E-empowerment: Empowerment by the Internet
Yair Amichai-Hamburger a,*, Katelyn Y.A. McKenna b,c
,
Samuel-Azran Tal d
a
The Research Center for Internet Psychology (CIP), Sammy Ofer School of Communications,
The Interdisciplinary Center (IDC), Herzliya, Israel
b
The Interdisciplinary Center (IDC), Herzliya, Israel
c
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel
d
Department of Communication Studies, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel
Available online 24 April 2008
Abstract
This article focuses on the concept of empowerment and the ways in which the Internet is being
utilized as an empowering tool. This analysis ranges from the personal to the global levels and the
consequences of that empowerment are also discussed. We propose a four-level model that serves to
explain what we term E-empowerment and the effects that can be observed at each of the four levels,
ranging from (1) the personal; (2) the interpersonal; (3) group; and (4) citizenship. The potential for
future development of E-empowerment is also discussed.
Ó 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Empowerment; Internet
1. Introduction: What is Empowerment?
Empowerment is a concept that links individual strengths and competencies, natural
helping systems and proactive behavior to social policy and social change (Rappaport,
1984). In other words, empowerment links the individual and his or her well-being to
the wider social and political environment in which he or she functions. From a psychological
perspective, empowerment links mental health and well-being to mutual help and
0747-5632/$ - see front matter Ó 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.chb.2008.02.002
*
Corresponding author. Tel.: +972 9 9527649.
E-mail address: yairah@idc.ac.il (Y. Amichai-Hamburger).
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 1776–1789
Computers in
Human Behavior
www.elsevier.com/locate/comphumbeh
to the creation of a responsive community (Perkins & Zimmerman, 1995). Indeed, personal
and social change relies extensively on various methods of empowerment (Bandura,
1988; Ozer & Bandura, 1990).
Distinct theories of empowerment have been developed for the processes that occur at
the individual, group and organizational levels, and in the wider community. As Zimmerman
(1995) notes, different empowerment processes are at work and empowerment takes
different forms within these various contexts and thus, a single global measure of empowerment
may be neither possible nor desirable.
On an individual level, empowerment refers to the process by which an individual
acquires or strengthens the necessary psychological resources that will enable goal achievement.
At this level, empowerment is often confused with related psychological constructs
such as self-efficacy, self-esteem, control, and competence. Certainly it is the case that these
constructs are, indeed, often intimately linked with empowerment processes and outcomes.
For instance, gains in self-efficacy or in self-esteem can result not only in a greater subjective
sense of empowerment for the individual, but also enable the individual to respond to
his or her environment in such a way as to become more empowered. Bandura (1988,
1990) argues that the majority of methods of empowerment operate through the self-efficacy
mechanism.
Spreitzer (1995, 1996) identifies four distinct cognitive dimensions of empowerment as it
applies to the organizational level: meaning (e.g., beliefs and attitudes), competence, selfdetermination,
and impact. Fawcett et al. (1995) developed a contextual-behavioral model
of empowerment to address the process at the community level. They identified four main
strategies necessary for effective community empowerment to occur. In this context, they
suggest that it is necessary for experience and competence to be enhanced, for improvements
to take place in the group structure and capacity, for environmental support and
resources to be enhanced, and for there to be a reduction in social and environmental
barriers.
While there are many other theoretical models addressing empowerment, they all
emphasize the need for competence and experience to be enhanced, beginning at the level
of the individual and extending through to the group as a whole. In addition, in order for
empowering processes to unfold, they require that barriers be broken, and opportunities
for enrichment be enhanced within the social and environmental spheres. It is in these arenas,
in particular, that the Internet is an immensely powerful tool with which to open
doors.
2. Empowerment on the Internet
This paper suggests a model that may serve to explain what we term E-empowerment
and the effects that can be observed at each of four levels, comprising (1) the personal; (2)
the interpersonal; (3) group; and (4) citizenship levels. Below, we discuss each of these levels
in turn:
2.1. Personal E-empowerment
Several unique aspects of the Internet can serve as catalysts for the E-empowerment
processes that we discuss below. Some of these pertain to the personal or individual level,
but the majority will only reach fruition within the interpersonal sphere. For instance,
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when an individual attempts to reframe or make changes to his or her identity, such
changes to the self will only come about if they are socially validated (e.g., Gollwitzer,
1986; Harter, 1993; Heatherton & Nichols, 1994). The Internet offers expanded opportunities
for these processes. Below, we discuss the process of (1) reframing identity and (2)
increasing self-efficacy and skills.
2.1.1. Reframing identity
Reframing one’s identity can be a challenging endeavor that may be fraught with obstacles.
Research has long shown that it is difficult for a person to effect changes in self-concept
when his or her surrounding social environment remains static. That is, when one is
interacting daily in the same milieu, predominantly with family, long-time friends, neighbors
and co-workers, attempts to reframe one’s identity are rarely successful. These important
others are often unwilling to accept, acknowledge, and provide validation for the
‘‘reframed” identity that the individual is trying to achieve and, unless and until they
do, the new or reframed identity does not become real for him or her (see Gollwitzer,
1986). It is thus, not surprising that changes in one’s identity tend to occur when one
makes major changes to one’s social environment, such as moving to a distant city, changing
jobs or schools, and going away to college (Harter, 1993; Ruble, 1994).
One form of online interaction, that may be of benefit to adolescents is their participation
in online Internet games. One of the major challenges of the adolescent stage of development
is to find the answer to the question ‘‘Who am I?” (Erikson, 1968). This can be
particularly difficult since, in order to do so, an adolescent needs a sense of coherent identity.
Erikson believed that a role-playing game might serve as a means through which people
can work at formulating their identity. Many venues on the Internet (e.g., blogs,
forums) may serve as a ‘‘identity workshops” in which people are able learn and test their
social skills (Bruckman, 1992). The online identity game environments may thus be particularly
suited to assisting adolescents in their identity search.
2.1.2. Increasing self-efficacy and skills
Increases in self-efficacy have long been shown to lead to increases in both perceived
and actual empowerment for the individual. As Ozer and Bandura (1990) pointed out,
judgments of personal efficacy affect the choices that people make when they select activities
and environments. People actively avoid activities and situations that they believe
(often incorrectly) will exceed their coping capabilities (see Betz & Hackett, 1986). Thus,
an individual may elect to not pursue the possibility of a job promotion out of fear that he/
she may not be able to ‘‘measure up”; another, fearing that he/she lacks good social skills,
may avoid beneficial social situations; and so forth.
There are four ways in which self-efficacy can be increased (Ozer & Bandura, 1990),
the most effective of which are mastery experiences. In mastery situations, individuals
are able to engage in exercises that allow them to acquire and practice their skills in
a non-threatening environment. In other words, should the exercise not be successful,
there will be no significant costs to the individual. For instance, when women who have
been victims of sexual assault engage in self-defense programs specifically tailored to
teach them how to handle such potential future situations, their feelings of self-efficacy
increase over the course of the program. Moreover, they experience a significant reduction
in feelings of anxiety and fear which ultimately lead to their engaging in a wider
and richer range of activities outside the confines of their homes (see Bandura, 1990).
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Self-efficacy can also be strengthened by modeling coping strategies of others, social
persuasion, and the changing of physiological states that may be read by others as signs
of strength, personal vulnerability or (in)competency. Importantly, social influences
within an environment can strongly contribute to personal development by the competencies
and interests that they cultivate, as well as by the social networks that they
provide.
The Internet provides numerous opportunities for various kinds of mastery experiences
that occur in non-threatening environments. The ability to communicate anonymously
online is a key element for reducing the sense of threat for many. Should they fail in their
attempts to master, for instance, creative writing, the psychological cost of such failure is
significantly lessened, as compared to what it would be, were this failure to occur among
one’s family or friends. Furthermore, should this attempt meet with outright rejection or
derision, the sting of that negative response is likely to be significantly less if it originates
from strangers, rather than from those to whom one is close. Indeed, as Betz and Hackett
(1986) note, fear of humiliation or rejection by one’s intimate circle is a primary reason
that many refrain from attempting to gain new skills or to enter into situations that
may exceed their current capabilities.
Other aspects of online communication open the door to opportunities to increase selfefficacy
for others. Research has shown, for instance, that individuals who suffer from high
levels of social anxiety benefit from interacting in small groups online because the factors
that bring on their anxiety in face-to-face situations are absent in text-based Internet interaction
(see McKenna & Seidman, 2006). When these individuals interact with others faceto-face,
they not only feel nervous, uncomfortable, and timid and take a less active role in
the interaction, but they are also perceived by others as being nervous, shy, lacking social
skills and liked less well than those who are more outgoing and non-anxious. In online
interactions they may feel, act, and are perceived as likable, non-anxious, and outgoing
individuals. Instead of taking a backseat role in interactions online, they are as likely as
their outgoing peers to take a leadership role in the online group according to peer evaluations.
These positive mastery situations, along with the social skills they practice and
gain through them, should lead to greater self-efficacy over time. For others increases in
self-efficacy may arise from the many opportunities in online environments to observe
the behavioral and interpersonal strategies of others and modeling those that appear successful,
by encouragement and support they receive for pursuing their interests by fellow
group members.
2.2. The dynamic duo: the interpersonal level
E-empowerment processes that take place on the interpersonal level can result in powerful
outcomes for the individuals involved. Changes can occur in the individual’s sense of
self and identity and to his or her emotional and psychological well-being. E-empowerment
at this level can lead to behavior change and shifts in attitudes, the strengthening
of existing relationships, and the formation of new ones. Importantly, these are dynamic
processes that unfold via the interplay between individuals interacting online and are facilitated
by unique properties of the online environment. Indeed, properties unique to the
Internet have proven to be critical factors for setting many of these processes in motion
and allowing them successfully to unfold. This is particularly the case for the empowering
processes involved in (1) social compensation, (2) heightened self-disclosure, (3) stereotype
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use reduction, and (4) bridging cross-cultural boundaries, while having a strong impact on
(5) effective one-on-one supervision, as will be discussed in more detail below.
2.2.1. Social compensation
Internet interaction allows people to have significant control over the communication,
as it is carried out at the users’ choice of location and at their convenience. Moreover,
users are able to exercise greater control over their part of the interaction. Not
only are they able to choose what, when, and how far to disclose personal information,
they are able to edit responses before replying, and, in some cases may choose to
remain wholly anonymous, or communicate using a pseudonym or take on a new
persona.
From the perspective of the user, this creates a highly protected environment. This
greater sense of control and security may encourage users to engage in the kinds of selfdisclosure
that cultivate close social ties through the net. Indeed, the evidence suggests
that, on the Internet, the poor (in terms of social contacts) do get richer. Findings indicate
that is particularly so in the case of introverts, neurotics (Amichai-Hamburger, 2005;
Maldonado, Mora, Garcia, & Edipo, 2001), the lonely, those suffering from social anxiety
(McKenna, Green, & Gleason, 2002), and people with physical disabilities (Brennan,
Moore, & Smyth, 1992; Kanaley, 1995). Amichai-Hamburger (2002) pointed out that
the Internet allows people to express the contrasting sides of their personality. They thus
have a platform to reframe their social abilities. The ability of people with poor social
skills to use the net successfully, and to form enduring relationships constitutes a significant
demonstration of E-empowerment. Further, longitudinal studies suggest that the formation
of such close online relationships is associated with a significant reduction in
feelings of loneliness and social anxiety (McKenna et al., 2002), and that in many cases
lonely and socially anxious individuals successfully bring their important online relationships
into their everyday, face-to-face (FtF) lives.
2.2.2. High self-disclosure
Typically, before any significant FtF interaction can take place, it is necessary to
build trust. Only once trust has been established, people will allow themselves to open
up and disclose intimate information. This is true for both friendships and romantic
relationships. Without trust, people will be concerned about the possibilities and consequences
of intimate information reaching the wrong places and harming them (Derlega
& Chaiken, 1977 ). According to the research of McKenna and Bargh (2000) and McKenna
et al. (2002), the setting provided by the Internet creates unique conditions. In this
case, the online environment creates a situation where dyadic interaction may be seen as
akin to the ‘‘strangers-on-the-train” phenomenon (Rubin, 1975), whereby people disclose
quite intimate information to others, whom they have no reasonable expectation
of encountering again. If followed up, as is often the case online, such disclosures can
lay the foundation for continuing and close relationships. Indeed, disclosures made
online to others are often more deeply intimate than those made to others in a FtF environment.
Online, people tend to engage in quite high levels of intimate disclosure and
will enter into this type of communication relatively soon after forming a new online
acquaintance (McKenna, Buffardi, & Seidman, 2005). This kind of E-empowerment
enables people to build deep and enduring relationships with others and to strengthen
existing relationships.
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2.2.3. Stereotype use reduction
Stereotyping is a generalized belief about members of a particular group (e.g., women,
Asians, the elderly, Jews). A stereotype includes beliefs about personality traits, physical
and mental characteristics, and expected behavior (Biernat & Thompson, 2002; Twenge,
1999). Negative stereotyping is likely to lead to prejudice and discrimination. Insidiously,
stereotypes can be activated automatically and operate unconsciously to affect the judgments
one forms and the way one behaves toward members of a stereotyped group
(e.g., Bargh, 1989). That is, without being aware that we are doing so, we habitually
and automatically use physically available features or other identity cues (e.g., ethnically
identified names) to immediately categorize others (e.g., by their ethnicity, attractiveness,
age; Bargh, 1989; Brewer, 1988). Research has shown that first impressions tend to be lasting
impressions. That is, it is rather difficult to get past our first impressions (e.g., Fiske &
Taylor, 1991) because people tend to selectively focus on information that confirms rather
than disconfirms their initial judgment when they interact with these same people again
(e.g., Higgins & Bargh, 1987). Furthermore, the expectations others form based on their
first impression may actually elicit confirmatory behavior from the target (Snyder, Tanke,
& Berscheid, 1977).
When interactions take place online, physical cues are often not immediately apparent
and thus do not influence the impressions that are formed or become a barrier to potential
relationships. Instead, impressions are formed on very different criteria. Rather than basing
impressions on superficial features, such as attractiveness, the opinions expressed and
the information about the self that is revealed become the basis of first impressions (e.g.,
Ben-Ze’ev, 2005; McKenna et al., 2002). These alternate criteria for impression formation
have been shown to have very powerful effects on the assessment and treatment of others.
This is clearly very important for people who belong to negatively stereotyped groups.
When physical characteristics are unavailable, the influence they would otherwise exert
is rendered irrelevant and people are judged according to their contribution to the interaction,
community, or project. Should a positive impression be formed, based on the alternate
criteria, research has shown that when those potentially biasing features do come into
evidence (e.g., the participants move from the Internet to meeting in person), their influence
is likely to be mitigated and the initial positive impression is maintained, and often
enhanced (e.g., Bargh, McKenna, & Fitzsimons, 2002).
2.2.4. The ability to promote cross-cultural dialogue
The advent of online forums and blogs also encourages dialogue and contact between
individuals from opposing sides during a conflict, as for example occurred during the 2006
Israel–Lebanon War (see Totten, 2006). Different online projects promote cross-cultural
dialogues beyond the nation’s boundaries. For example, the Good Neighbors project
(http://www.gnblog.com) facilitates an Israeli-Arab dialogue among bloggers from both
sides of the conflict. Nevertheless, it is important to note that virtual freedom is not without
its limitations. In December 2007, Syria announced it was blocking FaceBook.com in
an attempt to block the interactions that were flourishing between Israeli and Syrian
participants.
2.2.5. One-on-one supervision
In the Western world, people live very pressured lives with high levels of job burnout.
This is especially the case in certain work environments (Maslach & Leiter, 1997), for
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example in high-tech companies where employees are expected to work long hours in an
extremely demanding work-culture (Westman & Etzion, 2002). In this ‘‘Catch 22” situation,
people are often unable to find the time to seek professional assistance. However,
without such advice and support, they are likely to suffer from burnout and consequential
dropout. Through the Internet, it is possible to offer highly professional supervision on a
one-to-one basis. (Oravec, 2000). Organizations can put in place a system of online supervision
for their workers, and because geographic distances are not an issue and both parties
may participate in supervision sessions at places of their choosing, it may well be easier
than in an offline situation to find a mutually convenient time for supervision and assistance.
Further, workers may feel more comfortable seeking out assistance or discussing
work-related difficulties that arise via a more casual online exchange than they would in
a more formal setting.
2.3. Group level
The Internet is accessed every day by many millions of users, all of whom have various
interests. This, together with the ease with which the user can find information about different
topics, creates a fertile ground for groups to develop and flourish. There are several
important factors which encourage E-empowerment on the group level: (1) finding similar
others; (2) group reinforcement; (3) variety of group decision-making tools; and (4) Evision
and group crystallization.
2.3.1. Finding similar others
Aristotle argued that similarity causes attraction (Aristotle, 1932) and many empirical
studies provide evidence to support this assertion (e.g., Cann, Calhoun, & Banks, 1997;
Watson, Hubbard, & Wiese, 2000). Being a member of a group that shares common interests
and goals enhances self-esteem (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Participants in Internet
groups report that, as a result of their membership, they experience a reduction in feelings
of loneliness and enjoy significantly more social contacts. Members of Internet groups
tend to develop group identification, sometimes even faster than participants in offline
groups, and display cooperative behavior to the same extent as members of offline groups
(McKenna & Green, 2002).
People with hidden social stigmas face two major psychological impediments. First,
they experience difficulties in detecting similar others in their everyday environment, a situation
that leads to feelings of loneliness, alienation, and estrangement from the wider
community and even from their family and friends whom they fear (often correctly) would
not accept them should they know ‘‘the real me”. Secondly, those around them are likely
to express negative opinions about members of this stigmatized group (e.g., expressing
homophobic views) in front of the individual who is ‘‘in the closet”. This results in lowered
self-esteem and self-worth, and increases the sense of alienation and loneliness for those
with marginalized and concealable identity aspects (Frable, 1993). While finding such similar
others in the everyday environment can be difficult, this is not the case on the Internet
where groups and individuals who share almost any interest imaginable can be readily
found. Finding similar others online who share this marginalized self-aspect has been
shown to lead to decreased feelings of cultural estrangement and alienation. When an individual
takes an active part in a group comprising such similar individuals, group participation
leads to increased self-acceptance, enhanced self-esteem, and further reduction in
1782 Y. Amichai-Hamburger et al. / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 1776–1789
alienation and estrangement. Indeed, a significant percentage of those taking part in such
stigmatized groups online ‘‘come out” to their close family and friends and reveal the stigmatized
aspect of identity as a direct result of their online participation (McKenna &
Bargh, 1998).
2.3.2. Group reinforcement
The norming stage is a very important part of the development of every group (Tuckman
& Jensen, 1977). During this stage, the group becomes more cohesive and group identification
increases. This phase is completed when there is a general acceptance of the way
things should be done. These norms create an informal guide to the workings of the group,
including spoken and unspoken group rules regarding behavior (Hackman, 1992). They
supply members with rewards when they obey and with punishments when they do not.
The group also provides role models which promote appropriate behavior to other members
of the group. Research has shown that, particularly when group members interact
online with some degree of anonymity or sense of de-individuation, groups norms are
strengthened and there is greater adherence to those norms than typically occurs in FtF
group environments (see Spears, Lea, Corneliussen, Postmes, & Ter Haar, 2002a; Spears,
Postmes, Lea, & Wolbert, 2002b). Furthermore, studies have shown that the social support
that develops within online groups leads to an increased willingness to express normative
attitudes against a powerful outgroup. These studies reveal the importance of
computer mediated communication (CMC) as a medium for communicating and coordinating
the social support central to effective collective action (see Spears et al., 2002a;
Spears et al., 2002b).
2.3.3. Variety of group decision-making tools
Projects run through the Internet benefit from their capacity to receive ideas from all
the group members in efficient and effective ways. This is relevant to any form of group
on the Internet, but is especially true for virtual teams in organizations. The idea of group
brainstorming was originally formulated by Osborn (1957), and the development to electronic
Brain Storming (EBS) allows input to be synchronously presented to the whole
group and all participants may contribute simultaneously, thus eliminating problems of
delay and failure to listen. In addition, participants feel sufficiently protected to express
themselves freely (Cooper, Gallupe, Pollard, & Cadsby, 1998). DeRosa, Smith, and Hantula
(2007) performed a Meta analysis and found that EBS groups were more productive
than FtF groups. Using the EBS tool for discussing important and challenging issues can
be very beneficial, as it allows for the views of a variety of people to be articulated. This
leads, not only to a beneficial thinking process, but also, by allowing each member to have
a voice, it enables all members to feel part of the group, in general, and part of the group
decision-making, in particular. When used properly, it can serve as an important tool,
causing people to feel a significant part of the organization, including those members
who may be a great distance away. In this way, the remote individual may be empowered
by the net to become a significant and integral part of the virtual team.
2.3.4. E-vision and group crystallization
The fact that an increasing number of work teams are either partly or wholly carried
out in a virtual environment increases the importance of the E-leader in transferring the
group vision directly to each group member. Avolio, Kahai, and Dodge (2000) pointed
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out that, for the E-leader, the Internet is not just the context in which his or her leadership
takes place, but the construct itself. They suggest that transformational leadership characteristics,
such as individualized consideration (giving the followers all the support they
need to succeed in their tasks); inspirational motivation (the ability to communicate the
importance of the group goals through the use of symbols); and intellectual stimulation
(showing followers how to recognize the challenges in their lives and how to transform
them into opportunities) may be transmitted through the Internet. In an offline project,
as the group grows, the structure is likely to become more hierarchical and the ability
to maintain direct contact between the group leader and group members is reduced. On
the Internet, this is not the case; the size of the group will not prevent the leader from being
in direct contact with the members. At the touch of a button, leaders of virtual groups may
send a film of their vision, an interactive message, or even talk to the group online (Avolio
& Kahai, 2003). The ability of the E-leader through technology to E-empower vast numbers
of people over huge distances simultaneously does not have an equivalent in the offline
world.
2.4. Citizenship
The web has brought about unprecedented opportunities for civil activity, promoting
the interaction between government and citizens. Among them are, E-voting, E-government
tools and public debate through online watchdog groups. These and other cyberspace
interactions have resulted in an online public-style discourse empowering citizens
on three levels: (1) political participation; (2) accessibility; and (3) the ability to supervise
and influence government decisions. The consequences of such E-empowerment tools have
far-reaching implications for the political sphere on local, national, and international
levels.
2.4.1. Political participation
The term E-government refers to the government’s use of the web to interact
with citizens, allowing them to express opinions and complaints on political matters
(see Williamson, 2004). In its most successful form, E-governance can empower citizens
to feel that they may make a significant contribution to the running of their
locality or even their country. However, it is vital that E-government is seen to be
trustworthy and honest; if not, it will be perceived by the public as a cheap manipulation
and will significantly damage the relationship between citizens and
government.
Indeed, a variety of studies have shown that civic involvement increases substantially
with the use of the web (e.g., Borgida & Stark, 2004; Kraut et al., 2002). Projects such
as Directgovkids.co.uk (where children learn the values of democracy and the importance
of political participation) and online referendums are an important factor in countering
feelings of alienation and insignificance among citizens.
In addition, several cases have shown that E-voting also contributes to voting turnout.
In the first binding political vote in Arizona in March, 2000, there was a 676% increase in
voter turnout. Since then, many governments have considered the possibility of conducting
national elections through E-voting. In February 2007, Estonia held the first national
E-voting election; 30,000 out of 900,000 citizens with the right to vote, voted using with
their electronic encoded ‘‘smart” IDs.
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2.4.2. Accessibility
E-government tools also allow citizens to provide feedback and participate in active discussions
regarding community initiatives and legislative issues. Government ministries,
candidates for election, and government social services departments provide extensive
information about their services online. Citizens can quickly find all manner of data, ranging
from, for example, comparative stances taken by elected or potential representatives,
agency opening times, and forms required for particular services. Transactions between
citizens and government are increasingly taking place online. These include financial payments,
driving license renewals, downloading and filling out of tax forms, and filing for
benefits. Offline, these matters are generally considered to be time-consuming, inefficient,
and often frustrating experiences, especially to those with time constraints and physical
disabilities.
Nevertheless, it is important to note that there are still major challenges that need to be
overcome before the implementation of E-government methods can be said to have been
an overall success. Privacy matters, most of all, still posit major challenges: for example, in
2007 in two separate incidents in the UK, the personal details of 25 million citizens receiving
child benefit and 3 million British learner drivers who had applied for the ‘‘theory test”
component of their driving license were lost, possibly stolen. Currently, scholars and
online security companies are looking for solutions to counter the risk factors involved
in E-government applications (see for example Siriluck, 2007; White & Jones, 2007).
2.4.3. The ability to supervise and influence government decisions
Being a net citizen grants a voice in a community of hundreds of millions of people. By
taking part in discussion groups and forums, net citizens are able to share knowledge and
data with others around the world, increasing their sense of political power and their feeling
of belonging to a global community. The web empowers ‘‘informed citizenship”
through engendering the creation of a fruitful debate regarding civil and government
issues among political activists and critics via online watchdog groups (e.g.., Liberty in
the UK, see http://www.liberty-human-rights.org.uk/) and civil societies organizations
(Everard, 1999; Falk, 2000). Similar initiatives, which allow close examination of government
decisions and even provide encouragement for citizens to post their own suggestions
for legislation, are taking place around the world. For example, in the USA, the WashingtonWatch.com
initiative allows citizen debates regarding regulations, while in Israel, several
members of the Israeli parliament regularly promote legislation based on the content
of the Knesset 2 project (http://www.knesset2.org.il), a forum for citizens to suggest ideas
for future law-making.
Dan Gilmor, author of ‘‘We, the Media”, calls the ability of citizens to gather online
and challenge government policy, ‘distributive journalism’, which is analogous to any project
or problem that can be broken up into little pieces, where lots of people can work in parallel
on small parts of the bigger question and collectively – and relatively quickly – bring to
bear lots of individual knowledge and/or energy to the matter. Some open-source software
projects work this way. The important thing is the parallel activity by large numbers of people,
in service of something that would be difficult if not impossible for any one or small group
of them to do alone, at least in a timely way (from Dan Gilmore’s blog, see http://dangill-
mor.typepad.com/dan_gillmor_on_grassroots/2005/01/distributed_jou.html).
Numerous events also illustrate the potential of the web in mobilizing protest against
perceived injustices. For example, in the UK in 2006, Tony Blair responded on the official
Y. Amichai-Hamburger et al. / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 1776–1789 1785
10 Downing Street website to an online poll, where the great majority of the 1.8 million
British citizens polled had voted against the government’s decision to charge a toll on several
major roads (retrieved from http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/6381153.stm). In
response to the public’s protest, Blair said that this was the beginning of the debate regarding
the legislation rather than a close-ended decision. It is interesting to note that the petition
was set up by Peter Roberts, a 46-year-old account manager, who claimed that the
government decision was unfair to poorer people and decided to take action.
In addition, successful web forums and blogs can attract millions and mobilize global
public opinion. For example, during the Second Lebanon War, bloggers discovered and
widely publicized the fact that photographs of devastation which were appearing on news
outlets around the world had been altered in order to make the situation appear more dramatic.
This exposure resulted in sweeping changes being instituted by Reuters and other
news agencies. This is a case where the global resonance carried by individuals challenged
a reputable global news agency and potentially sensitized citizens to the credibility of
images presented by the mass media. Perhaps the most memorable protest mobilized by
the web, however, was the 1999 anti-WTO campaign in Seattle. where online protest
challenged global policies by organizing and coordinating a mobilization of caravans from
throughout the United States to take protestors to Seattle. This is an example of what Brecher
and his colleagues (2000) described as ‘‘globalization from below”.
Nevertheless, it is important to note that in the main, such groups are able to mobilize
and impact in Western, democratic countries, whereas authoritarian governments regularly
monitor and often censor the online activity of watchdog groups. Several studies have
documented the successful blockage of mobilization in non-democratic regimes such as
China, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore (Dalpino, 2000; Hartford, 2000).
3. Final word
Victor Frankl (1963) argued that what man actually needs is not a tensionless state, but
rather the striving and struggling for some goal worthy of him. What he needs is not the discharge
of tension at any cost, but the call of a potential meaning waiting to be fulfilled by him
(p. 166). As the examples discussed above indicate, the Internet is an especially apt tool
for people wishing ‘‘to search and find meaning”.
The Internet offers abundant means through which individuals can, and do, empower
themselves, their groups, their causes, and their countries. On the Internet, average citizens
may find their voice more easily than they can in the offline world and can be heard much
farther away. However, there are two important aspects that should be stressed. First, Eempowerment
is not a given and will not occur simply by connecting every citizen of the
world to the Internet. Rather, empowering tools and opportunities are available via CMC
– far more of them than exist in the offline domain – but unless an individual takes advantage
of them, many of the processes that lead to greater empowerment of the individual
will not occur. Secondly, this article has concentrated on the positive aspects of empowerment
via the Internet, and although not part of the scope of this paper, it is important to
remember that the consequences of empowerment, the confidence, self efficacy, and the
emboldened pursuit of previously stifled, deep-seated desires, are not always a positive
occurrence.. The same processes that empower individuals in realms that are considered
positive by any particular society will also occur for in non-sanctioned arenas. Active
group involvement with similar others will, equally strengthen the social identity and
1786 Y. Amichai-Hamburger et al. / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 1776–1789
self-acceptance of individuals who suffers from epilepsy as it will the pedophiles. Grassroots
groups with a prosocial agenda will be empowered, but so, too, will those who promote
hate and violence. This said, it is vital that the positive potential of the Internet as a
tool for empowerment must not be lost, rather ways must be found to limit the access and
actions of those who wish to take this unique tool for good and utilize it for negative
purposes.
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