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From
The Theory of the
Leisure Class
by Thorstein Veblen
1899
Chapter IV
CONSPICUOUS CONSUMPTION
In what has been said of the evolution of the vicarious
leisure class and its differentiation from the general body
of the working classes, reference has been made to a
further division of labour,—that between the different
servant classes. One portion of the servant class, chiefly
those persons whose occupation is vicarious leisure, come
to undertake a new, subsidiary range of duties—the
vicarious consumption of goods. The most obvious form in
which this consumption occurs is seen in the wearing of
liveries and the occupation of spacious servants’ quarters.
Another, scarcely less obtrusive or less effective form of
vicarious consumption, and a much more widely prevalent
one, is the consumption of food, clothing, dwelling, and
furniture by the lady and the rest of the domestic
establishment.
But already at a point in economic evolution far antedating
the emergence of the lady, specialised consumption of
goods as an evidence of pecuniary strength had begun to
work out in a more or less elaborate system. The beginning
of a differentiation in consumption even antedates the
appearance of anything that can fairly be called pecuniary
strength. It is traceable back to the initial phase of
predatory culture, and there is even a suggestion that an
incipient differentiation in this respect lies back of the
beginnings of the predatory life. This most
primitivedifferentiation in the consumption of goods is like
the later differentiation with which we are all so intimately
familiar, in that it is largely of a ceremonial character, but
unlike the latter it does not rest on a difference in
accumulated wealth. The utility of consumption as an
evidence of wealth is to be classed as a derivative growth.
It is an adaption to a new end, by a selective process, of a
distinction previously existing and well established in
men’s habits of thought.
In the earlier phases of the predatory culture the only
economic differentiation is a broad distinction between an
honourable superior class made up of the able-bodied men
on the one side, and a base inferior class of labouring
women on the other. According to the ideal scheme of life
in force at the time it is the office of the men to consume
what the women produce. Such consumption as falls to the
women is merely incidental to their work; it is a means to
their continued labour, and not a consumption directed to
their own comfort and fulness of life. Unproductive
consumption of goods is honourable, primarily as a mark
of prowess and a perquisite of human dignity; secondarily
it becomes substantially honourable to itself, especially the
consumption of the more desirable things. The
consumption of choice articles of food, and frequently also
of rare articles of adornment, becomes tabu to the women
and children; and if there is a base (servile) class of men,
the tabu holds also for them. With a further advance in
culture this tabu may change into simple custom of a more
or less rigorous character; but whatever be the theoretical
basis of the distinction which is maintained, whether it be
a tabu or a larger conventionality, the features of the
conventional scheme of consumption do not change easily.
When the quasi-peaceable stage of industry is reached,
with its fundamental institution of chattel slavery, the
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general principle, more or less rigorously applied, is that
the base, industrious class should consume only what may
be necessary to their subsistence. In the nature of things,
luxuries and the comforts of life belong to the leisure class.
Under the tabu, certain victuals, and more particularly
certain beverages, are strictly reserved for the use of the
superior class.
The ceremonial differentiation of the dietary is best seen in
the use of intoxicating beverages and narcotics. If these
articles of consumption are costly, they are felt to be noble
and honorific. Therefore the base classes, primarily the
women, practice an enforced continence with respect to
these stimulants, except in countries where they are
obtainable at a very low cost. From archaic times down
through all the length of the patriarchal regime it has been
the office of the women to prepare and administer these
luxuries, and it has been the perquisite of the men of gentle
birth and breeding to consume them. Drunkenness and the
other pathological consequences of the free use of
stimulants therefore tend in their turn to become honorific,
as being a mark, at the second remove, of the superior
status of those who are able to afford the indulgence.
Infirmities induced by over-indulgence are among some
peoples freely recognised as manly attributes. It has even
happened that the name for certain diseased conditions of
the body arising from such an origin has passed into
everyday speech as a synonym for “noble” or “gentle”. It
is only at a relatively early stage of culture that the
symptoms of expensive vice are conventionally accepted
as marks of a superior status, and so tend to become
virtues and command the deference of the community; but
the reputability that attaches to certain expensive vices
long retains so much of its force as to appreciably lesson
the disapprobation visited upon the men of the wealthy or
noble class for any excessive indulgence. The same
invidious distinction adds force to the current disapproval
of any indulgence of this kind on the part of women,
minors, and inferiors. This invidious traditional distinction
has not lost its force even among the more advanced
peoples of today. Where the example set by the leisure
class retains its imperative force in the regulation of the
conventionalities, it is observable that the women still in
great measure practise the same traditional continence with
regard to stimulants.
This characterisation of the greater continence in the use of
stimulants practised by the women of the reputable classes
may seem an excessive refinement of logic at the expense
of common sense. But facts within easy reach of any one
who cares to know them go to say that the greater
abstinence of women is in some part due to an imperative
conventionality; and this conventionality is, in a general
way, strongest where the patriarchal tradition—the
tradition that the woman is a chattel—has retained its hold
in greatest vigour. In a sense which has been greatly
qualified in scope and rigour, but which has by no means
lost its meaning even yet, this tradition says that the
woman, being a chattel, should consume only what is
necessary to her sustenance,—except so far as her further
consumption contributes to the comfort or the good repute
of her master. The consumption of luxuries, in the true
sense, is a consumption directed to the comfort of the
consumer himself, and is, therefore, a mark of the master.
Any such consumption by others can take place only on a
basis of sufferance. In communities where the popular
habits of thought have been profoundly shaped by the
patriarchal tradition we may accordingly look for survivals
of the tabu on luxuries at least to the extent of a
conventional deprecation of their use by the unfree and
dependent class. This is more particularly true as regards
certain luxuries, the use of which by the dependent class
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would detract sensibly from the comfort or pleasure of
their masters, or which are held to be of doubtful
legitimacy on other grounds. In the apprehension of the
great conservative middle class of Western civilisation the
use of these various stimulants is obnoxious to at least one,
if not both, of these objections; and it is a fact too
significant to be passed over that it is precisely among
these middle classes of the Germanic culture, with their
strong surviving sense of the patriarchal proprieties, that
the women are to the greatest extent subject to a qualified
tabu on narcotics and alcoholic beverages. With many
qualifications—with more qualifications as the patriarchal
tradition has gradually weakened—the general rule is felt
to be right and binding that women should consume only
for the benefit of their masters. The objection of course
presents itself that expenditure on women’s dress and
household paraphernalia is an obvious exception to this
rule; but it will appear in the sequel that this exception is
much more obvious than substantial.
During the earlier stages of economic development,
consumption of goods without stint, especially
consumption of the better grades of goods,—ideally all
consumption in excess of the subsistence minimum,—
pertains normally to the leisure class. This restriction tends
to disappear, at least formally, after the later peaceable
stage has been reached, with private ownership of goods
and an industrial system based on wage labour or on the
petty household economy. But during the earlier quasipeaceable
stage, when so many of the traditions through
which the institution of a leisure class has affected the
economic life of later times were taking form and
consistency, this principle has had the force of a
conventional law. It has served as the norm to which
consumption has tended to conform, and any appreciable
departure from it is to be regarded as an aberrant form,
sure to be eliminated sooner or later in the further course
of development.
The quasi-peaceable gentleman of leisure, then, not only
consumes of the staff of life beyond the minimum required
for subsistence and physical efficiency, but his
consumption also undergoes a specialisation as regards the
quality of the goods consumed. He consumes freely and of
the best, in food, drink, narcotics, shelter, services,
ornaments, apparel, weapons and accoutrements,
amusements, amulets, and idols or divinities. In the
process of gradual amelioration which takes place in the
articles of his consumption, the motive principle and
proximate aim of innovation is no doubt the higher
efficiency of the improved and more elaborate products for
personal comfort and well-being. But that does not remain
the sole purpose of their consumption. The canon of
reputability is at hand and seizes upon such innovations as
are, according to its standard, fit to survive. Since the
consumption of these more excellent goods is an evidence
of wealth, it becomes honorific; and conversely, the failure
to consume in due quantity and quality becomes a mark of
inferiority and demerit.
This growth of punctilious discrimination as to qualitative
excellence in eating, drinking, etc. presently affects not
only the manner of life, but also the training and
intellectual activity of the gentleman of leisure. He is no
longer simply the successful, aggressive male,—the man
of strength, resource, and intrepidity. In order to avoid
stultification he must also cultivate his tastes, for it now
becomes incumbent on him to discriminate with some
nicety between the noble and the ignoble in consumable
goods. He becomes a connoisseur in creditable viands of
various degrees of merit, in manly beverages and trinkets,
in seemly apparel and architecture, in weapons, games,
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dancers, and the narcotics. This cultivation of aesthetic
faculty requires time and application, and the demands
made upon the gentleman in this direction therefore tend to
change his life of leisure into a more or less arduous
application to the business of learning how to live a life of
ostensible leisure in a becoming way. Closely related to
the requirement that the gentleman must consume freely
and of the right kind of goods, there is the requirement that
he must know how to consume them in a seemly manner.
His life of leisure must be conducted in due form. Hence
arise good manners in the way pointed out in an earlier
chapter. High-bred manners and ways of living are items
of conformity to the norm of conspicuous leisure and
conspicuous consumption.
Conspicuous consumption of valuable goods is a means of
reputability to the gentleman of leisure. As wealth
accumulates on his hands, his own unaided effort will not
avail to sufficiently put his opulence in evidence by this
method. The aid of friends and competitors is therefore
brought in by resorting to the giving of valuable presents
and expensive feasts and entertainments. Presents and
feasts had probably another origin than that of naive
ostentation, but they required their utility for this purpose
very early, and they have retained that character to the
present; so that their utility in this respect has now long
been the substantial ground on which these usages rest.
Costly entertainments, such as the potlatch or the ball, are
peculiarly adapted to serve this end. The competitor with
whom the entertainer wishes to institute a comparison is,
by this method, made to serve as a means to the end. He
consumes vicariously for his host at the same time that he
is witness to the consumption of that excess of good things
which his host is unable to dispose of single-handed, and
he is also made to witness his host’s facility in etiquette.
In the giving of costly entertainments other motives, of
more genial kind, are of course also present. The custom of
festive gatherings probably originated in motives of
conviviality and religion; these motives are also present in
the later development, but they do not continue to be the
sole motives. The latter-day leisure-class festivities and
entertainments may continue in some slight degree to serve
the religious need and in a higher degree the needs of
recreation and conviviality, but they also serve an
invidious purpose; and they serve it none the less
effectually for having a colorable non-invidious ground in
these more avowable motives. But the economic effect of
these social amenities is not therefore lessened, either in
the vicarious consumption of goods or in the exhibition of
difficult and costly achievements in etiquette.
As wealth accumulates, the leisure class develops further
in function and structure, and there arises a differentiation
within the class. There is a more or less elaborate system
of rank and grades. This differentiation is furthered by the
inheritance of wealth and the consequent inheritance of
gentility. With the inheritance of gentility goes the
inheritance of obligatory leisure; and gentility of a
sufficient potency to entail a life of leisure may be
inherited without the complement of wealth required to
maintain a dignified leisure. Gentle blood may be
transmitted without goods enough to afford a reputably
free consumption at one’s ease. Hence results a class of
impecunious gentlemen of leisure, incidentally referred to
already. These half-caste gentlemen of leisure fall into a
system of hierarchical gradations. Those who stand near
the higher and the highest grades of the wealthy leisure
class, in point of birth, or in point of wealth, or both,
outrank the remoter-born and the pecuniarily weaker.
These lower grades, especially the impecunious, or
marginal, gentlemen of leisure, affiliate themselves by a
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system of dependence or fealty to the great ones; by so
doing they gain an increment of repute, or of the means
with which to lead a life of leisure, from their patron. They
become his courtiers or retainers, servants; and being fed
and countenanced by their patron they are indices of his
rank and vicarious consumer of his superfluous wealth.
Many of these affiliated gentlemen of leisure are at the
same time lesser men of substance in their own right; so
that some of them are scarcely at all, others only partially,
to be rated as vicarious consumers. So many of them,
however, as make up the retainer and hangers-on of the
patron may be classed as vicarious consumer without
qualification. Many of these again, and also many of the
other aristocracy of less degree, have in turn attached to
their persons a more or less comprehensive group of
vicarious consumer in the persons of their wives and
children, their servants, retainers, etc.
Throughout this graduated scheme of vicarious leisure and
vicarious consumption the rule holds that these offices
must be performed in some such manner, or under some
such circumstance or insignia, as shall point plainly to the
master to whom this leisure or consumption pertains, and
to whom therefore the resulting increment of good repute
of right inures. The consumption and leisure executed by
these persons for their master or patron represents an
investment on his part with a view to an increase of good
fame. As regards feasts and largesses this is obvious
enough, and the imputation of repute to the host or patron
here takes place immediately, on the ground of common
notoriety . Where leisure and consumption is performed
vicariously by henchmen and retainers, imputation of the
resulting repute to the patron is effected by their residing
near his person so that it may be plain to all men from
what source they draw. As the group whose good esteem is
to be secured in this way grows larger, more patent means
are required to indicate the imputation of merit for the
leisure performed, and to this end uniforms, badges, and
liveries come into vogue. The wearing of uniforms or
liveries implies a considerable degree of dependence, and
may even be said to be a mark of servitude, real or
ostensible. The wearers of uniforms and liveries may be
roughly divided into two classes-the free and the servile, or
the noble and the ignoble. The services performed by them
are likewise divisible into noble and ignoble. Of course the
distinction is not observed with strict consistency in
practice; the less debasing of the base services and the less
honorific of the noble functions are not infrequently
merged in the same person. But the general distinction is
not on that account to be overlooked. What may add some
perplexity is the fact that this fundamental distinction
between noble and ignoble, which rests on the nature of
the ostensible service performed, is traversed by a
secondary distinction into honorific and humiliating,
resting on the rank of the person for whom the service is
performed or whose livery is worn. So, those offices which
are by right the proper employment of the leisure class are
noble; such as government, fighting, hunting, the care of
arms and accoutrements, and the like—in short, those
which may be classed as ostensibly predatory
employments. On the other hand, those employments
which properly fall to the industrious class are ignoble;
such as handicraft or other productive labor, menial
services and the like. But a base service performed for a
person of very high degree may become a very honorific
office; as for instance the office of a Maid of Honor or of a
Lady in Waiting to the Queen, or the King’s Master of the
Horse or his Keeper of the Hounds. The two offices last
named suggest a principle of some general bearing.
Whenever, as in these cases, the menial service in question
has to do directly with the primary leisure employments of
fighting and hunting, it easily acquires a reflected
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honorific character. In this way great honor may come to
attach to an employment which in its own nature belongs
to the baser sort.
In the later development of peaceable industry, the usage
of employing an idle corps of uniformed men-at-arms
gradually lapses. Vicarious consumption by dependents
bearing the insignia of their patron or master narrows
down to a corps of liveried menials. In a heightened
degree, therefore, the livery comes to be a badge of
servitude, or rather servility. Something of a honorific
character always attached to the livery of the armed
retainer, but this honorific character disappears when the
livery becomes the exclusive badge of the menial. The
livery becomes obnoxious to nearly all who are required to
wear it. We are yet so little removed from a state of
effective slavery as still to be fully sensitive to the sting of
any imputation of servility. This antipathy asserts itself
even in the case of the liveries or uniforms which some
corporations prescribe as the distinctive dress of their
employees. In this country the aversion even goes the
length of discrediting—in a mild and uncertain way—
those government employments, military and civil, which
require the wearing of a livery or uniform.
With the disappearance of servitude, the number of
vicarious consumers attached to any one gentleman tends,
on the whole, to decrease. The like is of course true, and
perhaps in a still higher degree, of the number of
dependents who perform vicarious leisure for him. In a
general way, though not wholly nor consistently, these two
groups coincide. The dependent who was first delegated
for these duties was the wife, or the chief wife; and, as
would be expected, in the later development of the
institution, when the number of persons by whom these
duties are customarily performed gradually narrows, the
wife remains the last. In the higher grades of society a
large volume of both these kinds of service is required; and
here the wife is of course still assisted in the work by a
more or less numerous corps of menials. But as we
descend the social scale, the point is presently reached
where the duties of vicarious leisure and consumption
devolve upon the wife alone. In the communities of the
Western culture, this point is at present found among the
lower middle class.
And here occurs a curious inversion. It is a fact of common
observance that in this lower middle class there is no
pretense of leisure on the part of the head of the household.
Through force of circumstances it has fallen into disuse.
But the middle-class wife still carries on the business of
vicarious leisure, for the good name of the household and
its master. In descending the social scale in any modern
industrial community, the primary fact-the conspicuous
leisure of the master of the household-disappears at a
relatively high point. The head of the middle-class
household has been reduced by economic circumstances to
turn his hand to gaining a livelihood by occupations which
often partake largely of the character of industry, as in the
case of the ordinary business man of today. But the
derivative fact-the vicarious leisure and consumption
rendered by the wife, and the auxiliary vicarious
performance of leisure by menials-remains in vogue as a
conventionality which the demands of reputability will not
suffer to be slighted. It is by no means an uncommon
spectacle to find a man applying himself to work with the
utmost assiduity, in order that his wife may in due form
render for him that degree of vicarious leisure which the
common sense of the time demands.
The leisure rendered by the wife in such cases is, of
course, not a simple manifestation of idleness or indolence.
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It almost invariably occurs disguised under some form of
work or household duties or social amenities, which prove
on analysis to serve little or no ulterior end beyond
showing that she does not occupy herself with anything
that is gainful or that is of substantial use. As has already
been noticed under the head of manners, the greater part of
the customary round of domestic cares to which the
middle-class housewife gives her time and effort is of this
character. Not that the results of her attention to household
matters, of a decorative and mundificatory character, are
not pleasing to the sense of men trained in middle-class
proprieties; but the taste to which these effects of
household adornment and tidiness appeal is a taste which
has been formed under the selective guidance of a canon of
propriety that demands just these evidences of wasted
effort. The effects are pleasing to us chiefly because we
have been taught to find them pleasing. There goes into
these domestic duties much solicitude for a proper
combination of form and color, and for other ends that are
to be classed as aesthetic in the proper sense of the term;
and it is not denied that effects having some substantial
aesthetic value are sometimes attained. Pretty much all that
is here insisted on is that, as regards these amenities of life,
the housewife’s efforts are under the guidance of traditions
that have been shaped by the law of conspicuously
wasteful expenditure of time and substance. If beauty or
comfort is achieved-and it is a more or less fortuitous
circumstance if they are-they must be achieved by means
and methods that commend themselves to the great
economic law of wasted effort. The more reputable,
“presentable” portion of middle-class household
paraphernalia are, on the one hand, items of conspicuous
consumption, and on the other hand, apparatus for putting
in evidence the vicarious leisure rendered by the
housewife.
The requirement of vicarious consumption at the hands of
the wife continues in force even at a lower point in the
pecuniary scale than the requirement of vicarious leisure.
At a point below which little if any pretense of wasted
effort, in ceremonial cleanness and the like, is observable,
and where there is assuredly no conscious attempt at
ostensible leisure, decency still requires the wife to
consume some goods conspicuously for the reputability of
the household and its head. So that, as the latter-day
outcome of this evolution of an archaic institution, the
wife, who was at the outset the drudge and chattel of the
man, both in fact and in theory—the producer of goods for
him to consume—has become the ceremonial consumer of
goods which he produces. But she still quite unmistakably
remains his chattel in theory; for the habitual rendering of
vicarious leisure and consumption is the abiding mark of
the unfree servant.
This vicarious consumption practiced by the household of
the middle and lower classes can not be counted as a direct
expression of the leisure-class scheme of life, since the
household of this pecuniary grade does not belong within
the leisure class. It is rather that the leisure-class scheme of
life here comes to an expression at the second remove. The
leisure class stands at the head of the social structure in
point of reputability; and its manner of life and its
standards of worth therefore afford the norm of
reputability for the community. The observance of these
standards, in some degree of approximation, becomes
incumbent upon all classes lower in the scale. In modern
civilized communities the lines of demarcation between
social classes have grown vague and transient, and
wherever this happens the norm of reputability imposed by
the upper class extends its coercive influence with but
slight hindrance down through the social structure to the
lowest strata. The result is that the members of each
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stratum accept as their ideal of decency the scheme of life
in vogue in the next higher stratum, and bend their
energies to live up to that ideal. On pain of forfeiting their
good name and their self-respect in case of failure, they
must conform to the accepted code, at least in appearance.
The basis on which good repute in any highly organized
industrial community ultimately rests is pecuniary
strength; and the means of showing pecuniary strength,
and so of gaining or retaining a good name, are leisure and
a conspicuous consumption of goods. Accordingly, both of
these methods are in vogue as far down the scale as it
remains possible; and in the lower strata in which the two
methods are employed, both offices are in great part
delegated to the wife and children of the household. Lower
still, where any degree of leisure, even ostensible, has
become impracticable for the wife, the conspicuous
consumption of goods remains and is carried on by the
wife and children. The man of the household also can do
something in this direction, and indeed, he commonly
does; but with a still lower descent into the levels of
indigence—along the margin of the slums—the man, and
presently also the children, virtually cease to consume
valuable goods for appearances, and the woman remains
virtually the sole exponent of the household’s pecuniary
decency. No class of society, not even the most abjectly
poor, forgoes all customary conspicuous consumption. The
last items of this category of consumption are not given up
except under stresS of the direst necessity. Very much of
squalor and discomfort will be endured before the last
trinket or the last pretense of pecuniary decency is put
away. There is no class and no country that has yielded so
abjectly before the pressure of physical want as to deny
themselves all gratification of this higher or spiritual need.
From the foregoing survey of the growth of conspicuous
leisure and consumption, it appears that the utility of both
alike for the purposes of reputability lies in the element of
waste that is common to both. In the one case it is a waste
of time and effort, in the other it is a waste of goods. Both
are methods of demonstrating the possession of wealth,
and the two are conventionally accepted as equivalents.
The choice between them is a question of advertising
expediency simply, except so far as it may be affected by
other standards of propriety, springing from a different
source. On grounds of expediency the preference may be
given to the one or the other at different stages of the
economic development. The question is, which of the two
methods will most effectively reach the persons whose
convictions it is desired to affect. Usage has answered this
question in different ways under different circumstances.
So long as the community or social group is small enough
and compact enough to be effectually reached by common
notoriety alone that is to say, so long as the human
environment to which the individual is required to adapt
himself in respect of reputability is comprised within his
sphere of personal acquaintance and neighborhood
gossip—so long the one method is about as effective as the
other. Each will therefore serve about equally well during
the earlier stages of social growth. But when the
differentiation has gone farther and it becomes necessary
to reach a wider human environment, consumption begins
to hold over leisure as an ordinary means of decency. This
is especially true during the later, peaceable economic
stage. The means of communication and the mobility of
the population now expose the individual to the
observation of many persons who have no other means of
judging of his reputability than the display of goods (and
perhaps of breeding) which he is able to make while he is
under their direct observation.
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The modern organization of industry works in the same
direction also by another line. The exigencies of the
modern industrial system frequently place individuals and
households in juxtaposition between whom there is little
contact in any other sense than that of juxtaposition. One’s
neighbors, mechanically speaking, often are socially not
one’s neighbors, or even acquaintances; and still their
transient good opinion has a high degree of utility. The
only practicable means of impressing one’s pecuniary
ability on these unsympathetic observers of one’s everyday
life is an unremitting demonstration of ability to pay. In
the modern community there is also a more frequent
attendance at large gatherings of people to whom one’s
everyday life is unknown; in such places as churches,
theaters, ballrooms, hotels, parks, shops, and the like. In
order to impress these transient observers, and to retain
one’s self-complacency under their observation, the
signature of one’s pecuniary strength should be written in
characters which he who runs may read. It is evident,
therefore, that the present trend of the development is in
the direction of heightening the utility of conspicuous
consumption as compared with leisure.
It is also noticeable that the serviceability of consumption
as a means of repute, as well as the insistence on it as an
element of decency, is at its best in those portions of the
community where the human contact of the individual is
widest and the mobility of the population is greatest.
Conspicuous consumption claims a relatively larger
portion of the income of the urban than of the rural
population, and the claim is also more imperative. The
result is that, in order to keep up a decent appearance, the
former habitually live hand-to-mouth to a greater extent
than the latter. So it comes, for instance, that the American
farmer and his wife and daughters are notoriously less
modish in their dress, as well as less urbane in their
manners, than the city artisan’s family with an equal
income. It is not that the city population is by nature much
more eager for the peculiar complacency that comes of a
conspicuous consumption, nor has the rural population less
regard for pecuniary decency. But the provocation to this
line of evidence, as well as its transient effectiveness, is
more decided in the city. This method is therefore more
readily resorted to, and in the struggle to outdo one another
the city population push their normal standard of
conspicuous consumption to a higher point, with the result
that a relatively greater expenditure in this direction is
required to indicate a given degree of pecuniary decency in
the city. The requirement of conformity to this higher
conventional standard becomes mandatory. The standard
of decency is higher, class for class, and this requirement
of decent appearance must be lived up to on pain of losing
caste.
Consumption becomes a larger element in the standard of
living in the city than in the country. Among the country
population its place is to some extent taken by savings and
home comforts known through the medium of
neighborhood gossip sufficiently to serve the like general
purpose of Pecuniary repute. These home comforts and the
leisure indulged in—where the indulgence is found—are
of course also in great part to be classed as items of
conspicuous consumption; and much the same is to be said
of the savings. The smaller amount of the savings laid by
by the artisan class is no doubt due, in some measure, to
the fact that in the case of the artisan the savings are a less
effective means of advertisement, relative to the
environment in which he is placed, than are the savings of
the people living on farms and in the small villages.
Among the latter, everybody’s affairs, especially
everybody’s pecuniary status, are known to everybody
10
else. Considered by itself simply—taken in the first
degree—this added provocation to which the artisan and
the urban laboring classes are exposed may not very
seriously decrease the amount of savings; but in its
cumulative action, through raising the standard of decent
expenditure, its deterrent effect on the tendency to save
cannot but be very great.
A felicitous illustration of the manner in which this canon
of reputability works out its results is seen in the practice
of dram-drinking, “treating,” and smoking in public places,
which is customary among the laborers and
handicraftsmen of the towns, and among the lower middle
class of the urban population generally Journeymen
printers may be named as a class among whom this form
of conspicuous consumption has a great vogue, and among
whom it carries with it certain well-marked consequences
that are often deprecated. The peculiar habits of the class
in this respect are commonly set down to some kind of an
ill-defined moral deficiency with which this class is
credited, or to a morally deleterious influence which their
occupation is supposed to exert, in some unascertainable
way, upon the men employed in it. The state of the case for
the men who work in the composition and press rooms of
the common run of printing-houses may be summed up as
follows. Skill acquired in any printing-house or any city is
easily turned to account in almost any other house or city;
that is to say, the inertia due to special training is slight.
Also, this occupation requires more than the average of
intelligence and general information, and the men
employed in it are therefore ordinarily more ready than
many others to take advantage of any slight variation in the
demand for their labor from one place to another. The
inertia due to the home feeling is consequently also slight.
At the same time the wages in the trade are high enough to
make movement from place to place relatively easy. The
result is a great mobility of the labor employed in printing;
perhaps greater than in any other equally well-defined and
considerable body of workmen. These men are constantly
thrown in contact with new groups of acquaintances, with
whom the relations established are transient or ephemeral,
but whose good opinion is valued none the less for the
time being. The human proclivity to ostentation,
reenforced by sentiments of goodfellowship, leads them to
spend freely in those directions which will best serve these
needs. Here as elsewhere prescription seizes upon the
custom as soon as it gains a vogue, and incorporates it in
the accredited standard of decency. The next step is to
make this standard of decency the point of departure for a
new move in advance in the same direction—for there is
no merit in simple spiritless conformity to a standard of
dissipation that is lived up to as a matter of course by
everyone in the trade.
The greater prevalence of dissipation among printers than
among the average of workmen is accordingly attributable,
at least in some measure, to the greater ease of movement
and the more transient character of acquaintance and
human contact in this trade. But the substantial ground of
this high requirement in dissipation is in the last analysis
no other than that same propensity for a manifestation of
dominance and pecuniary decency which makes the
French peasant-proprietor parsimonious and frugal, and
induces the American millionaire to found colleges,
hospitals and museums. If the canon of conspicuous
consumption were not offset to a considerable extent by
other features of human nature, alien to it, any saving
should logically be impossible for a population situated as
the artisan and laboring classes of the cities are at present,
however high their wages or their income might be.
11
But there are other standards of repute and other, more or
less imperative, canons of conduct, besides wealth and its
manifestation, and some of these come in to accentuate or
to qualify the broad, fundamental canon of conspicuous
waste. Under the simple test of effectiveness for
advertising, we should expect to find leisure and the
conspicuous consumption of goods dividing the field of
pecuniary emulation pretty evenly between them at the
outset. Leisure might then be expected gradually to yield
ground and tend to obsolescence as the economic
development goes forward, and the community increases
in size; while the conspicuous consumption of goods
should gradually gain in importance, both absolutely and
relatively, until it had absorbed all the available product,
leaving nothing over beyond a bare livelihood. But the
actual course of development has been somewhat different
from this ideal scheme. Leisure held the first place at the
start, and came to hold a rank very much above wasteful
consumption of goods, both as a direct exponent of wealth
and as an element in the standard of decency , during the
quasi-peaceable culture. From that point onward,
consumption has gained ground, until, at present, it
unquestionably holds the primacy, though it is still far
from absorbing the entire margin of production above the
subsistence minimum.
The early ascendency of leisure as a means of reputability
is traceable to the archaic distinction between noble and
ignoble employments. Leisure is honorable and becomes
imperative partly because it shows exemption from
ignoble labor. The archaic differentiation into noble and
ignoble classes is based on an invidious distinction
between employments as honorific or debasing; and this
traditional distinction grows into an imperative canon of
decency during the early quasi-peaceable stage. Its
ascendency is furthered by the fact that leisure is still fully
as effective an evidence of wealth as consumption. Indeed,
so effective is it in the relatively small and stable human
environment to which the individual is exposed at that
cultural stage, that, with the aid of the archaic tradition
which deprecates all productive labor, it gives rise to a
large impecunious leisure class, and it even tends to limit
the production of the community’s industry to the
subsistence minimum. This extreme inhibition of industry
is avoided because slave labor, working under a
compulsion more vigorous than that of reputability, is
forced to turn out a product in excess of the subsistence
minimum of the working class. The subsequent relative
decline in the use of conspicuous leisure as a basis of
repute is due partly to an increasing relative effectiveness
of consumption as an evidence of wealth; but in part it is
traceable to another force, alien, and in some degree
antagonistic, to the usage of conspicuous waste.
This alien factor is the instinct of workmanship. Other
circumstances permitting, that instinct disposes men to
look with favor upon productive efficiency and on
whatever is of human use. It disposes them to depreCate
waste of substance or effort. The instinct of workmanship
is present in all men, and asserts itself even under very
adverse circumstances. So that however wasteful a given
expenditure may be in reality, it must at least have some
colorable excuse in the way of an ostensible purpose. The
manner in which, under special circumstances, the instinct
eventuates in a taste for exploit and an invidious
discrimination between noble and ignoble classes has been
indicated in an earlier chapter. In so far as it comes into
conflict with the law of conspicuous waste, the instinct of
workmanship expresses itself not so much in insistence on
substantial usefulness as in an abiding sense of the
odiousness and aesthetic impossibility of what is obviously
futile. Being of the nature of an instinctive affection, its
12
guidance touches chiefly and immediately the obvious and
apparent violations of its requirements. It is only less
promptly and with less constraining force that it reaches
such substantial violations of its requirements as are
appreciated only upon reflection.
So long as all labor continues to be performed exclusively
or usually by slaves, the baseness of all productive effort is
too constantly and deterrently present in the mind of men
to allow the instinct of workmanship seriously to take
effect in the direction of industrial usefulness; but when
the quasi-peaceable stage (with slavery and status) passes
into the peaceable stage of industry (with wage labor and
cash payment) the instinct comes more effectively into
play. It then begins aggressively to shape men’s views of
what is meritorious, and asserts itself at least as an
auxiliary canon of self-complacency. All extraneous
considerations apart, those persons (adult) are but a
vanishing minority today who harbor no inclination to the
accomplishment of some end, or who are not impelled of
their own motion to shape some object or fact or relation
for human use. The propensity may in large measure be
overborne by the more immediately constraining incentive
to a reputable leisure and an avoidance of indecorous
usefulness, and it may therefore work itself out in makebelieve
only; as for instance in “social duties,” and in
quasi-artistic or quasi-scholarly accomplishments, in the
care and decoration of the house, in sewing-circle activity
or dress reform, in proficiency at dress, cards, yachting,
golf, and various sports. But the fact that it may under
stress of circumstances eventuate in inanities no more
disproves the presence of the instinct than the reality of the
brooding instinct is disproved by inducing a hen to sit on a
nestful of china eggs.
This latter-day uneasy reaching-out for some form of
purposeful activity that shall at the same time not be
indecorously productive of either individual or collective
gain marks a difference of attitude between the modern
leisure class and that of the quasi-peaceable stage. At the
earlier stage, as was said above, the all-dominating
institution of slavery and status acted resistlessly to
discountenance exertion directed to other than naively
predatory ends. It was still possible to findsome habitual
employment for the inclination to action in the way of
forcible aggression or repression directed against hostile
groups or against the subject classes within the group; and
this sewed to relieve the pressure and draw off the energy
of the leisure class without a resort to actually useful, or
even ostensibly useful employments. The practice of
hunting also sewed the same purpose in some degree.
When the community developed into a peaceful industrial
organization, and when fuller occupation of the land had
reduced the opportunities for the hunt to an inconsiderable
residue, the pressure of energy seeking purposeful
employment was left to find an outlet in some other
direction. The ignominy which attaches to useful effort
also entered upon a less acute phase with the
disappearance of compulsory labor; and the instinct of
workmanship then came to assert itself with more
persistence and consistency.
The line of least resistance has changed in some measure,
and the energy which formerly found a vent in predatory
activity, now in part takes the direction of some ostensibly
useful end. Ostensibly purposeless leisure has come to be
deprecated, especially among that large portion of the
leisure class whose plebeian origin acts to set them at
variance with the tradition of the otium cum dignitate. But
that canon of reputability which discountenances all
employment that is of the nature of productive effort is still
13
at hand, and will permit nothing beyond the most transient
vogue to any employment that is substantially useful or
productive. The consequence is that a change has been
wrought in the conspicuous leisure practiced by the leisure
class; not so much in substance as in form. A
reconciliation between the two conflicting requirements is
effected by a resort to make-believe. Many and intricate
polite observances and social duties of a ceremonial nature
are developed; many organizations are founded, with some
specious object of amelioration embodied in their official
style and title; there is much coming and going, and a deal
of talk, to the end that the talkers may not have occasion to
reflect on what is the effectual economic value of their
traffic. And along with the make-believe of purposeful
employment, and woven inextricably into its texture, there
is commonly, if not invariably, a more or less appreciable
element of purposeful effort directed to some serious end.
In the narrower sphere of vicarious leisure a similar
change has gone forward. Instead of simply passing her
time in visible idleness, as in the best days of the
patriarchal regime, the housewife of the advanced
peaceable stage applies herself assiduously to household
cares. The salient features of this development of domestic
service have already been indicated.
Throughout the entire evolution of conspicuous
expenditure, whether of goods or of services or human life,
runs the obvious implication that in order to effectually
mend the consumer’s good fame it must be an expenditure
of superfluities. In order to be reputable it must be
wasteful. No merit would accrue from the consumption of
the bare necessaries of life, except by comparison with the
abjectly poor who fall short even of the subsistence
minimum; and no standard of expenditure could result
from such a comparison, except the most prosaic and
unattractive level of decency. A standard of life would still
be possible which should admit of invidious comparison in
other respects than that of opulence; as, for instance, a
comparison in various directions in the manifestation of
moral, physical, intellectual, or aesthetic force.
Comparison in all these directions is in vogue today; and
the comparison made in these respects is commonly so
inextricably bound up with the pecuniary comparison as to
be scarcely distinguishable from the latter. This is
especially true as regards the current rating of expressions
of intellectual and aesthetic force or proficiency’ so that
we frequently interpret as aesthetic or intellectual a
difference which in substance is pecuniary only.
The use of the term “waste” is in one respect an
unfortunate one. As used in the speech of everyday life the
word carries an undertone of deprecation. It is here used
for want of a better term that will adequately describe the
same range of motives and of phenomena, and it is not to
be taken in an odious sense, as implying an illegitimate
expenditure of human products or of human life. In the
view of economic theory the expenditure in question is no
more and no less legitimate than any other expenditure. It
is here called “waste” because this expenditure does not
serve human life or human well-being on the whole, not
because it is waste or misdirection of effort or expenditure
as viewed from the standpoint of the individual consumer
who chooses it. If he chooses it, that disposes of the
question of its relative utility to him, as compared with
other forms of consumption that would not be deprecated
on account of their wastefulness. Whatever form of
expenditure the consumer chooses, or whatever end he
seeks in making his choice, has utility to him by virtue of
his preference. As seen from the point of view of the
individual consumer, the question of wastefulness does not
arise within the scope of economic theory proper. The use
14
of the word “waste” as a technical term, therefore, implies
no deprecation of the motives or of the ends sought by the
consumer under this canon of conspicuous waste.
But it is, on other grounds, worth noting that the term
“waste” in the language of everyday life implies
deprecation of what is characterized as wasteful. This
common-sense implication is itself an outcropping of the
instinct of workmanship. The popular reprobation of waste
goes to say that in order to be at peace with himself the
common man must be able to see in any and all human
effort and human enjoyment an enhancement of life and
well-being on the whole. In order to meet with unqualified
approval, any economic fact must approve itself under the
test of impersonal usefulness-usefulness as seen from the
point of view of the generically human. Relative or
competitive advantage of one individual in comparison
with another does not satisfy the economic conscience, and
therefore competitive expenditure has not the approval of
this conscience.
In strict accuracy nothing should be included under the
head of conspicuous waste but such expenditure as is
incurred on the ground of an invidious pecuniary
comparison. But in order to bring any given item or
element in under this head it is not necessary that it should
be recognized as waste in this sense by the person
incurring the expenditure. It frequently happens that an
element of the standard of living which set out with being
primarily wasteful, ends with becoming, in the
apprehension of the consumer, a necessary of life; and it
may in this way become as indispensable as any other item
of the consumer’s habitual expenditure. As items which
sometimes fall under this head, and are therefore available
as illustrations of the manner in which this principle
applies, may be cited carpets and tapestries, silver table
service, waiter’s services, silk hats, starched linen, many
articles of jewelry and of dress. The indispensability of
these things after the habit and the convention have been
formed, however, has little to say in theclassification of
expenditures as waste or not waste in the technical
meaning of the word. The test to which all expenditure
must be brought in an attempt to decide that point is the
questiOn whether it serves directly to enhance human life
on the whole-whether it furthers the life process taken
impersonally. For this is the basis of award of the instinct
of workmanship, and that instinct is the court of final
appeal in any question of economic truth or adequacy. It is
a question as to the award rendered by a dispassionate
common sense. The question is, therefore, not whether,
under the existing circumstances of individual habit and
social custom, a given expenditure conduces to the
particular consumer’s gratification or peace of mind; but
whether, aside from acquired tastes and from the canons of
usage and conventional decency, its result is a net gain in
comfort or in the fullness of life. Customary expenditure
must be classed under the head of waste in so far as the
custom on which it rests is traceable to the habit of making
an invidious pecuniary comparison-in so far as it is
conceived that it could not have become customary and
prescriptive without the backing of this principle of
pecuniary reputability or relative economic success.
It is obviously not necessary that a given object of
expenditure should be exclusively wasteful in order to
come in under the category of conspicuous waste. An
article may be useful and wasteful both, aud its utility to
the consumer may be made up of use and waste in the
most varying proportions. Consumable goods, and even
productive goods, generally show the two elements in
combination, as constituents of their utility; although, in a
general way, the element of waste tends to predominate in
15
articles of consumption, while the contrary is true of
articles designed for productive use. Even in articles which
appear at first glance to serve for pure ostentation only, it
is always possible to detect the presence of some, at least
ostensible, useful purpose; and on the other hand, even in
special machinery and tools contrived for some particular
industrial process, as well as in the rudest appliances of
human industry, the traces of conspicuous waste, or at
least of the habit of ostentation, usually become evident on
a close scrutiny. It would be hazardous to assert that a
useful purpose is ever absent from the utility of any article
or of any service, however obviously its prime purpose and
chief element is conspicuous waste; and it would be only
less hazardous to assert of any primarily useful product
that the element of waste is in no way concerned in its
value, immediately or remotely.