15
The Professional Counselor
Volume 5, Issue 1, Pages 15–27
http://tpcjournal.nbcc.org
© 2015 NBCC, Inc. and Affiliates
doi:10.15241/jal.5.1.15
Joel A. Lane, NCC, is the recipient of the 2014 Outstanding Dissertation Award for The Professional Counselor and an Assistant
Professor at Portland State University. Correspondence can be addressed to Joel A. Lane, Department of Counselor Education,
Portland State University, Graduate School of Education, PO Box 751, Portland, OR 97207, lanejoel@pdx.edu.
Joel A. Lane
Counseling Emerging Adults in Transition:
Practical Applications of Attachment and
Social Support Research
Today’s emerging adults (i.e., individuals between the ages of 18 and 29) in industrialized nations navigate
multiple significant life transitions (e.g., entering career life), and do so in a rapidly changing society. While these
transitions pose psychological difficulties, a growing body of research has identified attachment and social support
as two notably salient protective factors in emerging adulthood. The purpose of the present article is to explore
the counseling of emerging adult clients, particularly those in the midst of one or more transitions. The concept of
emerging adulthood represents a relatively recent phenomenon that the counseling community has been slow to
acknowledge. Specifically, this author reviews literature pertaining to emerging adulthood, attachment and social
support, and uses this literature to provide clinicians with practical recommendations for counseling emerging
adults.
Keywords: emerging adulthood, life transitions, attachment, social support, counseling
Emerging adulthood is a stage of life resulting from recent societal trends in industrialized nations, occurring
between the ages of 18 and 29 (Arnett, 2000, 2004, 2007). These trends include the proliferation of college
enrollment, significant delays in settling down and high unemployment compared to prior generations of young
adults (Furstenberg, Rumbaut, & Settersten, 2005). Corresponding with these changes is an evolution of the
psychosocial development of current emerging adults, who engage in extended identity exploration and report
subjectively feeling in between adolescence and adulthood (Arnett, 2001). While the benefits and drawbacks
of these changes are a source of frequent and intense debate (Arnett, 2013; Twenge, 2013), few would disagree
that being twenty-something today is a drastically different experience than it was several decades ago.
Emerging adulthood presents many life transitions and significant mental health risk. In the midst of
prolonged identity experimentation and subjectivity, emerging adults navigate a multitude of major life and role
changes, such as leaving home, entering and leaving educational settings, and starting a career. The convergence
of these factors—the subjective feeling of not being an adult and near-constant life changes propelling
one toward adulthood—seems to contribute to critical periods of identity crisis and various psychological
difficulties (Lane, 2013b; Lee & Gramotnev, 2007; Weiss, Freund, & Wiese, 2012). Though not all emerging
adults experience difficulties during these transitions (Buhl, 2007; Galambos, Barker, & Krahn, 2006), some
respond with significant distress (Murphy, Blustein, Bohlig, & Platt, 2010; Perrone & Vickers, 2003; Polach,
2004), which is problematic given that the emerging adult years are considered a critical juncture in the
development of mental illness (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013; Ingram & Gallagher, 2010) and
substance abuse (APA, 2013; Chassin, Pitts, & Prost, 2002; Ingram & Gallagher, 2010). Elevated distress also
has been shown to increase impulsivity and risk-taking behaviors in emerging adulthood (Scott-Parker, Watson,
King, & Hyde, 2011). The distress accompanying these transitions, therefore, poses a considerable threat to
emerging adult well-being.
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Despite these changes and risk factors, the counseling community has been slow to acknowledge the
evolving landscapes of the late teens and twenties. Counselor training programs continue to prominently feature
theories of development contending that identity development is a task completed by the end of the teenage
years (i.e., Erikson, 1959/1994). It seems likely that many counselors face the challenge of using outdated
developmental models to conceptualize their emerging adult clients. For counselors to work effectively with
the many challenges and risks that emerging adults face, they must have an increased awareness of emerging
adulthood and better understand factors that predict well-being and stability during the numerous transitions
commonly experienced. To address this concern, the author provides an overview of emerging adult theory
and research describing the significance of emerging adult life transitions; reviews literature examining the
importance of attachment and social relationships in emerging adulthood, which appear to especially salient
sources of risk resilience during this period of life; and considers implications for counseling professionals to
utilize when working with emerging adults.
Emerging Adulthood
Current societal expectations regarding normative life trajectories in the early-to-mid 20s—being finished
with education, marrying, acclimating to a professional setting and adjusting to life as a parent—do not seem
fully applicable to today’s emerging adults in most industrialized nations. Arnett (2000) described emerging
adulthood as a period of feeling “in between” (p. 471), during which individuals are no longer adolescents, but
do not yet identify as adults. Thus, the normative developmental tasks for individuals in their 20s seem to have
shifted from objective tasks like attaining work, settling down and becoming financially independent, to more
subjective tasks like considering the question, Who am I and what do I want my life to look like? This shift
is reflected in several factors that distinguish emerging adulthood from other life stages and from prior young
adult generations. Of these distinctions, the three most prominent pertain to demographic instability, changes in
subjective self-perceptions and extended periods of identity testing (Arnett, 2000).
Characteristics of Emerging Adulthood
One way that emerging adulthood is distinct from other life stages is with regard to demographics. The
past several decades correspond with higher proportions of 18- to 25-year-olds leaving home and periodically
moving back home several times (Goldscheider & Goldscheider, 1999), attending college immediately after
high school (Arnett, 2004), delaying marriage and childbirth (Arnett, 2000), spending more time in college
(Arnett, 2004; Mortimer, Zimmer-Gembeck, Holmes, & Shanahan, 2002) and changing careers (Wendlandt
& Rochlen, 2008). In comparison to other age groups, the demographic statuses of emerging adults today
vary with little predictability (Arnett, 2000; Cohen, Kasen, Chen, Hartmark, & Gordon, 2003); however, the
demographic factor that is most predictable is frequent residential change (Arnett, 2000, 2007; Shulman &
Nurmi, 2010). All of these trends indicate the changing demographic landscapes of today’s late teens and early
20s compared to those of prior generations.
Another changing landscape of emerging adulthood is a trend toward increasingly vague and subjective selfperceptions
(Arnett, 2000; Fussell & Furstenberg, 2005). Emerging adults view their progression into adulthood
as long and gradual. When a sample of emerging adults were asked if they felt they had reached adulthood,
over 50% selected the answer choice “in some respects yes, in some respects no,” and fewer than 5% selected
“yes” (Arnett, 2001, p. 140). Moreover, emerging adults seem to consider individual character qualities (e.g.,
accepting responsibility) to be more salient indicators of having reached adulthood than objective milestones,
such as completing education or becoming a parent (Lopez, Chervinko, Strom, Kinney, & Bradley, 2005). In
short, emerging adults perceive themselves as no longer adolescents, but also not quite adults, and report vague
perceptions of what it will take to feel more like adults.
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A third distinction of emerging adulthood is a prolonged period of identity exploration (Arnett, 2000;
Gerstacker, 2010). Given the relative freedom from life obligations, in tandem with the long-term implications
of many of the decisions that will be made during emerging adulthood, this stage of life represents an
opportunity for significant identity development to occur (Gerstacker, 2010). The freedom to engage in identity
exploration results in the delay of firm decisions regarding adult roles (Schulenberg, Bryant, & O’Malley,
2004). These factors also contribute to an increased self-focus during emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2004). While
some researchers have interpreted these features as resulting from increased narcissism among emerging adults
(e.g., Twenge, 2013), Arnett (2004) conceptualized them as temporary and developmentally normative qualities.
The three most common areas of emerging adult identity exploration are love, work and worldviews (Arnett,
2000). First, emerging adults use their freedom to explore varying levels of commitment with regard to sexual
and romantic relationships (Arnett, 2004), and do so in a time period with unprecedented societal acceptance of
differing sexual and romantic preferences (Garcia, Reiber, Massey, & Merriwether, 2012). Second, significant
identity exploration occurs with regard to professional identity, for which evidence can be found in several
college trends. Emerging adults are increasingly likely to change their majors more than once (Arnett, 2000),
report negative attitudes toward graduation (Lane, 2013a, in press-a; Yazedjian, Kielaszek, & Toews, 2010),
spend more time in college (Arnett, 2004) and experience more career turnover (Wendlandt & Rochlen,
2008) than prior generations. Finally, worldviews represent a third area of identity exploration. With today’s
unprecedented higher education enrollment (National Center for Education Statistics, 2014; Weber, 2012), a
growing number of emerging adults are gaining a more complex understanding of the world around them via
higher education experiences. The impact of the college environment on moral reasoning and cross-cultural
experiences is well documented (e.g., Bowman, 2010). These trends may explain the observations of several
scholars that today’s emerging adults share an unprecedented passion for social justice and community wellbeing
(e.g., Arnett, 2007), especially in urban areas.
Emerging Adult Transitions
A central feature of emerging adulthood is the frequent occurrence of significant life transitions. Each of
these transitions initiates significant role changes that impact social networks, familial support and autonomy.
The influence of life transition on well-being has been well documented and frequently results in periods of
self-doubt, immobilization and denial (Brammer & Abrego, 1981). In contrast to common assumptions that the
transitions associated with emerging adulthood (e.g., college graduation, obtaining employment) are positive
life events, these transitions represent periods of loss (Vickio, 1990) that consist of considerable psychological
distress for some individuals (Lane, in press-a, in press-b; Lee & Gramotnev, 2007). The proceeding section
reviews a growing body of recent research suggesting that the characteristic delay in adult identity formation
in emerging adulthood may increase the degree of loss and difficulty experienced during several normative
transitions.
High school graduation. Conclusions are mixed regarding the assertion that high school graduation is
a critical emerging adult transition. Though some have reported that graduation is associated with increased
quality of parental relationships and decreased depressed mood and delinquent behaviors (Aseltine & Gore,
1993), others have reported significant differences in these trajectories as a function of race and college
attendance (Gore & Aseltine, 2003). Similarly, social and institutional support predicts whether deviant
behaviors increase or decrease after high school (Sampson & Laub, 1990). These findings suggest that the
transition of high school graduation is a positive experience for some emerging adults, but a psychologically
distressing experience for others, especially those who lack social support, do not attend college, or identify as
African American or Latino.
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The transition to professional life among non-college attendees. After high school, the two most common
trajectories are to enter either postsecondary education or the workforce (Arnett, 2004). The transition to
work can be particularly difficult for those who forgo college. These emerging adults attempt to transition
into professional life without the advantage of higher education—a psychologically beneficial resource that
provides important institutional and social support (Raymore, Barber, & Eccles, 2001). Among individuals with
high school diplomas, unemployment rates are highest between the ages of 18 and 19, approaching 20% in
2014 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014). Those who do find work are unlikely to receive a sustainable income,
as mean incomes among emerging adults are drastically lower than for other adult age groups (U.S. Census
Bureau, 2012). Such difficulties are particularly problematic given that unemployment and economically
inadequate employment have been implicated as mental health risks (Dooley, Prause, & Ham-Rowbottom,
2000).
The freshman transition. For those emerging adults who decide to attend college, their adjustment to
college life also represents a significant life transition. In particular, the first year of college is a risk factor for
psychological distress. Bowman (2010) found that among first-generation college freshmen, psychological
well-being significantly decreased throughout the course of the freshman academic year. Similarly, Sharma
(2012) demonstrated that first-year undergraduates experienced significantly greater emotional and social
difficulties than other college students. A prominent focus of first-year transition literature is the important role
of attachment relationships, a construct that will be discussed in greater depth later in this article. In short, the
attachment security of incoming freshmen predicts their overall well-being, as well as their social and academic
adjustment (Kenny & Donaldson, 1991; Larose & Boivin, 1998).
The senior year experience. A small but growing body of recent research has identified potential difficulties
for college seniors preparing to transition out of school (Lane, 2013a, in press-a). The college experience
represents a period of moratorium from many adult responsibilities (Fasick, 1988) and is associated with
increased leisure behaviors compared to individuals who do not attend college (Raymore, Barber, Eccles,
& Godbey, 1999). Given the subjective experience among emerging adults that they have not yet reached
adulthood (Arnett, 2001) and the prevailing societal expectation that college graduation is associated with
adult roles (e.g., entering the workforce, settling down), it is likely that emerging adults increasingly view
graduation as an important signifier of impending life changes for which they do not feel ready (Lane, 2013a).
For example, ambivalence about graduating was one of the primary themes to emerge from a qualitative study
of college seniors (Yazedjian et al., 2010). Other qualitative studies of college seniors have found that students
are frequently anxious about graduating due to the impending changes they will experience in priorities
(Overton-Healy, 2010) and the sense that they lack direction regarding the next phase of life (Allen & Taylor,
2006). Factor analyses of surveys given to college seniors uncovered domains of concern about graduation,
including leaving behind the student lifestyle, the impending loss of friendships and support, the process of
obtaining employment, and the process of applying to graduate school (Pistilli, Taub, & Bennett, 2003). A
recent path analysis revealed significant relationships between these domains of concern and factors such as life
satisfaction, psychological health and attachment security (Lane, in press-a).
Life after college. Given the psychological implications of preparing to leave the college environment, it is
not surprising that the time immediately following college life often presents psychological difficulties as well.
A sample of Australian college graduates voiced concerns about adjusting to life after college and to work life,
referring to this period as a low point of their lives (Perrone & Vickers, 2003). Chickering and Schlossberg
(1998) found that well-being suffered when emerging adult graduates encountered difficulties obtaining
employment. Such findings are especially significant since they contrast overall trends toward increased wellbeing
throughout emerging adulthood (Galambos et al., 2006). That is, while emerging adulthood is associated
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with upward trends in well-being, the time immediately following graduation can alter this trajectory, especially
when emerging adults experience difficulties obtaining employment.
However, emerging adults who do secure postcollege employment are not exempt from transition-related
distress. This transition involves significant changes in attitudes, expectations and levels of preparedness
compared to college life (Polach, 2004; Wendlandt & Rochlen, 2008). Transitioning to the world of work
can be particularly difficult since emerging adults are typically leaving an environment in which they felt
experienced (e.g., high school, college) and becoming inexperienced professionals (Lane, in press-b). More than
half of all college graduates leave their initial place of postcollege employment within two years of graduating
(Wendlandt & Rochlen, 2008), and there is evidence suggesting that this turnover is due to difficulties in
adjusting to professional life for the first time (Sturges & Guest, 2001). Such difficulties seem to frequently
result in experiences of imposter syndrome (i.e., perceiving oneself as incompetent despite evidence of
competence) among emerging adults entering professional life (Lane, in press-b). Other related difficulties
include significant learning curves, less feedback and structure than afforded by the college environment, guilt
about initial levels of work production, and difficulties forming new social networks (Polach, 2004). Similarly,
the results of a survey conducted by Sleap and Reed (2006) suggested that most graduates possess limited
awareness of the impending culture changes they will experience as a result of leaving higher education and
entering the workplace. The importance of this awareness was demonstrated in a longitudinal study in which
emerging adults were tested as college seniors regarding their knowledge about workplace culture, and then
were subsequently tested both six months and one year after entering professional life (Gardner & Lambert,
1993). Those who had more accurate information as seniors were more likely to report job satisfaction at both
subsequent intervals. Buhl (2007) conducted a similar longitudinal study, finding that the subjective quality of
participant parental relationships predicted well-being trajectories during the initial three years of professional
life.
In sum, it is clear that the common transitions experienced during emerging adulthood pose threats to wellbeing
due to role confusion and psychological distress. Given the risks associated with psychological distress,
it is paramount to better understand factors that might promote the maintenance of well-being during periods
of transition in emerging adulthood. Accordingly, a focus of emerging adult research has been examining
constructs that predict positive developmental progressions through these periods of transition. Two such
constructs that have received considerable attention are attachment (e.g., Kenny & Sirin, 2006) and social
support (e.g., Murphy et al., 2010). It seems that emerging adults who feel secure in their relational attachments
and supported by social networks are able to face the developmental challenges of emerging adulthood with
greater confidence and well-being than those who lack support and secure attachments. To better explain the
impact of these constructs on emerging adult development and well-being, the proceeding sections of this article
examine attachment and social support literature pertaining to emerging adulthood.
Attachment
Attachment theory contends that the early relationships people develop with their caregivers inform
attitudes toward help seeking and new learning in times of distress across the lifespan (Bowlby, 1969/1982).
Attachment is defined as the emotional bonds that develop between children and their caregivers beginning
in infancy. Based on repeated experiences of caregiver responsiveness, infants begin to develop beliefs and
expectations regarding the degree to which their physical and emotional needs will be satisfied. According to
attachment theory, these beliefs become internalized as subconscious representations of self and other, which
continue to increase in complexity and broadly inform social interactions throughout the lifespan. Those whose
representations are based on consistent and sufficient caregiver responsiveness are considered securely attached
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and are likely to trust their ability to resolve future needs, either by themselves or by relying on caregivers.
Insecurely attached children, on the other hand, develop expectations that their caregivers cannot be adequately
relied upon in times of need; these children are likely to react to perceived threats with inappropriate levels
of affect (i.e., overactivation or deactivation). These reactions interfere with the children’s development of
effective emotional regulation and with the successful resolution of stressful situations, thereby continuing to
reinforce such responses to future stressful situations (Guttmann-Steinmetz & Crowell, 2006).
This idea positions early attachment relationships as a likely influence on psychological health in emerging
adulthood. The years of later adolescence and early emerging adulthood are a time in which attachment needs
are increasingly fulfilled by peers and romantic partners, as opposed to caregivers (Fraley & Davis, 1997). Thus,
the relative security of parental attachment representations is likely to inform interpersonal trust and intimacy,
as well as the ability to seek the meeting of attachment needs from others (Schnyders & Lane, 2014). In fact,
frequency of contact with parents during emerging adulthood is negatively associated with subjective closeness
to parents (Hiester, Nordstrom, & Swenson, 2009), while geographical distance from parents is positively
associated with psychological adjustment (Dubas & Petersen, 1996). Younger emerging adults are likely to
begin experimenting with independence, though they often still use parents or caregivers as attachment figures
in times of distress (Fraley & Davis, 1997; Kenny, 1987).
Bartholomew and Horowitz (1991) conducted what was perhaps the first study to consider the relevance
of attachment to the unique needs of young adult populations. They demonstrated several trajectories in
interpersonal functioning on the basis of attachment functioning. In the study, attachment was conceptualized
as occurring across dimensions of self and other: secure (positive representations of self and other), anxious
(negative representations of self, positive representations of other), dismissive-avoidant (positive representations
of self, negative representations of other), and fearful-avoidant (negative representations of self and other).
Such a conceptualization has become a standard for contemporary adult attachment research (Brennan, Clark,
& Shaver, 1998). Fearful-avoidant participants seemed to struggle with interpersonal passivity. Dismissiveavoidance
was “related to a lack of warmth in social interactions” (Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991, p. 234).
The interpersonal problems of anxious participants suggested control seeking or overinvolvement in the affairs
of their peers. These findings corroborate more recent conceptualizations of insecure attachments in adulthood
(Brennan et al., 1998; Mallinckrodt, 2000). Specifically, individuals with elevated attachment anxiety are likely
to respond to distress with a hyperactivated strategy, heightening awareness of their distress and causing them
to seek inappropriate levels of interpersonal dependence. Conversely, individuals with elevated attachment
avoidance are likely to respond to distress with a deactivated strategy, inhibiting awareness of negative affect
and preventing them from seeking support from others.
A growing body of emerging adult research supports the importance of healthy attachment functioning for
various psychological outcomes during emerging adulthood. Attachment is a crucial predictor of well-being
trajectories at many key emerging adult transition points (Lane, 2014), including the first year of college (Kenny
& Donaldson, 1991), the last year of college (Lane, in press-a) and the postcollege years (Kenny & Sirin,
2006). For example, one study tracked Israeli males from their final year of high school through their third
year away from home for compulsory military service (Scharf, Mayseless, & Kivenson-Baron, 2004). Securely
attached individuals demonstrated better coping strategies and higher capacity for intimacy during their military
service than those with insecure attachments. More generally, attachment security in emerging adulthood also
influences self-reinforcement capacity and reassurance needs (Wei, Mallinckrodt, Larson, & Zakalik, 2005),
affect regulation and resilience (Karreman & Vingerhoets, 2012), perceived self-worth (Kenny & Sirin, 2006),
dysfunctional attitudes and self-esteem (Roberts, Gotlib, & Kassel, 1996), self-compassion and empathy toward
others (Wei, Liao, Ku, & Shaffer, 2011), self-organization strategies (Lopez, Mitchell, & Gormley, 2002), and
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identification with emerging adulthood (Schnyders, 2014; Schnyders & Lane, 2014). Many of these factors
illustrate the importance of attachment functioning in developing healthy and supportive interpersonal social
networks.
Social Support
The construct of social support refers to social relationships or interactions that provide individuals with
actual or perceived assistance (Sarason et al., 1991). Social support is psychologically beneficial in its capacity
to mitigate stress during stressful situations (e.g., Ditzen et al., 2008), an idea commonly referred to as the
stress buffering hypothesis (Cohen & McKay, 1984). A wealth of recent research has strongly suggested that
social support is particularly salient during emerging adulthood, as this is a life period marked with numerous
transitions and opportunities to experience distress. In a qualitative study of emerging adults who had recently
transitioned into professional life, social support was the most prominent theme related to adjustment (Murphy
et al., 2010); those who reported relational isolation also struggled with unpreparedness for new financial
obligations and feeling that their expectations about life after college were left unfulfilled. Mortimer et al.
(2002) reported similar findings. Wendlandt and Rochlen (2008), noting that social support is often lacking
in the transition out of college and into the work force, urged college counselors to develop interventions
aimed at increasing perceived support. This idea was supported in a study of college graduates who had
recently relocated to a metropolitan area and were adjusting to their first year of professional life (Polach,
2004). Participants reported frustration and difficulties trying to establish new peer groups outside the college
environment. They also cited the importance of a sense of belonging as the primary reason for moving to a city
after graduating. Clearly, ample evidence supports the protective qualities of social support for emerging adults
transitioning into professional life.
Moreover, social support also seems to be important during other emerging adult transitions. In one
qualitative study, emerging adult participants described the ability to understand friendship dynamics as an
important component in the subjective experience of reaching adulthood (Lopez et al., 2005). Examples of
understanding friendship dynamics included the maintenance of preexisting friendships, changes in friendships
based on varying maturation rates, and understanding the importance of the social network. In another study,
first-year college students seemed to adjust more effectively to college life when the support they received
from family members shifted from actions consistent with parental attachment to actions consistent with
social support (Kenny, 1987). In a multiethnic sample of urban high school students, perceived social support
predicted aspirations for career success, positive beliefs pertaining to achieving career goals and the importance
of work in the future (Kenny, Blustein, Chaves, Grossman, & Gallagher, 2003).
Several longitudinal studies also have demonstrated relationships between aspects of social support and
various elements of positive adjustment in emerging adulthood. A large study that tracked individuals for
nearly 30 years beginning at age 7 (Masten et al., 2004) found that social quality was an aspect of resilience
and predicted success in various emerging adult developmental tasks (e.g., academic attainment). Moreover,
success with these tasks predicted success in postemerging adult developmental tasks (e.g., parenting quality,
romantic success, work success). O’Connor et al. (2011) found perceived quality of peer relationships to predict
positive development in emerging adulthood, which they conceptualized to include life satisfaction, trust and
civic engagement. Galambos et al. (2006), in a longitudinal study tracking nearly 1,000 Canadian participants
throughout the course of emerging adulthood, found that increases in social support were significantly
correlated with increases in well-being.
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These findings suggest that the degree to which emerging adults are able to develop and rely upon support
networks directly impacts their ability to adapt to various normative experiences and transitions. Given
the aforementioned discussion regarding emerging adult attachment, it is likely that these two constructs
(attachment and social support) are of shared importance during such transitions. That is, attachment
representations inform one’s capacity for positive interpersonal interactions (Mallinckrodt & Wei, 2005), and in
this way, attachment and social support collectively facilitate transition processes in emerging adulthood (Lane,
2014; Larose & Boivin, 1998).
Implications for Counseling Emerging Adults
Counseling professionals who work in mental health or university settings are uniquely positioned to
intervene with emerging adult clients and to foster resilience and well-being during this turbulent life phase.
If counselors are to be effective working with the many challenges that emerging adults face, it is necessary
to better understand factors that predict well-being during life transition. The aforementioned literature
demonstrates the protective qualities of social support for emerging adults in transition. Emerging adults who
are able to rely on positive social relationships during life transitions derive higher psychological well-being,
life satisfaction and positive affect (Lane, 2014). Accordingly, counselors would be wise to assist their emerging
adult clients in cultivating supportive social relationships. While counseling is a supportive relationship unto
itself (Slade, 2008), the degree to which emerging adults in transition are able to derive satisfaction from a
number of supportive relationships seems to directly impact the experience of well-being during transition. In
this regard, counselors are encouraged to recognize the unprecedented complexity of emerging adult support
networks (Arnett, 2007; Garcia et al., 2012; Manago, Taylor, & Greenfield, 2012) due to the proliferation of
social media and changing attitudes toward romantic relationships.
Moreover, social support is not limited to interpersonal relationships, but also includes structural and
institutional forms of support (Masten et al., 2004). Thus, possessing knowledge of community programs and
resources available to emerging adults also is imperative when working with this age group. Support can be
enhanced through transition-specific programs (e.g., Lane, 2013a; Yeadon, 2010) that provide information about
future expectations and strengthen coping skills (Wendlandt & Rochlen, 2008). Further benefits can be derived
as counselors work with their clients to rely on these support systems during times of transition.
As the literature further suggests, one’s degree of attachment security will impact the ability to develop and
rely upon social support. Thus, excessive attachment anxiety or avoidance could pose challenges to working
with emerging adults on support utilization. Accordingly, counselors of emerging adults should be aware of
this potential therapeutic roadblock; they also should be prepared to intervene to develop corrective attachment
experiences with their clients. Mallinckrodt (2000) suggested an approach in which clinicians utilize the
therapeutic relationship to promote secure attachment strategies. The focus of this approach is maintaining
relational boundaries through anticipating how clients might resist such boundaries. That is, because elevated
attachment anxiety promotes a desire for maladaptive interpersonal dependence (Brennan et al., 1998),
counselors should work to establish greater interpersonal distance than their anxiously attached clients would
prefer (Mallinckrodt, 2000). Similarly, since elevated attachment avoidance promotes a desire for maladaptive
interpersonal isolation, counselors should seek greater interpersonal closeness than their avoidant-attached
clients would prefer. While doing so, clinicians should monitor the affective experience of their clients as a
result of the therapeutic relationship, and should assist their clients in self-monitoring as well. This process
can facilitate client awareness of attachment tendencies and enhance mindfulness about communicating future
relational needs.
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Other helpful suggestions come from a qualitative study of experienced therapists who worked toward
corrective attachment experiences with their clients (Daly & Mallinckrodt, 2009). The therapists in the sample
suggested that therapeutic boundaries should be reevaluated over the course of therapy. These therapists also
emphasized the importance of sensitivity to client defenses early in the therapeutic relationship, and suggested
several strategies for both managing boundaries and combating resistance. Such strategies included intentional
disclosure of feelings toward client patterns, fostering a sense of consistency and dependability about
counseling, and developing an awareness of the temporary nature of the therapeutic relationship, beginning
at the onset of therapy. These considerations may aid counselors in helping emerging adult clients work past
insecure attachment patterns to develop healthy social relationships that can be utilized to facilitate emerging
adult transition.
More broadly, the preceding literature review speaks to the importance of counselors acknowledging the
changing landscapes of young adulthood. Current trends in the media seem to advance a narrative that today’s
young adults are narcissistic, entitled and lazy. While the veracity of such labels is a focus of current debate
in the research community (for an overview of this debate, see Arnett, 2013 and Twenge, 2013), the narrative
that these labels perpetuate is not conducive to an empathic understanding of the needs of those in this age
group. Thus, counselors are encouraged to consider Arnett’s (2004) theory of emerging adulthood when
conceptualizing their work with emerging adult clients. This theory indirectly encourages counselors to honor
the process of emerging adulthood, during which it is normative to engage in numerous behaviors that are
often negatively misconstrued. Specifically, emerging adults are likely to (a) frequently move out and back into
the parental household (which could be construed as parental enmeshment), (b) engage in prolonged identity
exploration (which could be construed as laziness), (c) possess vague subjective understandings regarding the
realization of adult identities (which could be construed as lack of direction), (d) think optimistically about the
future (which could be construed as entitlement) and (e) temporarily possess a heightened self-focus (which
could be construed as narcissism). Thus, acknowledging and normalizing these characteristics, even if they
might constitute relatively recent phenomena, is important for fostering empathic understanding between
counselors and their emerging adult clients.
Conclusions
Emerging adults navigate many significant life and role transitions with important long-term implications.
These transitions can induce great pressure and distress for some emerging adults, increasing their likelihood of
experiencing many of the risks commonly associated with this age group. Thus, it is important that counselors
understand the unique dynamics of emerging adulthood, especially given the myriad ways that this group has
changed and evolved compared to prior young adult generations. In particular, the aforementioned literature
suggests that counselors may find success with their emerging adult clients by working to enhance social
support and correct potential insecure attachment behaviors, as well as by incorporating emerging adult theory
to conceptualize client behaviors and perspectives. Though emerging adulthood is often a time of turmoil and
instability, it is also a period rife with opportunities and possibilities, thus providing the potential for deeply
rewarding and transformative counseling experiences.
Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The author reported no conflict of
interest or funding contributions for
the development of this manuscript.
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