Les citoyens et ľintégration européenne Cet ouvrage est le 47e de la Dirigée par Gilles Rouet & Frangois Soulages Local & Global et le 37e publié dans le cadre de la Chaire Jean Monnet ad personam « Identités et Cultures en Europe », Migrations, Mobilités, Fmntiéres et Vásinages, Maria Rošteková & Serge Dufoulon (dir.) Citqyennetés et Nationalités en Europe, articulations et pratiques, Gilles Rouet (dir.) Nations, cultures et entreprises en Europe, Gilles Rouet (dir.) Productions etperceptions des creations culturelks, Helena Bálintová & Janka Pálková (dir.) EaPhotographie : mythe global et usage local, Ivaylo Ditchev & Gilles Rouet (dir.) Usages de ľlnternet, education &° culture, Gilles Rouet (dir.) Usagespolitiques des nouveaux médias, Gilles Rouet (dir.) Participations <ä>° átoyennetés depuis k Púntemps arabe, Antoniy Galabov & Jamil Sayah (dir.) Internet ou la boíte ä usages, Serge Dufoulon (dir.) Europepartagée, Europe despartages, Serge Dufoulon & Gilles Rouet (dir.) Frontieresgéoculturelles t&géopolitiques, Gilles Rouet & Frangois Soulages (dir.) Quelles frontiérespour quels usages ?, Gilles Rouet (dir.) e-Citoyenneté, Anna Krasteva (dir.) Médias et sociétés interculturelles, Martin Klus & Gilles Rouet (dir.) Arts et espacespublics, Marc Veyrat (dir.) Mobilisations citqyennes dans I'espace public, Gilles Rouet (dir.) Esthétiques de I'espace public, Serge Dufoulon & Jacques Lolive (dir.) Identités et espaces publics européens, Radovan Gura & Natasza Styczyňska (dir.) Esthétiques de la ville : équipements et usages, Thierry Come & Gilles Rouet (dir.) Migrations en blane. Médeáns d'est en ouest, Anna Krasteva & Despina Vasilcu (dir.) Integration et voisinages européens, Radovan Gura & Gilles Rouet (dir.) Services publics, entreprisespublques, quelle place pour ks dtoyens ?, A. Galabov & G. Rouet (dir.) La rue et l'e-rue. Nouvelks contestations dtoyennes, P. Gueorguieva & A. Krasteva (dir.) Innovations managériales: enjeux etperspectives, Thierry Come & Gilles Rouet (dir.) Penser et construire lEurope, Bogdan Bogdanov Education et dialogue interculturel, Ľudovít Hajduk & Martin Klus (dir.) Les citqyens et ľintégration européenne, Radovan Gura & Gilles Rouet (dir.) m dont 27 dans cette collection : Suite de la liste des ouvrages de la collection apres la table des matieres Sous la direction de Radovan GURA & Gilles ROUET Les citoyens et ľintégration européenne Preface de Jacques CHE VAT J JER Ľ rfarmattan Volume publié avec le concours de la Chaire Jean Monnet ad'personam « Identités et Cultures en Europe » et de rinstitut d'Etudes Européennes de 1'Université Jagellon, Cracovie Recension du volume: Francois Soulages <& Thierry Cóme Rédacteurs scientifiques: Natália Šubrtová <& Christophe Lips Partenaires de la collection RETINA International, Recherches Esthétiques <& Théorétiques surles Images Nouveäes & Anüennes, ECAC, Europe Contemporaine & Art Contemporain, Paris 8, Institut Supérieur de Management <& Eaboratoire de Recherche en Management, LAREQUOI, Universitě de Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines, IEEI, Institut d'Etudes Européennes et Internationales, Reims & Faculté de Sciences Politiques et des Relations Internationales, Banská Bystrica. Comité scientifique international de lecture ATgmtim (Silvia Solas, Univ. de La Plata), Belgique (Claude Javeau, Univ. Libre de Bruxelles), Bre'si/ (Alberto Olivieri, Univ. Fédérale de Bahia, Salvador), Bulgaria (Ivaylo Ditchev, Univ. de Sofia St-Clement d'Ohrid), Chili (Rodrigo Zuniga, Univ. du Chili, Santiago), Corte du Sud (Jin-Eun Seo, Daegu Arts University, Seoul), Eípagne (Pilar Garcia, Univ. de Seville), France (Gilles Rouet, Univ. de Versailles St-Quentin-en-Yvelines, Univ. Matěj Bel, Banská Bystrica & Francois Soulages, Univ. Paris 8), Ge'orgie (Marine Vekua, Univ. de Tbilissi), Grece (Panayotis Papadimitropoulos, Univ. dToannina), Japan (Kenji Kitamaya, Univ. Seijo, Tokyo), Hongrie (Anikó Adam, Univ. Catholique Pázmány Peter, Budapest), Russie (Tamara Gella, Univ. d'Orel), Shvaquie (Radovan Gura, Univ. Matěj Bel, Banská Bystrica), Taiwan (Stephanie Tsai, Univ. Centrale de Taiwan, Taipei) © L'Harmattan, 2016 5-7, rue de l'Ecole polytechnique ; 75005 Paris http://www.librairieharmattan.com diffusion .harmattan@wanadoo. fr harmattan 1 (ajwanadoo. fr ISSN : 2257-3690 ISBN : 978-2-343-08508-1 EAN : 9782343085081 Avant-Propos Radovan Gura & Gilles Rauet Les citoyens des pays qui ont rejoint l'Union europeenne lors des dernieres vagues d'integration ont encore, tres souvent, l'impression de vivre une situation tres differente qu'ä l'Ouest, meme si l'amelioration economique, au moins, est globalement reconnue. Tous ces citoyens sont devenus, depuis le Traite de Maastricht, des « citoyens europeens », avec des droits reels, mais sans vraiment, actuellement, avoir accepte des devoirs particuliers. Beaucoup de ces citoyens vivent leur appartenance europeenne comme un ensemble de contraintes plutot que comme un processus volontaire. En effet, l'espace democratique de cette citoyennete reste ä construire (Jacques Chevallier, pp. 11-26). Les attentes initiales des Europeens etaient, legitimement, elevees et, actuellement, un desenchantement s'exprime, des craintes sont desormais en partage. Les differentes crises qui secouent les quotidiens des citoyens de l'Union depuis plusieurs annees, apres la faillite de la Grece, la guerre civile en Ukraine ou l'arrivee de refugies et de migrants, ont mis en evidence les differences de perception et d'appreciation des evenements, jusqu'ä une situation d'incommunication1, principalement entre l'Est et l'Ouest. De nouveaux « clivages » s'ajoutent ainsi ä ceux decrits par Andrea Schmidt (pp. 27-48). L'integration europeenne n'a que partiellement « lisse » les disparites internes au sein de chaque Etat membre, en particulier grace aux fonds structurels, qui resistent et peut-etre meme, dans 1. Cf. Dominique Woltem, Informer n 'estpas communiquer, CNRS Editions, 2009. 7 Radovan Gura & Gilles Rouet certaines regions, s'aggravent. Des crises «identitaires », revelees en particulier ä l'occasion des elections europeennes (Eva Palesova, pp. 49-66), et « ideologiques » qui amenent ä relativiser le bilan positif d'une construction europeenne qui n'a pas reussi ä legitimer une organisation politique (Natasza Styczynska, pp. 67-80). En particulier pour les anciens pays satellites de l'Union sovietique, l'integration europeenne est plus ou moins integree dans un long processus, « normal », car « retour en Europe » pour beaucoup, ou apres la creation d'un nouvel Etat pour certains. Ces integrations ont pris effet apres negotiations, reformes institutionnelles profondes et normalisations. II convient done de se demander si cette integration de « l'acquis communautaire » est legitime pour les citoyens de ces pays et quels sont les effets de ces evolutions, qui ne peuvent pas settlement etre resumees ou expliquees par une necessaire transition. Kinga Anna Gajda analyse les caracteristiques de la participation des jeunes (pp. 81-102) dont beaucoup sont dejä des cousins ou tils des premiers de la « generation Erasmus ». Pour une partie « mobile » des Europeens, une citoyennete particuliere s'est installee, meme si elle s'exprime peu dans les votes nationaux. Pour d'autres citoyens, la protestation prend des formes tragiques, dans les rues comme devant les administrations ou au sein des entreprises. Les auto-immolations, depuis le Printemps de Prague jusqu'au Printemps arabe, interrogent et perturbent (pp. 103-118), formes extremes qui montrent bien que le lien social, le politique, ont des dimensions corporelies, sacrees (Serge Dufoulon, pp. 119-130). Cette question de l'integration europeenne, pour les citoyens, est liee ä Celles des valeurs, d'autant plus que desormais, depuis le Traite de Lisbonne et apres des tentatives de justification de la construction europeenne par la geographie, l'histoire ou les « racines » des peuples, ces dernieres sont erigees en ciment de l'Union. Est-il possible de mettre en evidence, avec ce partage de valeurs, une identite europeenne ? (Martin Rebes, pp. 131-140). Les articulations entre integration et citoyennete europeennes vont bien evidemment au-delä des considerations sociales, politiques, institutionnelles ou meme mediatiques. Toute la societe, chaque citoyen, chaque resident (meme non-citoyen europeen, n'etant pas citoyen d'un Etat membre) sont concernes. 8 Avant-Propos Pour autant des populations entieres semblent poursuivre des destins bien differents. Les residents, legaux ou non, non-citoyens d'un Etat membre ne beneficient pas de la citoyennete europeenne et des pratiques discriminatoires installent les Roms dans une situation de « citoyens de troisieme zone », de « non-citoyens » (Daniele Lochak, pp. 141-156), ou encore de « sous-citoyens » de l'Europe dans le contexte d'une instrumentalisation politique particuliere (Ioana Cristina Hritcu, pp. 157-186). Les migrants sont des citoyens en devenir et si les pays de l'Ouest, en particulier ceux qui ont un passe colonial, ont une experience avec differentes vagues d'immigration, europeennes ou non, d'autres pays, en Europe centrale et orientale, sont plutot historiquement des pays d'emigration. La politique hongroise en matiere d'immigration africaine, analysee par Istvan Tarrosy (pp. 187-210) est, a ce titre, representative en particulier du fondement des divergences de positionnement politique entre l'Est et l'Ouest, relatives a la « crise » des migrants. Cette question est essentielle, car l'integration europeenne est un projet qui depasse le cadre des citoyens des Etats membres et les oppositions souvent radicales au sein de l'Union europeenne montrent bien que si chacun vit et comprend, en toute legitimite, differemment son « europeanite », il en est de meme, et c'est certainement plus inquietant, pour la « citoyennete » europeenne et ses valeurs induites. De plus, il ne s'agit pas seulement, dans le « projet » europeen, de constater ces valeurs en partage relatif, a priori, mais aussi d'en faire la promotion, et en particulier aupres des populations « voisines ». Monika Eriksen propose un rapide bilan d'une des politiques europeennes de voisinage et s'interroge en particulier sur ses effets sur le fonctionnement democratique (pp. 211-228). Les differents chapitres de cet ouvrage ouvrent certainement plus de portes qu'ils n'en ferment. L'integration europeenne est loin d'etre un long fleuve tranquille et il est egalement necessaire d'envisager devolution de la citoyennete europeenne avec les changements d'attitudes et d'usages, en tenant compte des migrations et de la mobilite, du developpement de nouvelles formes de participation citoyenne, de revolution des medias traditionnels ou non. Les processus identitaires et les engagements sociaux 9 Radovan Gura & Gilles Rouet revelent egalement la capacite des citoyens ä legitimer cette integration europeenne, processus complexe et de longue duree. A defaut de constater l'emergence d'un espace public europeen (ou d'y croire), certaines convergences existent pourtant qui permettent d'envisager la connexion des espaces publics ä l'interieur de l'Union (voire aussi ä son exterieur) et la mise en oeuvre d'une citoyennete active. Mais pour cela, il est necessaire que les citoyens nationaux fassent le choix de decouvrir ces espaces au sein de chaque pays, et non celui de l'ignorance et le rejet. Le role des institutions educatives, culturelles, economiques et diplomatiques de chaque Etat membre au sein de l'Union europeenne est fondamental pour relier les citoyens au projet europeen, qu'il s'agit de partager et de legitimer. Daniel Podosek evoque, en conclusion, un processus d'« assimilation » des « nouvelles generations d'Europeens », qui ne connaissent pas, a priori, de rupture brutale avec les precedentes. Cette evolution sociale, culturelle et de communication devrait favoriser la construction d'un territoire imaginaire, une « option unifiante » (pp. 229-236). Radovan Gura est maitre de conferences habilite en relations internationales ä la Faculte des sciencespolitiques et des relations internationales de l'Universite Matej Bel, Banska Bystrica, Slovaquie. Gilles Rouet est professeur des universites en sciences de gestion (universite de Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines) et en relations internationales (universite Matej Bel, Banska Bystrica, Slovaquie), Chaire Jean Monnet ad personam en etudes interdisciplinaires sur l'Union europeenne, directeur de linst itut Superieur de Management et membre du laboratoire de recherche en management LAREJ2UOI. 10 Does Europe Matter at All? European Issues in the Discourse of Polish Political Parties Natasha Styciginska Resume. Ea Pologne est desormais membre de I'UE depuis plus d'une decennie. Cette adhesion a apporte non seulement des avantages, mais aussi des defis, en particulier celui de pouvoir confronter I'interet national avec celui de I'Europe. La Pologne est I'un des plus grands beneficiaires des fonds europeens et I'une des societes les pluspro-europeennesparmi les 28 membres de I'UE. Neanmoins, I'UE n'est toujours paspleinement reconnue comme une entite a laquellepeuvent se referer les Polonais. Ees questions europeennes ne sontpas debattues, et le discours politique aborde peu /'idee et I'avenir duprojet europeen. On peut avoir /'impression que /'adhesion a I'UE est tenue pour acquise et qu'il n'j a pas de reflexion approfondie sur le projet d'une Europe commune comme sur I'organisation de I'UE. Ce chapitre presente les resultats d'une recherche sur les programmes des partis politiques, relativement aux questions europeennes debattues ou non par les partis politiques. Mots cles: Politique polonaise — Europeanisation — Euroscepticisme — Partis politiques — Transformation In 2014 Poland, along with other countries of Central and Eastern Europe celebrated 3 anniversaries. 10 years have passed since the eastern enlargement of the EU, 15 years since the country joined NATO and 25 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall. The New Member States, Poland among them, are no longer so new in terms of their incorporation into the logic of the EU. Taking an active part in designing the future of the EU, they are undergoing a change from policy takers into policy makers. Being a part of the European Union brings benefits to the new Member States but also has its challenges. On the one hand Poland is one of the biggest 67 Natasza Styczynska beneficiaries of European funds, but on the other it must confront its national interest with European ones, and cooperation with other member states, as well as participation in the various institutions may bring discontent with the EU and its current realisation of the European project. The years preceding the accession to the European Union in Poland were characterised by a complex transformation — not only political or economic but also cultural. In this case transformation should be understood as a very widespread and multi-faceted phenomenon consisting of several factors (such as democratisation or modernisation) which influence and overlap each other. The prospect of EU accession, as well as ongoing negotiations and adaptations to EU laws and norms were constantly influencing the public debate in Poland, as well as the discourse of political parties. Political parties needed to determine their stance on the European integration issue, which resulted in the incorporation of European matters into party manifestos and political programmes. Although European integration did not serve as a ground for a new socio-political cleavage, the European issue was used by political parties to construct their political identity. As Anna Paczesniak emphasizes (2014, pp. 91), it was mostly visible in the case of parties that had similar political programmes, in which case a particular stance on Europe could establish a characteristic label of a party. Costs and benefits of the future accession were constandy deliberated among the political elites, but also in the society. In this chapter, I will focus on the image of the European Union and the importance of the European issue voiced (and included in the official documents) by political parties. The presence and importance of European topics in the programmes of the Polish political parties will be examined, aiming at providing the answer to the question if the European Union matters at all, or is it perhaps just taken for granted? Europe and Polish Party Politics. Researching discourse requires emphasizing the importance of the context in which the discourse is embedded. It is important to notice what has been said, but also one needs to pay attention to 68 Does Europe Matter at All? the topics that have been bypassed. Researching the official documents of political parties, we may assess what kinds of issues are important for the party and which are intentionally pushed aside. According to the 'silence theory', political parties appropriate some issues that are present in the public discourse, thanks to which each party can 'occupy' a part of the discourse and grant itself a label (Czesnik, 2011, pp. 12). The way in which political parties assess European integration as well as the Polish accession negotiations (and later the Polish role in the EU) allow to categorise them according to the classification acknowledging the division between pro-European and anti-European parties. Polish society has always been rather pro-European: this could be observed in the outcomes of the accession referendums — in Poland 77.45% voted in favour of joining the EU, as well as in the results of the public opinion survey conducted in 2014 where 89% of respondents declared support towards European Union (CBOS, 2014). Despite this, the Eurosceptic rhetoric is visible in political discourse. One of the contested areas is the future enlargement of the European Union. Adversaries of the future enlargement often base their attitudes on cultural and identity issues, but also point out the enlargement fatigue of the EU. Anti-European arguments include the democratic deficit of the EU and issues of the distribution of funds among the member states. One can easily notice that there is less discussion about the idea of Europe than the organisational aspects of the European Union. The Main Actors and their Programmes. An overview of the main parliamentary political parties shall help to understand the full spectrum of attitudes towards European issues. Some of the parties have grown and developed, some have been transformed and others have just disappeared from the political arena. The League of Polish Families (Uga Volskich Rod^jti) was a conservative, right-wing party that opposed Polish membership and exhorted its followers to reject EU membership in the accession referendum in 2003. The anti-European rhetoric of the party was based on the endangered Polish-Christian identity, 69 Natasza Styczynska threatened by the domination of the 'decadent' influence of the West. The League also claimed that the European Union was an elitist project driven by Germany, and integration would actually mean 'colonisation' and another 'Drang nacht Osten' (Zuba, 2006, p. 205). The League prepared a document entitled '13 points — why Poland should not be joining the EU', which was used during the accession referendum campaign (LPR, 2003). The document included demands to reject membership, as "the accession conditions, negotiated by Poland, were unacceptable" and that "Poland can only develop outside of the European Union" (Ibidem). The arguments of the League of Polish Families were enhanced by the rhetoric of some parts of the Polish Catholic church, mainly that associated with Radio Maria (Radio Maryja) founded by the redemptorist Father Tadeusz Rydzyk, a figure widely known for his nationalistic, anti-Semitic and xenophobic rhetoric. Eurorejects voiced concerns that Poland would be influenced by a western 'civilization of death' that would force people to accept abortions, euthanasia, the usage of drugs and the legalisation of same-sex marriages (Sokolewicz, 2003; Gora & Mach, 2010). After accession, support for the Euroreject rhetoric of the party decreased. In the 2004 EP elections, the League obtained 15.9% of votes and inducted its EMPs to the Independence and Democracy fraction. However, a year later it only managed to get 8% in the national elections, but still secured seats in government (Styczynska, 2014, p. 160). The party dissolved after 2007 when it did not manage to enter parliament, but some of its politicians remained active and involved in establishing the Polish branch of the European party — Libertas, that openly rejected the very idea of the EU. A true mixture of arguments was also presented by Self-Defense (Samoobrond), considered to be one of the most populist political parties in Poland. This farmers' union developed into a political party that criticised European integration on the basis of economic issues. Self-Defense claimed that Poland was joining the European Union on disadvantageous conditions, leading to treating Poland as a "third category member state, a semi-colonial sellingmarket" and the "source of cheap labour" (Samoobrona, 2003). The party programme was a populist amalgam of declarations, including a strong opposition towards the possibility of foreign acquisition of land. Self-Defence's success was essentially a one-off occurrence, 70 Does Europe Matter at All? gaining 11% in the European Parliament elections and introducing its MEPs into the Union for a Europe of the Nations. The party was a part of the ruling coalition (together with the League of Polish Families and Law and Justice) established after the national elections in 2005, but it did not manage to enter the parliament in 2007 or the EP in 2009, vanishing from the Polish political stage soon after. Relatively new, The Congress of the New Right (Kongres Nowej Prawicy) was established in 2011 by Janusz Korwin-Mikke, a figure who has been active in politics since the 1990s and who is also well known for his controversial views and xenophobic and anti-European rhetoric. The Congress of the New Right promises to "blow up the EUfrom within", as in the party opinion the European Union is "an artificial fiscal and ideological creature that should be reduced back to the free trade area" (KNP, 2014). The party programme is a mix of economic libertarianism and radical social conservatism, supporting the idea of the "night watchman state". Janusz Korwin-Mikke is famous for his controversial statements such as the claim that the EU is "a communist project which is run by Maoists like Barroso", suggesting to put "the European Commission building to better use by turning it into a brothel' (Guardian, 2014). The Congress underlines that they are 'the only anti-EU political party in Poland' and that they want to play a "hard opposition in the European Parliament, fighting fageralists and lampooning eurosocialism" (KNP, 2014). After the 2014 EP elections, the party managed to introduce 4 MEPs, but as Szczerbiak (2014) claims, the Congress collected mainly protest votes due to its anti-establishment rhetoric, which is "mobilising the frustrated Polish intelligentsia and younger voters around a programme of radical economic liberalism and hostility to the Elf \ The Polish Peasants' Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Eudowe) has undergone an interesting evolution — the party could be considered as Eurosceptic only during the time before accession, when it was uncertain if the negotiated accession conditions would be good enough for the Polish farmers that the party represents. Their main issues of concern were full direct payments and land ownership. As Tesser (2004, p. 220) underlines, the Polish Peasants' Party strongly opposed the foreign acquisition of land, forests, or areas containing water sources. It resulted in party officials even demanding an 18-year prohibition on foreigners purchasing agricultural land in 71 Natasza Styczyhska Poland (Zuba, 2009, p. 332). Opposing foreign land ownership has various sources, including economic fears that "foreign ownership will increase land prices enormously at the expense of local buyers, to patriotic concerns over the loss of national sovereignty and the fears of re-Germanisation" (Tesser, 2004, p. 214). The fear of Germans buying or regaining the land was based on anxiety that the Polish western border (including parts of pre-war Germany) decided on in 1945 would be re-appropriated by the Germans. The rhetoric of the Polish Peasants' Party changed after accession in 2004 and none of the fears turned out to be based on reality; farmers are in fact one of the groups who have benefited the most from EU integration. Due to the fact that they are part of the governing coalition, as well as a part of the European Peoples' Party, the PPP has become more pro-European (although opposing deeper integration and the model of a federal Europe). The change could be determined also by the pragmatism of the party, as the Polish Peasants' Party politicians tend to treat politics in a pragmatic, not ideological way (Janke, 2011). A decade after EU accession, the party accepts the idea of European integration but is critical about the current realisation of the EU, claiming that more solidarity and better conditions for farmers are needed. Moreover, it has declared that EU accession and membership in NATO are the biggest achievements of the Polish transformation (PSL, 2007b). Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwos'c) is a key player on the Polish political arena and, since 2007, the main opposition party. Founded in 2001, it emphasized the need to secure Polish national interests during the accession negotiations. The party stressed the Christian roots of Europe and the importance of including this reference in the future constitutional treaty (PiS, 2003). The claims made by Law and Justice were characterised by the inconsistency between two sentiments: a fear of being dominated by the EU and the expectation to gain profits from membership (Cebul, 2009, p. 168). After 2004, Law and Justice turned to strongly supporting the idea of a Europe of Nations, criticising the federal model and deeper integration as damaging to polish national interests. Still, the fear of being dominated by the bigger countries exists — in its 2007 parliament campaign the party underlined that it "may happen that the EU will be dominated by the strongest, most populous and most wealthy 72 Does Europe Matter at All? countries' (PiS, 2007, pp. 51), which will bring disadvantages to Poland. According to party documents, the federal model of the EU is not acceptable as the European community should be based on shared values rather than common interests (Kik, 2011, pp. 111). Jaroslaw Kaczyňski has underlined that deeper integration "is an attempt to limit Poland's sovereignty and ultimately its democracy" (WBJ 2011). The party formed a government in 2005 (together with Self-Defence and the League of Polish Families) that decided not to ratify the Charter of Fundamental Rights, perceiving it as introducing the possibility of same-sex marriages and German land compensation claims by the "back door". Further, President Lech Kaczyňski (one of the founders of the party) prolonged the signing of the Lisbon Treaty for months. Since 2009, the party has been cooperating with Czech and British Conservatives (European Conservatives and Reformists) in the European Parliament, but in the term 2004-2009 they joined a different Eurosceptic party grouping — the Union for a Europe of the Nations. The party programme includes the postulates of strengthening sovereign states and cooperation in the area of economy and security rather than deeper political integration. Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska) was established as an association in 2011, as a result of a split from the Solidarity Electoral Action coalition of parties. The party was constructed under the leadership of Andrzej Olechowski, Maciej Plažyňski and Donald Tusk. Since 2007 it is the largest party in the Polish parliament, serving also as a major coalition partner in Poland's government. Its leader, Donald Tusk, who from 2007 to 2014 served as prime minister, was appointed President of the European Council. In the European Parliament Civic Platform is a member of the European People's Party (EPP). The party describes itself as liberal-conservative, but political scientists have observed that since it came in office, its programme has become more and more fuzzy and Civic Platform has become a "catch all" party (Kozlowski, 2014; Rubisz, 2009; Gajowiniczek, 2002). Liberal views on economy are accompanied with more conservative ones on ethical issues (opposition to liberalisation of abortion, same-sex marriages, decriminalisation of soft drugs and legal euthanasia). Civic Platform is voicing strong support for more solidarity and more effort in terms of building a common European identity, which should be 73 Natasza Styczyriska based on Christian values. According to the party programme, "a real community cannot function without solidarity. European solidarity is a fundamental value of integration" (PO, 2007a). According to official documents, but also to the declarations of the main politicians of Civic Platform, the party supports the federal model of the European Union, declaring interest in deeper and further integration. As the party claims, common security and foreign policy will give Europe a better and stronger position in the international community. In the context of the economic crisis, Civic Platform argues that the only answer to the crisis will be "not less, but more Europe" (PO, 2011, pp. 90). This is why, according to Civic Platform, we should support EU institutions and the deeper integration of member states. The Democratic Left Alliance (Sojus^l^ewicy Demokratyc^nej), founded in 1991 as an alliance of centre-left parties (established as a single party in 1999), is currently the third largest opposition party in the Polish parliament. Many of the Democratic Left Alliance politicians were active politicians during the communist regime of the People's Republic of Poland, but the party declares itself to be social-democratic, and according to this belongs to the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament. The party was a coalition partner in the years 2001 -2005 when the negotiations with the European Union were concluded and the accession treaty was signed. The Democratic Left Alliance is considered the most pro-European political party in Poland, supporting the idea of more solidarity in the EU as well as deeper integration of the member states. The process of Europeanisation of the party programme is visible in the fact that since the EP election campaign in 2009, the party now only uses the programme of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in European elections. For the Democratic Left Alliance a unified Europe is Europe built on social ideas, "based on the idea of solidarity, social justice, being not only an area of a free trade and common currency, but also constituting an broader area of shared values, social standards and sustainable development" (SLD, 2004). Issues of security and common foreign policy are also debated in the party programme. In the electoral manifesto from the 2007 parliament campaign, the party voiced strong support for the 74 Does Europe Matter at All? adoption of the euro, as "it will give Poland a chance to establish a more modern economy" (LiD, 2007, pp .47). Europe taken for granted? Findings from the research on party manifestos. Analysing the various party manifestos allows us to draw conclusions on the official party positions on European issues, as these documents are the universal channel of communication between political party and potential voters. I have examined the manifestos issued by the main Polish political parties, looking at two dimensions of discourse that were introduced by Weiss and Wodak (2004). The first one is "making meaning of Europe" and the other is the aspect of "organising Europe", which refer to the main areas through which Europe and European integration has been discussed and negotiated. One of the main aims of the research was not only to examine the image of Europe incorporated in the party programmes, but also to state if the attitude has changed during a decade of Polish accession. The anti-European arguments that could be observed during the 2003 accession referendum campaign have lost their validity and vanished with time. The rhetoric and arguments have likewise changed. The anti-European political parties accepted the accession but did not stop to criticize the very idea of the European Union or the way the EU is currendy functioning. Although the main Eurosceptic arguments have disappeared together with the declining support for Self-Defense and League of Polish Families, the main anti-European arguments have returned with the appearance of the Congress of the New Right in the 2014 EP campaign. Law and Justice is critical about the current shape and functioning of the European Union whilst at the same time having a very pragmatic approach and understanding the EU as a source of economic profits. The party is negative towards the possible EU influence on domestic affairs, but (especially since the Russian-Georgian conflict) is supporting common policy in areas such as defence, security and foreign affairs. This approach is mainly visible in the programmes from 2011 and 2014. 75 Natasza Styczyhska The analysis of political manifestos and programmes can bring us to the conclusion that Polish political parties do not have a set idea about what the European Union should look like in the future, nor about the level of its integration. This may result either in the assumption that Polish society is not interested in European matters and the future of the EU (so there is no need to discuss them in the documents) or that Polish society does not understand EU politics and a common Europe is taken for granted. Discourse in Polish politics on the topic of Europe is dominated by the feeling of the obviousness of integration, including mainly pragmatic (economic) arguments whilst not giving much attention to the actual idea of the European project. Most of the parties are interested in economic issues, the amount of funds that Poland will get or the way we are allowed to spend them. There is a very little information in the party programmes about the organisation of the European Union in the future, and if there is, it is usually just a voice of support towards a more federal EU or the opposite, towards the idea of loosely connected member states. A clear, common European policy do not exist in Poland, therefore it is also hard to find it in the documents of political parties. As Kik (2001, p. 116) emphasizes, Polish political discourse is oriented towards the past, not the future. The only exception is the Law and Justice party which has developed a detailed European programme, including the main argument against the federal model of the EU, as well as claiming that Europe should dedicate more time and effort to economic cooperation and expanding eastwards. The debate about the role of Poland in a united Europe and in the wider world is dominated by national interest arguments. As a result, membership is analysed and considered in the context of possible benefits, and the future shape of the EU is discussed only in the frame of Polish national interests. The other observation that emerges is that time is of the essence in helping to create a feeling of belonging. After a decade of membership, Polish political parties tend to treat the EU as something more familiar. The European Union is less often treated in external categories, and the awareness of the fact that Poland has become not only a policy taker but also a policy maker has grown. As the Polish society is pro-European, political parties also present a rather EU-positive attitude. Parties that criticise Polish 76 Does Europe Matter at All? membership and the idea of European integration are rather small and derive support from a group of voters that are generally disappointed with their current situation and want change (protest votes). The Congress of the New Right and its outcome in the European Parliament elections of 2014 could serve here as a good example. In analysing programmes and party manifestos that have been issued since the EU accession in 2004 one may note that anti-European rhetoric has undergone a change and become softer and is based on merit. This was likely caused by the fact that EU accession brought benefits and EU institutions have become more familiar both to politicians and citizens. That said, it has been really difficult to find a vision for the EU in the documents of the Polish parties, which may be due to the fact that the EU is still treated rather as a donor than a partner. A consciousness of being part of the European community is still in the process of construction and this takes much more time than integration in the area of economy or law. The current EU financial perspective (2014-2020) is the last one that is supposed to bring such substantial economic benefits to Poland, hence we may observe decreasing support towards the EU in the future when the financial factor will not be as strong. This situation will raise the challenge of how to strengthen the legitimization of the European Union. References CBOS, 2014, 10 lat c^lonkostwa Polski n> Unii Europejskiej, Komunikat z badah nr 52/2014. Cebul, K., 2009, "Konstrukcje i rekonstrukcje postrzegania UE — kreatorzy wizji", in E. Skotnicka-IUasiewicz (ed.) 5 lat c^lonkostwa Polski W Unii Europejskiej wperspektywie spolec^nej, Warszawa, UKIE. Czesnik, M., 2011, "Zawartosc programow wyborczych polskich partii politycznych — zastosowanie metody MRG do ilosciowej analizy tresci", in I. Slodkowska and M. Dolbakowska (ed.) Wybory 2007. Partie i ichprogramy, Warszawa, ISP PAN. 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Szczerbiak, A., 2014, Making sense of Poland's Congress of the New Right, on , (15.7.2015). Tesser, L., M., 2004, "East-Central Europe's new security concern: foreign land ownership", in Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol. 37, pp. 213-239. WBJ, 2011, Warsaw Business Journal: Polands sovereignty under threat from European Integration says Kac^ynski, on , (15.7.2015). 78 Does Europe Matter at All? Zuba, K., 2006, "Populistyczne nurty eurosceptycyzm", in Marczewska-Rytko, M., (ed.) Populism napr^elomie XX i XXI wieku. Panaceum c^y pulapka dla wspólc^esnych spolec^enstw? Toruň, Adam Marszalek. Zuba, K., 2009, "Through the Looking Glass: The Attitudes of Polish Political Parties towards the EU before and after Accession", Perspectives on European Politics and Society, Vol. 10, Issue 3. Natasza Styczyňska obtained MA degrees in Political Sciences and in European Studies. Since 2006 she works at the Institute of European Studies, Jagiellonian University. She is a researcher in the project entitled "Democratic control and legitimisation in European Foreign Policy. The case study ofEU Enlargement Policy and European Neighbourhood Policy" that isfunded by the National Research Centre, Poland. Her academic interests include transformation processes in Central and Eastern Europe, party politics, nationalism, populism and Euroscepticism in the CEE region and the Balkans, as well as identity issues on the borderlands and Austro-Hungarian heritage in Central and Southern Europe. 79 Table des matieres Avant-Propos......................................................................................................7 Radovan Gura & Gilles Rouet Preface E'Cnion europeenne com me espace democratiqne.....................................................11 Jacques Chevallier The European Integration and the New Cleavages Symbolic, Historical, Cultural and Economic Aspects............................................27 Andrea Schmidt Identite et elections europeennes de 2014.................................................................49 Eva Pälesovä Does Europe Matter at All? European Issues in the Discourse of Polish Political Parties...................................67 Natasza Styczynska Youth as active citizen in European Union................................................................81 Kinga Anna Gajda Eaprotestation par le feu : des corps brulantspolitiques......................................103 Radovan Gura & Gilles Rouet Ee changement politique par I'immolation : le prix de l'honneur..........................119 Serge Dufoulon Debating crisis of values and European identity in the philosophical perspective... 131 Marcin Rebes Ea citoyennete europeenne entre egalite des droits et discrimination.......................141 Daniele Lochak Ees sous-citoyens de lEurope. E'instrumentalisationpolitique des Roms en France tors des elections municipales de mars 2014.........................................157 Ioana Cristina Hritcu Hungarian—African Relations in the Context of Immigration Tendencies...........187 Istvän Tarrösy Beyond Integration. An assessment of EC's external security vocation within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Poliy..............................211 Monika Eriks en Conclusion D'un territoire imaginaire a I'autre dans I'economic du voisinage europeen...........229 Daniel Podosek Suite des ouvrages de la Dirigee par Gilles Rouet & Frangois Soulages Local & Global Frontieres & confins eumpkns. Fe Grand-duche de Fituanie entre ombre & lumiere, Sylvie Lemasson Des frontieres invisibks. Voyage au centre de la regle de droit, Canada & Suisse, Joseph Jehl Frontieres, realites & imaginaires, Pierre San Gines Frontieres numeriques & artefacts, H. Hachour, N. Bouhai & I. Saleh (dir.) Frontieres numeriques & savoir, H. Hachour, N. Bouhai & I. Saleh (dir.) Circulations &frontieres. Fa Polynesie des Biennales, Benoit Blanchard Auxfrontieres du management, Francis Masse F'Afrique en discours. Fieux communs & stereotypes de la crise, Michael Rinn & Nathalie Narvaez Bruneau (dir.) Frontieres et Artistes. Espace public, mobilite & (post)colonialisme en Mediterranee, Eric Bonnet & Francois Soulages (dir.) Fieux & Mondes. Arts, cultures etpolitiques, Eric Bonnet & Francois Soulages (dir.) Mondialisation & Frontieres. Arts, cultures & politiques, Francois Soulages (dir.) FArt contemporain au Vietnam, Francois Damon Frontieres & auvres, Eric Bonnet (dir.) Fes frontieres numeriques, Imad Saleh, Nasreddine Bouhai & Hakim Hachour (dir.) Biennales d'art-contemporain &frontieres, Francois Soulages (dir.) Fe sport: diffusion globale et pratiques locales, David Sudre & Matthieu Genty (dir.) Transhumanites. Fictions, formes et usages de l'humain dans les arts contemporains, Isabelle Moindrot & Sangkyu Shin (dir.) Geoartistique & Geopolitique. Frontieres, Francois Soulages (dir.) Pratiques artistiques contemporaines en Martinique. Esthetique de la rencontre 1, Dominique Berthet