ORIGINAL ARTICLE
The Value of Positive Psychology for Health
Psychology: Progress and Pitfalls in Examining
the Relation of Positive Phenomena to Health
Lisa G. Aspinwall, Ph.D. & Richard G. Tedeschi, Ph.D.
Published online: 21 January 2010
# The Society of Behavioral Medicine 2010
Abstract The growth of the “positive psychology” movement
reflects increased scientific and lay interest in the
relation of positive phenomena to mental and physical
health and the corresponding potential for interventions that
promote positive feelings, thoughts, and experiences to
improve health and well-being. In this article, we (1)
consider research on optimism, sense of coherence, and
posttraumatic growth that predates the contemporary
emphasis on positive psychology, but has clear and
increasingly well-supported connections to health psychology,
(2) examine several potential mechanisms through
which such positive phenomena may influence the etiology,
progression, and management of illness, (3) identify four
pervasive but misleading assumptions about positive
phenomena that may limit both scientific research and
practical application, and (4) caution against serious pitfalls
of popular views of positive thinking, such as its promotion
as a cure for cancer and other diseases. We conclude with
recommendations for the balanced scientific investigation
and application of positive phenomena.
Keywords Positive psychology. Cancer. Meaning .
Optimism . Posttraumatic growth
Introduction
The explosion of research on “positive psychology” includes
multiple theoretical and research areas that share a common
focus on positive human functioning, psychological health,
and adaptation to illness and other forms of adversity [1–5].
Although many of these lines of research predate the use of
the term “positive psychology” [2], this increased emphasis
on positive phenomena has generated a corresponding
upswing in scientific and lay interest in such topics as
positive affect, meaning, mastery, personal growth, forgiveness,
gratitude, hope, optimism, and spirituality, their
relation to mental and physical health, and their potential
for applications to promote well-being and health.
When we consider the contribution of these perspectives
to health psychology, we find many ideas that may lead to
interventions that promote healing and health. In this article,
we (1) consider research on such concepts as optimism,
meaning, and growth that predate the current emphasis on
positive psychology, but have clear and increasingly wellsupported
connections to health psychology, (2) examine
multiple mechanisms through which these and other positive
phenomena may be related to health outcomes, including the
etiology, progression, and management of illness, (3)
identify pervasive but misleading assumptions about positive
beliefs and states that may limit both scientific research
and practical application, and (4) outline strategies for
avoiding some pernicious popular views of positive thinking
in order to pursue the balanced scientific investigation and
application of positive phenomena to promote human health
and well-being. This article is not an exhaustive review of
any of these issues, but rather an illustrative one that we hope
will contribute to the ongoing debate about the value of
positive phenomena for promoting health and managing
illness.
L. G. Aspinwall (*)
Department of Psychology, University of Utah,
380 South 1530 East, Room 502,
Salt Lake City, UT 84112-0251, USA
e-mail: lisa.aspinwall@utah.edu
R. G. Tedeschi
Department of Psychology,
University of North Carolina at Charlotte,
Charlotte, NC, USA
ann. behav. med. (2010) 39:4–15
DOI 10.1007/s12160-009-9153-0
The Original Positive Psychology
Much of the work that may be considered to fall within
“positive psychology” originated before the use of the term in
2000 when Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi [2] organized the
field around three themes: positive experience, positive
personality, and positive communities and institutions.
Psychologists have long been concerned with understanding
how people respond to adversity (captured by such concepts
as adaptation, resilience, thriving, and growth [6–9]) and
whether particular personal, social, and developmental
factors may be protective of long-term mental and physical
health [10–14]. Some key contributions to this effort—
notably, cognitive adaptation theory [6] and dispositional
optimism [15, 16]—originated within health psychology
itself in studies of diseases such as breast cancer and heart
disease. It is beyond the scope of this article to review many
of the positive psychology constructs that are related to
health, so we will consider some representative and welldeveloped
areas of study: sense of coherence [9, 17],
optimism [15, 16], and benefit-finding and posttraumatic
growth [18–20]. In each case, health psychology has
already benefited from these perspectives and the field is
likely to draw on them in useful ways in the future. We
will highlight some of the work that makes this case.
However, we caution that we should not conceptualize
these variables that have a “positive flavor” as contained
within something we call positive psychology. If we divide
the world into positive psychology and not and designate
specific concepts as “positive” or “negative,” we may
create artificial barriers in our communications, the development
of our theoretical models, and our decisions about
variables to include in our research and interventions (cf.
[21, 22]).
Sense of Coherence
Antonovsky [17] attempted to understand the question of
how some persons stay healthy while others develop stressrelated
disorders. The focus in this work was “salutogenic”
as opposed to pathogenic, and this certainly brings it into
the realm of positive psychology that was to be promoted
by Seligman and others in later years. Antonovsky
described three elements of sense of coherence: comprehensibility,
manageability, and meaningfulness. Events that
are stressful or traumatic may appear to be chaotic, random,
and inexplicable and thus pose a challenge to these
elements of people's lives. Events that are undesirable can
be made less stressful to the degree that people can
comprehend them. Events will also be less stressful, even
if undesirable, if people perceive that they have the
resources necessary to cope with or manage these events.
The resources can be internal or they may be controlled by
others who have good intentions. This leads to a belief that,
somehow, the things that are happening will be tolerable.
Finally, meaningfulness may be found in even the most
unfortunate circumstances and certain people may be more
able to approach events in a way that allows meaning to be
found. Antonovsky sees meaningfulness as driving people
to understand and manage events, and therefore, playing a
role as the most important aspect of sense of coherence (see
also [23–25]). It is important in order that people stay
healthy for meaningfulness to be found in one or more
crucial areas of life functioning: inner feelings, interpersonal
relationships, one's major activity, and existential
issues.
Optimism
Optimism is a generalized expectancy for positive outcomes
that appears to be trait-like and predicts how people
cope with stress. The robust literature on optimism in
relation to health psychology has been recently reviewed
[26, 27]. Dispositional optimists tend to engage more
frequently in approach-oriented forms of coping, to be
flexible in their use of adaptive coping strategies in regard
to controllability of stressors [28], and to have greater
perceived capability to manage potentially traumatic events
[29]. Optimism has been associated with better coping with
a variety of health problems (e.g., breast cancer [30, 31]
and human immunodeficiency virus [HIV] infection [32]).
Optimism is also associated with positive health behaviors
[32, 33], better recovery from certain medical procedures
[16], positive changes in immune system functioning [34],
and improved survival rates [33, 35].
Benefit-finding and Growth
Benefit-finding and posttraumatic or stress-related growth
have assumed an important place in health psychology in
recent years [36, 37], and these related concepts appear to
dovetail with the themes of positive psychology. Finding
benefit in adversity or experiencing personal growth as one
deals with the aftermath of stress and trauma has been
recognized as common among people experiencing a
variety of negative events, including physical illnesses
(e.g., [38]). These concepts are distinct from sense of
coherence or resilience, which emphasize how people resist
adversity or bounce back from it [12, 14]. Posttraumatic
growth, in particular, emphasizes a transformation of
people in the aftermath of traumatic events that may
shatter the assumptive world of those experiencing them
[39], requiring a reconceptualization of fundamental beliefs
about self, others, and the future [9], producing personal
growth. This growth may include a greater sense of
personal strength, a greater appreciation of life, improved
ann. behav. med. (2010) 39:4–15 5
relationships with others, spiritual change and development,
and new life opportunities [40, 41]. A less pervasive
change may also be seen in those who may not reorder
their basic beliefs, but nevertheless make important
changes in behaviors such as smoking and diet in the
aftermath of major illness [42]. Of particular interest, a
recent review of the qualitative literature on posttraumatic
growth and life-threatening illness found that only 17 of
the 57 studies identified specifically focused on posttraumatic
growth, while the rest uncovered reports of growth
rather serendipitously [43], suggesting that researchers can
easily miss reports of positive changes if they do not
specifically ask about them. Most of these unsolicited
reports were obtained in studies of cancer patients who
reported the domains of posttraumatic growth described by
Tedeschi and Calhoun [40], as well as positive changes in
health behaviors.
Potential Mechanisms Linking Positive Phenomena
with Positive Health Outcomes
Cumulative Evidence for a Prospective Independent
Link between Positive Phenomena and Multiple
Health Outcomes
In order to be convinced of the value of such positive
phenomena as sense of coherence, optimism, benefitfinding,
and posttraumatic growth to the field of health
psychology, we need data to support the relationship of
these variables to favorable health status or outcomes and
ways to demonstrate how any such relationships might
have biological, behavioral, or social processes mediating
them. Such evidence is accumulating—three recent metaanalyses
have concluded that optimism and/or subjective
well-being (typically assessed by measures of positive
affect) have a reliable, positive, and prospective relationship
to multiple short-term and long-term health outcomes in
both healthy and ill samples [27, 44, 45]. Importantly, the
relation between positive states and health outcomes is not
explained by the detrimental effects of either pessimistic
expectations or state or trait forms of negative affect, such
as distress, depression, or anger, and the benefits associated
with positive states are comparable in magnitude to the
deleterious effects of these widely studied negative states
[27, 45]. With respect to studies of mortality, it is important
to note that the evidence for the protective benefits of
positive thoughts and feelings seems to be stronger for
healthy samples than for ill samples and that the strength of
the findings seems to vary by disease. In particular, specific
results for cancer mortality, unlike those for cardiovascular
disease, renal failure, or HIV, were either weaker [27] or
nonsignificant [44].
Multiple and Potentially Interrelated Pathways
Through Which Positive Phenomena May Influence Health
Researchers are increasingly recognizing that concepts
with a “positive flavor” have links to multiple processes
likely to influence health outcomes including biological
processes, such as neuroendocrine and immune function,
that may be directly related to disease progression and
symptoms [27, 45–47] and behavioral and social processes,
such as preventive behaviors, risk behaviors, social support,
appraisals of potential stressors, coping, and attention to
health risks [48–50]. For example, optimism predicts
multiple forms of preventive health behavior and self-care,
including greater exercise, healthier diet, and not smoking
[32, 33, 51], whereas fatalism shows consistent prospective
and reciprocal associations with multiple serious healthcompromising
behaviors, such as unsafe sexual activity,
suicide attempts, and fight-related injuries [52]. Optimism
and positive affect are also associated with greater perceived
social support and more frequent, higher-quality social
interactions [46, 53–55]. Finally, although such effects have
received considerably less research attention, positive beliefs
and expectations may also promote medical adherence,
including participation in rehabilitation efforts [56]. Indeed,
randomized controlled interventions to improve specific
illness perceptions among myocardial infarction (MI)
patients regarding the timeline, consequences, and control
of heart disease (for example, belief that one's heart attack
had created irrevocable damage and that one would need to
reduce his or her activities significantly over the long-term)
have been shown to speed return to work and improve
symptoms [57].
It is important to recognize not only that there are
multiple pathways through which positive phenomena may
influence health outcomes, but that these pathways may
have important reciprocal relations over time. In their
examination of psychosocial factors that may influence
health among women with breast cancer, Antoni, Carver,
and Lechner [58] cite dispositional optimism, benefitfinding,
social support, and anxiety reduction as resilience
factors and also construct a model to account for how these
variables might affect stress physiology [59, 60]. They
suggest that such psychosocial variables relate to neuroendocrine
and immune system regulation and, in turn,
affect tumor growth through stress-induced dysregulation.
Accordingly, they suggest that development of more
approach-focused coping strategies, anxiety reduction techniques,
and social skills training that improves ability to
utilize social support could have a salutary effect on immune
system functioning. A study of a group intervention that
involved teaching these types of strategies to breast cancer
patients found reductions in cortisol that were associated
with increases in benefit-finding among participants [58].
6 ann. behav. med. (2010) 39:4–15
Similarly, Epel, McEwen, and Ickovics [8] reported that
women scoring higher on posttraumatic growth, particularly
appreciation of life and spiritual change, habituated more
quickly to a laboratory-induced stressor as measured by
cortisol levels.
As suggested by the above findings, an important
development in the study of positive phenomena and health
has been the study of positive beliefs and states within the
laboratory stress challenge paradigm. While such designs
cannot, of course, replicate the experience of managing
cancer or other serious illnesses, they do provide precise
experimental control of positive phenomena and objective
measurement of physiological outcomes. Thus far, such
research suggests that both preexisting and experimentally
induced forms of positive thinking (self-enhancement and
self-affirmation, respectively) have similar salutary effects
on stress physiology. Specifically, a laboratory stress challenge
paradigm demonstrated that high self-enhancers—
people who view themselves in a more positive light than
others view them—had lower cardiovascular responses to
stress and more rapid recovery, as well as lower baseline
cortisol levels [61]. Self-enhancers appear to have higher
self-esteem, optimism, and belief in their ability to master
situations, and this, in turn, may lower hypothalamic–
pituitary axis activity. Importantly, similar findings have
been obtained for experimental manipulations of various
forms of self-affirmation among people managing both
laboratory [62] and naturalistic stressors [63], suggesting
that the benefits of self-affirmation may be obtained by
people with lower levels of resources. Indeed, the physiological
benefits of experimentally induced self-affirmation
were strongest in the naturalistic stressor study [63] among
the most psychologically vulnerable participants.
Taken together, results from interventions with cancer
patients and experiments in which positive beliefs are
induced suggest that adaptive capability on the psychological
and physiological levels may be linked and that further
scientific investigation of such links may improve our understanding
of the multiple pathways involved. For example,
such links may occur through appraisal and coping mechanisms
whereby those who are more optimistic and more able
to find benefit or experience growth are more able to use
challenge rather than threat appraisals of adverse events
[64, 65] and to process their experiences with adverse events
using deliberate, reflective rumination mechanisms [66]. In
this way, illness may be transformed from a miserable,
frightening event to be endured to one that has meaning
[67]. When this occurs, there may be more of a focus on
intrinsic goals [68], leading to a reduction in anxiety and
more positive affect. Both intrinsic goals and positive affect,
in turn, have been associated with more robust immune
system responses [64].
The study of such links may be profitably extended to
the other important pathways through which positive
phenomena may be related to health outcomes, notably
better health behaviors and improved social support.
Although these pathways may not be as amenable to
experimental investigation, as they rely on longer-term
patterns of preventive health behavior and the maintenance
of close and satisfying social ties, increasing evidence
suggests that these key behavioral and social processes may
be linked to such positive phenomena as benefit-finding
and other efforts to find meaning in adversity. For example,
MI and breast cancer patients exhibited different kinds of
positive effects of their diseases—the MI patients (mostly
men) engaged in healthy lifestyle change and the cancer
patients reported increased empathy and improved relationships
[69]. Research is also starting to uncover links between
religious or spiritual efforts to find meaning in adversity and
important behavioral and social pathways linked to health
outcomes. For example, in a small exploratory study of highrisk
familial melanoma patients and their family members,
finding religious or spiritual meaning in one's familial cancer
history and/or melanoma genetic test result predicted
greater concurrent adherence to recommended photoprotective
behaviors and lower reports of sunburns and
tans [70]. Religious participation has also been linked to
greater perceived social support and greater meaning found
in loss [71].
It appears that in order to understand the relationships
between positive psychology constructs and positive health
outcomes, researchers must be open to exploring a number
of pathways of influence on these outcomes. Some pathways
may involve profound changes in perspectives on
living that will promote changes in health and social behavior
that yield better health outcomes. Others may involve
changed life perspectives that reduce stress responses and
have effects on immune system functioning. Other pathways
to better health outcomes might proceed from more specific
changes in health or social behavior that yield health benefits,
without more general personal transformations. Prospective
designs that are sensitive to these various pathways and
trajectories and that consider important reciprocal links
among changes in health behaviors, social processes,
appraisals, coping strategies, and disease-relevant biomarkers
will continue to elucidate the ways in which positive
phenomena may be related to health outcomes over time.
Pervasive and Limiting Assumptions about Positive
Beliefs and States
Continuing process-oriented efforts to understand multiple,
interrelated pathways through which positive states—
ann. behav. med. (2010) 39:4–15 7
emotions, expectations, appraisals, and other beliefs—may
influence health can only improve our science and practice.
However, we suggest that progress in understanding these
links may be unnecessarily limited by a set of pervasive and
likely unwarranted assumptions about the nature and
function of positive phenomena in general [48, 72–75],
specifically that positive thoughts and feelings (1) undermine
systematic and efficient thinking, especially for
negative information; (2) cannot coexist with negative
thoughts and feelings; (3) have effects that are symmetrical
and opposite to those of negative thoughts and feelings; and
(4) are pleasant, but trivial, having few lasting effects. In
the following sections, we briefly examine these assumptions
and their likely impact on research and practice at the
interface of positive psychology and health psychology.
Positive Thoughts and Feelings Undermine
Decision-making, Especially for Negative Information
Multiple accounts of the effects of positive mood on
judgment suggest that positive beliefs and states decrease
the quality of attention to information, in general, and to
negative information, in particular, either through moodcongruent
processing, motivations to maintain a positive
mood, and information that the environment is safe and one
can relax vigilance to negative information or through
distraction caused by the large and diverse set of associations
primed by positive mood (for review, see [72]). These
accounts share the central assumption that positive beliefs
and states have an unwavering deleterious main effect on
cognitive processes: they make people less systematic and
discerning thinkers, especially for negative information,
and as a result, they promote risky judgments and behaviors.
This assumption has an especially pervasive corollary—that
positive beliefs and states promote appraisals of virtually
anything as positive, favorable, or likely through moodcongruent
processing. Therefore, optimists, for example,
should be prone either to ignoring health risks entirely or to
appraising them as less serious and less likely.
This assumption persists despite more than three decades
of evidence that induced positive affect promotes more
careful, systematic, and efficient decision-making. Programmatic
research by Isen and her colleagues shows, for
example, that induced positive affect, compared to a neutral
condition, promotes more thorough and efficient medical
decision-making, greater flexibility in judgment, and better
management of real versus hypothetical risks [75, 76].
Importantly, although positive affect does promote engagement
in pleasant activities, such as play and exploration, it
does not do so at the expense of concurrent task demands
[73, 77]. That is, when some other goal is relevant, people
in a positive mood readily forgo pleasant activities in order
to focus on necessary tasks. Thus, positive affect rarely has
an unwavering and deleterious effect on cognitive processes;
instead, positive beliefs and states seem to be quite
responsive to situations that call for increased scrutiny of
personally relevant information, even when such information
is negative or unfavorable. Furthermore, positive affect
seems to improve the ability to switch set [78], which may
account for many of the findings regarding improved
decision-making under conditions of induced positive affect.
The conclusion that positive states promote adaptive
responses to new and potentially useful negative information
is further supported by two independent lines of
research, one examining the relation of dispositionally held
or experimentally induced positive beliefs to the processing
of health risk information [79–85] and the other examining
the effect of induced positive moods on interest in
information about one's weaknesses [86–88]. Both lines of
work have obtained similar findings: positive beliefs and
states predict greater selection of and attention to personally
relevant negative information. Notably, these findings are
obtained even when selection of the negative information
comes at the expense of an opportunity to learn positive or
favorable information about the self. Furthermore, none of
these studies found that positive beliefs and states resulted
in more favorable appraisals of the negative information
presented. Instead, when the health risk or personal liability
information was described as self-relevant or selected to be
self-relevant based on participants' health behaviors, participants
appraised the information as negative and devoted
attention to acquiring additional information about it in an
unbiased and nondefensive manner. Thus, there is little
evidence that being happy or optimistic makes people
oblivious to important negative information.
Positive and Negative Thoughts and Feelings
Cannot Coexist
The next assumption—that positive and negative feelings
cannot coexist and, therefore, that people who are experiencing
a negative life event or serious illness cannot and
should not simultaneously experience positive feelings or
expectations—is one that was identified early in the
scientific study of psychological responses to such negative
life events as bereavement and physical disability [89–91].
This assumption may lead researchers and clinicians to omit
measures of positive thoughts and feelings from their
questionnaires and interview protocols. It may also influence
the interpretation of such thoughts and feelings when they are
expressed by patients and their loved ones. Specifically, the
expression of positive thoughts and expectations by people
facing threats to their own or others' health are often seen not
as indications of a person's efforts to find meaning in
8 ann. behav. med. (2010) 39:4–15
adversity, but instead as indications that the person is not
coming to terms with the gravity of his or her situation [46].
Thus, according to this view, an important goal should be to
disabuse people of such expectations.
This assumption, too, persists in the face of a great deal
of counterevidence. It is now well-established that lifethreatening
illnesses and other negative life events can
create both positive and negative thoughts and feelings
[92], that people experiencing severe losses report daily
positive affect [89, 90], and that there are multiple “normal”
trajectories for the experience of negative thoughts and
feelings following loss, including patterns in which intense
negative feelings either are not experienced or do not persist
[93]. Furthermore, the “failure” to experience intense
distress early does not predispose people to experiencing
greater distress later. With respect to favorable expectations
reported by people managing illness and other forms of
adversity, it is now recognized that optimistic beliefs are not
only common among people managing life-threatening
illnesses, but also frequently associated with better psychological
adaptation, better health practices, and better
immune function [47].
These findings suggest that research at the interface of
positive psychology and health psychology should focus
not only on the presence of positive thoughts and feelings
among people managing serious illness, but also on the
precise role that such feelings may play in managing both
the illness itself and the psychological and social demands
it may create. For example, the joint activation of positive
and negative thoughts and feelings may allow people to
process the negative thoughts and feelings surrounding a
severe stressor ([94]; see also [95]). In this view, consistent
with the ideas noted earlier, the experience of positive
thoughts and feelings is central to the effective management
of negative thoughts and feelings, not simply a distraction or
a nicety. An important implication of this line of reasoning is
that interventions that seek to promote positive emotions,
expectations, or life changes among people managing
serious illness or loss may do more than distract people
from their troubles: they may play an important role in the
effective management of their situation.
Positive and Negative States are Symmetrical and Opposite
in Their Effects
A third assumption that limits research and practice is the
assumption that positive and negative states are symmetrical
and opposite in their effects; that is, if negative emotions and
expectations have one effect (for example, alerting people to
danger), then positive emotions and expectations must have
the opposite effect (decreasing vigilance to potential
dangers). This assumption has been notably disproven in
several research areas, including decision-making and
attention to risk information, as reviewed earlier, and also
helping behavior. In these lines of research, it has been
demonstrated that both induced positive and negative states
have effects that are distinct from neutral conditions, and
that they can have similar effects on judgment and
behavior, but for different reasons [74].
There are several implications of this point for the design
of research and intervention. First, many experiments test
positive versus negative states without the inclusion of a
neutral condition. Such designs preclude a determination of
the independent effects of positive and negative states—the
effects obtained may be due to changes created by positive
states, changes created by negative states, or both. As but
one example of the conceptual advances that may result
from avoiding assumptions about the symmetrical and
opposing effects of positive and negative states, consider
King and Miner's extension [96] of Pennebaker's therapeutic
writing paradigm [97]. Most accounts of the health
benefits obtained from therapeutic writing suggest that they
derive from emotional catharsis and intense sustained efforts
to find meaning from previously undisclosed trauma.
However, King and Miner found that participants randomly
assigned to write about perceived benefits from a traumatic
experience experienced the same lasting decrease in doctor
visits over the next several months as participants instructed
to write about a traumatic event. That is, both groups obtained
benefits, compared to control participants. Interestingly, the
essays written by participants instructed to focus on perceived
benefits not only included a higher proportion of positive
emotion words (as would be expected), but also included a
higher proportion of cognitive mechanism words related to
insight and causation than essays written in the other conditions,
and the use of these insight-related terms predicted
fewer health center visits for illness 3 months later. Consistent
with the ideas presented earlier, King and Miner suggested
that benefit-finding may foster effective self-regulation of the
negative emotions caused by the traumatic experience and
efforts to find meaning in it.
Second, with respect to studies of coping and mental and
physical health outcomes, the need to test whether positive
constructs (e.g., positive affect, dispositional optimism)
have unique effects over and above—or simply different
from—those of related negative constructs (e.g., negative
affect, neuroticism, pessimism) remains acute. Progress on
this score is being made [27, 44, 45, 95, 98–101], but more
remains to be done to understand the unique health effects
of positive thoughts, feelings, and expectations [46]. This is
perhaps where a greater effort to develop laboratory analogs
to test induced positive states—for example, Fredrickson
and colleagues' work on physiological undoing [102]—may
aid our understanding of their unique effects. However,
Pressman and Cohen [46] caution that positive affect
inductions that are particularly activating or engaging may
ann. behav. med. (2010) 39:4–15 9
differ from the naturalistic experience of positive emotion
not only in duration, but also in intensity and may,
therefore, have different physiological effects.
A third implication of this assumption is that the
measurement strategies employed in many studies are
likely to fail to capture unique aspects of positive thoughts,
feelings, and expectations. Many studies, including those
said to evaluate the effects of positive thinking on health
outcomes, include only measures of negative thoughts,
feelings, and outcomes and assume that low scores on such
instruments represent the presence of positive thoughts and
feelings. It is beyond the scope of this article to discuss the
lively debate concerning the separability of positive and
negative affect as independent dimensions of experience
(for reviews and divergent perspectives on the bipolarity of
affect, see [103–106]); however, a simple example may
suffice: just as there may be more to be healthy than not
being ill, there is likely to be more to being happy or
fulfilled than not being depressed or anxious [107]. An
intriguing recent analysis by Ryff and colleagues [108]
examining the relationship between multiple aspects of
psychological well-being and ill-being and diverse biomarkers
found more evidence consistent with the idea that
positive and negative mental health outcomes have distinct
associations with neuroendocrine and cardiovascular biomarkers
than that such effects are mirror opposites.
Accordingly, research designed to evaluate the association
of positive thoughts and feelings with subsequent health
outcomes should include measures specifically designed to
assess the presence of those thoughts and feelings, not just
the absence of negative thoughts and feelings, and symmetrical
and opposing relations (i.e., bipolarity) should not be
assumed. Additionally, researchers and practitioners should
be aware of important efforts to conceptualize psychological
well-being as more than the presence of positive affect (e.g.,
dimensions other than happiness [109, 110]) and to
delineate cultural differences in the kinds of positive
emotional experience that people seek (again, dimensions
other than happiness [111]).
Positive States are Trivial Niceties, Incapable of Creating
Any Lasting Benefit
The last assumption we wish to discuss follows in part from
the first three, namely, that positive thoughts and feelings
and, by extension, efforts to promote them are ultimately
trivial. In this view, positive feelings are seen as pleasant,
but incapable of creating any lasting benefit, especially for
people managing serious illness or loss. Accordingly,
efforts to promote positive thoughts and feelings not only
encourage false hope for benefit, but also may take
resources away from the important work of managing
negative realities. We suggest that many of the lines of
research and intervention that we have highlighted in this
article present viable counterpoints to this assumption, but
also that much work remains to be done to test these ideas
and the potential mechanisms through which positive states
may improve health outcomes. To the extent that positive
beliefs and states improve immune function and provide
other physiological benefits, such as decreased cardiac
reactivity; promote social support-seeking and receipt;
promote more active forms of coping; improve attention
to health risk information and subsequent medical decisionmaking;
and foster better health practices, they may play an
important role in the longer-term management of health
risks and serious illness [47, 48, 50, 112]. In these ways,
positive beliefs and states may do more than make us feel
good in the short-term: they may also build personal and
social resources in ways that promote better long-term
outcomes [54, 113, 114].
A Prescription for Advancing Science and Practice,
While Avoiding the “Tyranny of Optimism”
Thus far, we have identified several lines of research with
direct implications for human health and well-being and we
have identified several pervasive and likely unwarranted
assumptions concerning the role of positive thoughts,
feelings, and expectations in the management of serious
illness and other forms of adversity. At this point, it may be
appropriate to directly address some of the obvious dangers
of promoting positive thoughts and feelings for either the
prevention or management of illness. Perhaps, the principal
danger of popular versions of positive psychology, namely,
those with a seemingly relentless emphasis on mandating
optimism, individual happiness, and personal growth no
matter the circumstances, is that the general public may
come to believe that one can conquer cancer by thinking
positively and that if one is not getting a good response,
one is not thinking positively enough, not laughing enough,
or not being spiritual enough. Indeed, the explicit blame of
people with serious illness for their failure to cure
themselves in best-selling popular treatments of positive
thinking [115] is shocking and reprehensible (for discussion,
see [116–118]).
Concerns about such “tyranny of positive thinking”
[118]—that is, mandating positive thinking and the suppression
of negative thoughts and feelings as the best way
to manage serious illness—were also raised in the 1950s in
response to the success of Norman Vincent Peale's books
and lectures ([119]; for discussion, see [120]). Specifically,
the leap from the New Thought Movement mantra,
“Change your thinking, change your life,” to blaming
people who get sick (and avoiding them and their negative
thoughts) was identified several decades ago. So, too, were
10 ann. behav. med. (2010) 39:4–15
concerns that an emphasis on the potential benefits of
positive thinking would inevitably come at the expense of
recognizing real problems in the world:
With saccharine terrorism Mr. Peale refuses to allow
his followers to hear, speak or see any evil. For him
real human suffering does not exist; there is no such
thing as murderous rage, suicidal despair, cruelty, lust,
greed, mass poverty, or illiteracy. All these things he
would dismiss as trivial mental processes which will
evaporate if thoughts are simply turned into more
cheerful channels ([120], p. 399).
Saccharine terrorism, victim-blaming, and the promotion
of mindless versions of positive thinking for personal gain
(e.g., The Secret's “Ask. Believe. Receive.”) are no less
problems today, but they are not caused by scientific efforts
to understand the neurobiological, cognitive, social, developmental,
and structural underpinnings of positive phenomena
or to develop interventions to provide potential benefits to
those who seek them. Nevertheless, to avoid promoting false
hope to patients and their families and contributing to a new
generation of “saccharine terrorism,” health psychologists
may need to become more proactive in countering exaggerated
popular claims based on their own and others' work (see,
e.g., [121]). At the same time, however, we should not
prematurely abandon scientific efforts to understand a more
complete picture of adaptive functioning that includes
elements that promote successful management of illness
and, in some cases, restoration of health.
By focusing on concepts such as sense of coherence,
meaning, optimism, positive affect, benefit-finding, cognitive
adaptation, and growth that have been adopted by the
field of health psychology (or, in some cases, have
originated in it), we can see ways in which our discipline
can become better informed about the role that these
constructs play in resistance to illness, managing illness,
and healing processes. The use of prospective, processoriented,
and where possible, experimental designs to
examine the relation of positive phenomena to multiple
health outcomes will be essential to advancing our
understanding of these processes. There are initial indications
in the work of Antoni and his colleagues [58] that
effective interventions based on these constructs (e.g.,
benefit-finding, anxiety reduction, and social support)
might be designed to improve health and quality of life in
seriously ill patients. To the extent that researchers move
beyond cross-sectional studies and anecdotal reports of
positive outcomes in people with serious illness, continue
to demonstrate direct links with mechanisms related to
immune system functioning, cardiac reactivity, and other
aspects of stress physiology, and broaden their investigations
to examine a comprehensive set of potential pathways
through which positive phenomena may influence health
(e.g., through social behavior, health-promoting and health
risk behaviors, coping with adversity, and health-related
decision-making), positive phenomena are likely to assume a
more prominent role in health psychology.
An important part of such developments will be openness
to debate. The efforts of researchers who pose constructive
challenges to core assumptions and findings—for example,
whether benefit-finding and perceived gains following
adversity are real [122, 123] and whether there are some
circumstances that defy efforts to find meaning or benefit
[124]—advance the field by identifying new explanations
and potential limiting conditions [125]. The same is true in
the study of positive thinking in which efforts to identify
different forms of positive thinking and to determine which
forms promote goal attainment and health and which do not
[126–131] similarly advance the field and offer the promise
of more effective interventions. Critics who identify some
of the potential pitfalls that may occur in the application of
research findings, for example, those involving spirituality
and health, to medical practice [132] make an important
contribution, as do those who question whether the strength
of research evidence for particular interventions warrants
their use [133, 134]. Finally, researchers who spur debate
about whether positive beliefs like optimism have a
meaningful and independent conceptual status in their own
right as opposed to being the flipside of neuroticism ([135],
but see [101]), who seek to identify the “active ingredient”
in measures linked to health outcomes [46, 136], and who
question the relation of newly identified concepts, theories,
and approaches to existing ones [22, 137] raise the
conceptual challenges necessary to a cumulative science.
Conclusion
As research at the interface of positive psychology and
health proceeds, we believe that researchers and practitioners
should avoid contributing to the “tyranny of positive
thinking” by rejecting a singular focus on positive outcomes
of illness and by actively debunking spurious claims
about the curative power of positive beliefs. At the same
time, however, researchers and practitioners should also
avoid the premature rejection of systematic scientific efforts
to elucidate the role of positive thoughts and feelings in
human health and to develop interventions to promote those
that provide benefit. Much remains to be done to elucidate
the specific mechanisms through which different positive
phenomena may be related to the etiology and progression
of cancer and other diseases and to understand how these
processes may operate differently for different diseases,
including different forms of cancer. In considering the
concept of benefit to health, we suggest that it will be
important to recognize that interventions that promote
ann. behav. med. (2010) 39:4–15 11
psychological well-being have benefit in their own right,
even if they have modest or no demonstrable influence on
disease progression. To the extent that our research is
designed to assess both positive and negative phenomena,
to examine how they may be related over time, to examine
multiple pathways through which each may prospectively
influence health, and to provide a fair test of positive
phenomena by assessing them in their own right, continued
research at the interface of health psychology and positive
psychology has the potential to illuminate the potential
benefits and liabilities of positive phenomena in the
etiology, progression, and management of illness.
Acknowledgments We thank Allen Sherman and Suzanne Miller for
their helpful comments on an earlier version of this article and Angela
Newman for her assistance in the preparation of this manuscript.
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