MESSAGE TO CONGRESS 19 4 1
I address you, the Members of the Seventy-Seventh Congress, at a moment unprecedented In the history of the Union.   I use the word "unprecedented", because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution^ 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affaire.   Fortunately, only one of these — the four year War Between the States — ever threatened our national unity.   Today, thank God, one hundred and thirty million Americans, in forty-eight States, have forgotten points of the compass In our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been disturbed by events In other Continents, We had even engaged in two ware with European nations and In a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, In the Mediterranean and in the Pacific for the maintenance of American righte and for the principles of peaceful commerce.   In no case, however, had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition to any attempt to look, us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past tfew=tawr.   Today, thinking of our children and their children, we oppose enforced Isolation for ourselves or for any part of the Americas,
That determination of ours was proved, for example, during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution.
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While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it 13, nevertheless, clear that neither Prance nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
In like fashion from 1816 to 1914 — 99 years — no single war in Europe or In Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself In this Hemlepherej and the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength.   It is still a friendly strength.
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Even when the World War broke out In 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future.   But, as time went on, the American people began to visualise what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not over-emphasi2e imperfections in the Peace of Versailles.   We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the Peace of 1919 waa far less unjust than the kind of "pacification11 which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.   The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed In every part of the world — assailed either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda* by those who seek
to destroy unity end promote discord in nations still at peace.
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During sixteen months this assault has "blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations , great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my
constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information
of the state of the Union", I find it necessary to report
that the future and the safety of our country and of our
democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far
beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being
gallantly waged in four continents.   If that defense
and
fails, all the population <x£ all the resources of Europe,
Asia, Africa and Australasia will be dominated by the
tits tl        ui T        ^/ki / conquerors.   The total of those populations and their
resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population
and resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere —
many times over.
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i
In times like these it is immature — aid Incidentally untrue — for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handedj and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator's
■
peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarnsment, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion — or even good business.
Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors*   "Those,, who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety".
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed.
We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement.
We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests,
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack, which we must expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from Immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists.   Even if there were no British Navy, it ie not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe — particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and
surprise built up over a serlee of years.
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The first phase of the invasion of thie Hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops.   The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and their dupes -~* and great numbers of them are already here, and in Latin America.
As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they — not we — will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
That is why the future of all American Republics is today in serious danger.
That is why thie Annual Message to the Congress is unique in our history.
That is why every member of the Executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility — and great accountability.
The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily — almost exclusively — to meeting thie foreign peril.   For all our domestic problems
are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow-Ken within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all nations, large and small.   And the Justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute peoples;everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our Hemisphere.   By this support, we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen the defense and security of our own nation.
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Third, by an Impressive expression of the public will^ and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We Itnow that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties In respect to that national policy.   No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate.   Today, it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving Increase in our armament production.
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Leaders of Industry and labor nave responded to our summons.   Goals of speed have been set.   In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time; in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays; and in some oases — and I am sorry to say very important cases -~ we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year.   Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, ability and patriotism.   They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made.   None of us will be satisfied until the Job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
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To give two illustrations:   We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes; we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships; but we are working to get even further ahead of schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peace time production of Implements of peace to a basis of war time production of implements of war is no small task.   And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools and plant facilities and new assembly lines and ship ways ffiust first be constructed before the actual materiel begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress, of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itse Will readily recognize, which,in the interests of our own security and those of the nations we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety.   I shall ask this Congress for greatly Increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations.
Our most useful and immediate role Is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves.   They do not need man power.    They do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them in ready cash,   We cannot, and will not, tell them they must surrender, merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons — a loan to be repaid In dollars.
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I recommend that we make It possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials In the United States, fitting their orders into our own program.   Nearly all of their materiel would, if the time ever came, be useful for our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who by their determined and heroic resistance are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad, we shall be repaid, within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, in similar materials, or, at our option, in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
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Let us say to the democracies?    HWe Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom.   We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you, in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns.   This is our purpose and our pledge".
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law and as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator Bhould unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
When the dictators are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.   They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.
-16-Th eir only Interest is In a new one-way International law, which lacks mutuality in its observance, and., therefore, becomes an instrument of oppression*
The happiness of future generations of Amerlcane may well depend upon how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt.   No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The Nation's hands must not be tied when the Nation's life is in danger*
We must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency — as serious as war itself — demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense preparations must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups.   A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and, If that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone.   Those who man our defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must have the stamina and courage which come from an unehakeable belief in the manner of life which they are defending.   The mighty action which we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction aid much strength from the things whish have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America.   Those things have toughened the fibre of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time to stop thinking about the
social and economic problems which are the root cause of
the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.
There is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.   The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple.   They arei
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others. Jobs for those who can work. Security for those who need It. The ending of special privilege for the few. The preservation of civil liberties for all. The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
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These are the simple and basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world.   The Inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement.
As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical
care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it,
I have called for personal sacrifice.   I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.
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A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money In taxes.   In my budget message I recoranend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today.   No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause, ___
In the future days which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression — everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way — everywhere in the world.
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The third Is freedom from want — whlch^translated Into world terms^ means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peace time life for its inhabitants — everywhere in the world*
The fourth is freedom from fear — which translated into world termsjmeans a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be In a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor — anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It ie a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.   That kind of world Is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception — the moral order.   A good society is able to face schemes of world domination.and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
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Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged In * change — in a perpetual peaceful revolution —• a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly^ adjusting itself to changing conditions — without the concentration camp or the quick-lime In the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together In a friendly,civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the handeand heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith In freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rightb everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them.   Our strength is in our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.