1   Community  Broadcasting:  Publics,  Participants  and  Policies       3.  Civil  Society     Civil  society  refers  to  a  segment  of  society  apart  from  commerce  and  government  occupied  by   individuals  and  groups  in  public  life  outside  the  home,  encompassing  their  cultural,  ethical,   political,  and/or  religious  interests  (Powell  2007,  O'Connell  1999,  McDonald  1997,  Zaleski   2006).  Individuals  commonly  pursue  these  interests  through  a  variety  of  voluntary  activities  in   conjunction  with  community  groups,  labor  unions,  indigenous  groups,  charitable  organizations,   faith-­‐based  organizations,  professional  associations,  and  foundations.  Individuals  and  the   groups  that  comprise  civil  society  connect  through  their  public  and  private  networks  of  social   values  and  institutions.  Participation  in  community  media  then,  can  be  understood  as  a   component  of  civil  society,  and  thus  it  is  important  to  devote  some  attention  to  this  concept.     Theoretical  conceptualizations  of  civil  society  can  be  difficult  and  ambiguous,  as  Cohen  and   Arato  (1992,  27)  contend  “there  is  no  sufficiently  complex  theory  that  is  available  today”.  The   realm  of  civil  society  is  a  concept  said  to  have  originated  in  the  texts  of  Aristotle  as  the  term   “koinōnía  politike”,  which  describes  a  portion  of  society,  apart  from  government,  consisting  of  a   community  of  citizens  with  shared  interests  (Davis  1996),  larger  than  the  privacy  of  family  and   the  ethos  of  the  workplace.  Emmanuel  Kant  (1892)  positioned  the  concept  as  the  free  exercise   of  reason  by  indviduals  in  opposition  to  the  monarchies  of  medieval  times,  and  in  the  period  of   the  enlightenment,  John  Locke  built  upon  his  colleague  Thomas  Hobbes'  societal  "social   contract"  to  delineate  civil  society  from  the  state  in  a  peaceful  coexistence  (O'Brien  1999).   Upon  the  industrial  revolution  and  the  rise  of  modernity,  the  romanticist  Hegel  (1896)   introduced  his  “bürgerliche  gesellschaft”  concept  of  a  free  civilian  society,  which  effectively   launched  wide  debates  about  the  nature  and  role  of  civil  society  in  the  modern  European   nation-­‐state.  Among  the  most  important  theoretical  debates  spawned  by  Hegel  centers  around   the  tension  between  culture  and  politics  as  primary  and  legitimate  roles  for  civil  society.   Following  Hegel  in  the  19th  century,  the  romanticist  Alexis  de  Tocqueville  emphasized  the   primacy  of  culture  (Maker  1994),  whereas  in  the  20th  century,  Antonio  Gramsci  (1971,  477)   took  a  strong  position  on  the  political  aspect  of  civil  society  as  “the  site  of  hegemonic  struggle,   resistance  to  repressive  regimes  and  corporate  power,  and  a  facility  for  social  transformation”.   This  duality  of  purpose  between  culture  and  politics  forms  a  foundation  for  further  discussions   about  the  role  of  civil  society  in  today's  post-­‐modern  democracies.       2   Many  current  scholars  focus  on  the  role  of  civil  society  in  the  reproduction  of  culture  and   development  of  communities  (Putnam  et  al  1994,  Perlas  2013,  Kaufman  and  Dilla-­‐Alfonso   1997).  Civil  society  for  these  theorists  is  bound  together  by  nature  and  social  connections  that   often  take  the  form  of  cultural  representations,  transmitting  values  and  behaviors  among   participant  individuals  and  groups.  Culture  as  a  concept  in  this  context  can  take  many  forms,   reflected  in  the  various  participants  and  organizations  that  comprise  civil  society.  Agnes  Heller   (2001,  141)  writes:  "Civil  society  consists  thus  of  a  mosaic  of  identities  and  non-­‐identities,  of  a   mosaic  of  groups  of  cultural  memory  formation".  Beyond  the  representation  of  identities,   culture  is  often  rooted  in  the  interests  of  citizens  and  delivered  by  components  of  civil  society.   For  example,  Bruce  Sievers  (2009)  argues  that  not-­‐for-­‐profit  arts  groups  situated  in  civil  society   "advance  pluralism,  promote  voluntary  action,  accommodate  diversity,  and  champion   individual  visions  of  the  public  good".     The  primary  role  of  civil  society  to  other  scholars  is  to  counter  the  political  power  and   dominance  of  elites  in  government  and  commerce  (Godwin  1971,  Barber  1984,  Mueller  et  al   2007,  Chomsky  1996).  Dominant  themes  in  this  view  include  the  marginalization  of  civil  society   in  the  political  sphere,  and  the  exclusion  of  civil  society  from  the  decision-­‐making  process.  In   turn,  a  politically  active  civil  society  seeks  proportional  representation  in  politics  that  restores   citizens'  legitimate  role  in  decision-­‐making,  and  a  transfer  of  power  from  governments  and   commercial  interests.  Ramirez  (2007,  38)  argues  that  these  demands  require  "the  initiatives  of   grassroots  organizations,  of  local  popular  movements  that  endeavour  to  counteract  extreme   forms  of  social  exclusion  and  open  up  new  spaces  for  democratic  participation".  Extreme  forms   of  repression  can  often  result  in  radical  forms  of  civil  society  taking  aggressive  actions  in  pursuit   of  their  ideological  agendas.  These  radical  forms  seek  to  alter  social  structures  and  change   value  systems  imposed  by  perceived  political  hegemony,  using  whatever  tactics  necessary  to   effect  results.  (Markowitz  2003).  Adrian  Little  (2002,  103)  also  cites  economic  factors  as  an   important  basis  for  radical  civil  society  activity  "where  radical  democrats  have  tended  to  focus   on  a  differentiated  space  for  political  engagement...we  should  do  the  same  for  economic  and   non-­‐economic  activities  and,  in  so  doing,  construct  an  alternative  political  economy  to  the   hegemony  of  market  discourses".  An  ideological  civil  society  however,  does  not  exist  solely  in   tension  with  the  state  and/or  commercial  interests  and  can  actually  strengthen  citizens'  respect   for  these  societal  institutions  through  it's  watchdog  role,  promoting  active  citizenship  within  a   cooperative  political  environment  (Diamond  2004).     Whether  representing  culture  or  political  ideology,  active  citizenship  and  democratic   participation  are  basic  requirements  of  all  functioning  democracies.  The  construction  of  civil   society,  comprised  of  individuals,  groups  and  communities,  is  also  an  important  frame  through   which  to  examine  the  concept.  The  integration  of  the  individual  with  civil  society  was  initially     3   portrayed  in  Husserl’s  “life  world”,  made  up  of  systems  which  grow  out  of  relationships  among   individuals  (1970,  108).  The  concept  of  life  world  was  adapted  by  Jürgen  Habermas  to   emphasize  the  social  environment  comprised  of  competencies  and  practices.  In  his  theory  of   communicative  action,  Habermas  (1987)  positioned  civil  society  as  a  central  component  of  his   non-­‐economic  public  sphere  where  citizens  could  freely  assemble,  establish  connections  among   communities,  and  have  their  voices  heard.  He  states:  “In  communicative  action  participants  are   not  primarily  oriented  to  their  own  success;  they  pursue  their  goals  under  the  condition  that   they  can  harmonize  their  plans  of  action  on  the  basis  of  common  situation  definitions”  (118).   Within  civil  society,  Habermas  (ibid,  86)  identifies  avenues  for  development  called  “possibility   spaces”  that  provide  the  fertile  soil  for  development  and  advancement  of  the  actors'  utility.   Here  he  seems  to  integrate  the  micro  of  the  individual  with  the  macro  of  the  societal  structured   norm,  to  find  a  balance  that  can  be  seen  in  the  social  structures  and  processes  that  define  civil   society.       Scholars  such  as  Bourdieu  (1984),  Giddens  (1998)  and  Carey  (1989)  identified  the  role  of  mass   communication  in  the  reproduction  of  culture  within  civil  society  as  a  functioning  component  of   democratic  pluralism.  Charles  Husband  (1998,  136)  writes  that  media  is  "a  core  element  in  civil   society  and  a  fundamental  prerequisite  for  the  promotion  of  civic  trust  in  multi-­‐ethnic   societies".  Mainstream  media  in  the  form  of  commercial  and  public  service  broadcasting  is  a   primary  driver  of  cultural  reproduction,  but  when  individuals  and  groups  are  misrepresented  or   denied  access,  they  can  look  to  alternative  media  forms  situated  in  civil  society  for  the   representation  and  transmission  of  their  culture.  Kevin  Howley  (2010,  5)  writes:  "through  the   production  and  dissemination  of  media  texts  that  assert  and  affirm  cultural   identities...community  media  make  visible  cultural  differences  in  discursive  as  well  as  social   space".       Communities  of  identity,  such  as  ethnic  minorities  and  marginalized  groups,  comprise  an   important  segment  of  civil  society,  and  in  turn  a  significant  subset  of  community  broadcasting   participants.  Positive  representations  of  their  culture  facilitated  by  community  broadcasting  can   lead  to  social  inclusion  and  opportunities  for  positive  participation  in  society  for  themselves  and   their  communities  (Perkins,  2010).  The  Alliance  des  Radios  Communautaires  du  Canada  (ARC)   (2015)  says  about  community  radio  "Its  airwaves  reflect  the  cultural  reality:  songs,  music,   writing  of  the  French-­‐speaking  population  it  serves.  Community  radio  stations  are  the  best   standard-­‐bearers  of  our  culture".  In  this  context  of  participatory  democracy,  community   broadcasting  can  be  seen  reconnect  local  populations  with  the  civic  and  cultural  life  of  their   communities  (Howley  2000).       4   When  examining  broadcast  mass  media  for  political  discourse  in  democratic  societies,  scholars   commonly  focus  primarily  on  public  service  and  commercial  broadcasters  (Zaller  1999).  While   civil  society  is  regularly  seen  as  included  in  this  discourse,  other  scholars  argue  that  civil  society   is  actually  misrepresented  and  often  marginalized  by  these  forums  (McChesney  and  Nichols   2000,  Coyer  et  al  2007).  In  addition,  mainstream  media  is  often  seen  as  compromised  by   commercial  and  political  interests  compromising  their  legitimacy  as  a  true  pluralistic  forum,  for   example  in  the  post-­‐authoritarian  states  of  Central/Eastern  Europe  (Stetka  2012b,  Doliwa  and   Rankovic  2014).  Civil  society  indviduals,  groups  and  organizations  then  turn  to  alternative   media  forms  to  provide  a  voice  in  democratic  discourse,  and  as  a  counterbalance  to  the   dominant  media  power  of  government  and  commercial  elites.  Social,  environmental,  economic   and  political  justice  for  all  citizens  are  among  the  many  political  issues  addressed  by  alternative   media  (Atton  2002).  As  a  subset  of  alternative  media,  transmission  of  political  representations   is  a  common  component  of  community  broadcasting,  where  members  of  civil  society  promote   their  agendas  and  advocate  for  various  social  movements.       This  political  orientation  of  community  broadcasting  is  commonly  combined  with  cultural   pursuits  to  form  a  "mixed  model"  which  is  ubiquitous  throughout  the  world.  A  more  strident   political  version  of  this  model  can  often  be  found  where  ideological  opposition  to  government   is  more  prevalent,  and  participants'  basis  for  civil  society  takes  a  more  oppositional  political   form.  That  dynamic  is  reflected  in  community  broadcasters  with  a  strong  ideological  approach,   such  as  Radio  Vallekas  (2015)  in  Madrid,  founded  on  a  commitment  to:  "Garantizar  el  ejercicio   directo  del  derecho  a  la  comunicación  a  toda  la  ciudadanía."  ("Guarantee  the  right  to   communicate  for  all  citizens").  The  extreme  version  of  politically-­‐oriented  community   broadcasting  arose  from  this  oppositional  model  as  part  of  the  radical  media  movement.  The   scholar  John  Downing  (2001,  v)  describes  radical  media  as:  "generally  small-­‐scale  and  in  many   different 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