclear  waste  dumps.  Two  social  scientists  went  door  to   door  asking  whether  residents  would  be  willing  to  have  a   waste  dump  in  their  community,  despite  potential   dangers,  and  negative  impact  on  value  of  property.     ¡  Astonishingly  50%  said  yes!  People  apparently  felt  an   obligation  as  citizens   ¡  But  when  people  were  offered  an  annual  payment   equivalent  to  6  week’s  wages,          only   25%  agreed.   ¡  The  prospect  of  a  private  payoff        transformed  a  civic   question  into  a  pecuniary  one.    Frey,  Oberholzer-­‐Gee  and  Eichenberger  (1996)   ¡  Day  care  centre  responded  to  problem  of  parents   turning  up  late  to  collect  their  children  by  introducing   fines.   ¡  Late  pick-­‐ups  increased!   ¡  The  fear  of  disapproval  and  of  doing  the  wrong  thing   was  based  on  non-­‐monetary  values,  and  was  a   stronger  force  than  a  cash  disincentive.   ¡  The  day  care  centre  went  back  to  the  old  system  but   parents  kept  turning  up  late.     ¡  The  introduction  of  market  values  had  killed  the  old   ideas  of  collective  responsibility.    Gneezy  and  Rustichini  (2000)   ¡  Compared  the  voluntary  British  system   favourably  with  the  American  one,  in  which   payments  were  then  widely  made.   ¡  Titmuss  argued  that  the  market  for  blood  was   inefficient  and  wasteful,  and  that  it  led  to  a   contaminated  supply  of  blood.   Paying  for  blood  donations  “erodes   people’s  sense  of  obligation  to   donate  blood,  diminishes  the  spirit  of   altruism,  and  undermines  the  ‘gift   relationship’  as  an  active  feature  of   social  life”    Titmuss,  1970      Scare  resources  that  are     “used  up”?     Muscles  that  grow  stronger     with  exercise?   Think  of  a  loving  couple.  If,  over  a  lifetime,   they  asked  little  of  one  another,  in  hopes  of   hoarding  their  love,  how  well  would  they   fare?  Wouldn’t  their  love  deepen,  rather   than  diminish  the  more  they  called  upon  it?   Would  they  do  better  to  treat  one  another  in   more  calculating  fashion,  to  conserve  their   love  for  the  times  they  really  needed  it?  (p. 128).  To  renew  our  public  life  we  need  to   exercise  [virtues]  more  strenuously.  (p.130)   We  all  have  only  so  much  altruism  in  us.   Economists  like  me  think  of  altruism  as  a   valuable  and  rare  good  that  needs   conserving.  Far  better  to  conserve  it  by   designing  a  system  in  which  people’s  wants   will  be  satisfied  by  individuals  being  selfish,   and  saving  that  altruism  for  our  families,  our   friends,  and  the  many  social  problems  in  this   world  that  markets  cannot  solve.   OR   Larry Summers Michael Sandel Some  ideas  from  Clive  Spash  (taken  from  a  talk  he  gave  in  2010)     §  Recognise  values  cannot  be  reduced  to  single  figure;  refusing  to  trade  is  ‘rational’   §  Recognise  that  community  interests  are  different  from  individual  interests   §  Acknowledge  the  need  for  judgment  (often  judgments  are  merely  hidden;  make  judgment   explicit,  informed;  accountable)   §  Build  institutions  for  deliberation  (e.g.  citizen's  juries)   §  Apply  political  representation  instead  of  statistical  representation   §  Appeal  to  process  of  value  formation  rather  than  assume  pre-­‐formed  preferences   §  Empower  silent  voices  (e.g.  politically  weak,  poor,  non-­‐humans,  future  generations)   §  Employ  scientists/experts  with  accountability  and  transparency     See  Spash,  Stagl  and  Getzner  “Exploring  alternatives  for  environmental   valuation”  Chapter  1   From  Alternatives  for  Environmental  Valuation  Getzner,  Spash  &  Stagl  (eds.)   London:  Routledge,  2005