Community  Broadcasting  –  Country  Case  Studies       Austria     Community  broadcasting  in  Austria  is  recognized,  legalized,  and  supported  by  law.  Thousands   of  Austrian  citizens  devote  their  time  and  energy  as  volunteer  participants  in  14  radio  and  three   television  community  broadcasting  organizations.  These  organizations  are  regulated  and   funded  by  government  in  a  cooperative  and  collaborative  environment.  The  policy  that  enables   the  effectiveness  and  sustainability  of  community  broadcasting  in  Austria  was  developed  with   substantial  contributions  from  scholars,  advocates  and  leaders  in  the  sector.  But  the  road   travelled  to  arrive  at  this  point  was  long  and  difficult.       Media  Landscape   Mass  media  broadcasting  in  Austria  throughout  the  20th  century  is  largely  the  history  of   Österreicher  Rundfunk  (ÖRF),  the  state-­‐run  radio  and  television  monopoly.  The  radio  services   that  became  the  structure,  mandate  and  programming  of  ÖRF  originated  in  the  1920s,  and   evolved  as  a  component  of  the  changing  Austrian  society  (Frank  2003).  The  identity  of  ÖRF  and   its  monopoly  of  terrestrial  radio  and  television  frequencies,  without  competition  from   commercial  or  community  broadcasters,  was  established  in  1957  and  affirmed  by  legislation   again  in  19851 .  That  changed  in  1993,  when  the  European  Court  of  Human  Rights,  in  an  action   brought  by  Austrian  alternative  media  activists,  examined  the  public  monopoly  on   broadcasting.  The  court,  in  the  case  of  Informationsverein  Lentia  and  Radio  Agora,  found   violations  of  Article  10  of  the  European  Convention  on  Human  Rights2 .  The  court  ruled  that  the   interferences  which  the  ÖRF  monopoly  had  caused  the  applicants  were  “not  necessary  in  a   democratic  society”  (Council  of  Europe  2007,  62).  The  verdict  forced  open  the  radio  airwaves  to   private  broadcasters,  and  subsequently  led  to  the  1995  Austria  Regional  Radio  Act3 ,  which   finally  broke  the  ÖRF  monopoly  and  fundamentally  changed  the  public  broadcaster.                                                                                                                     1 The full list of legislation and guidelines enacted pertaining to Österreicher Rundfunk is here: https://www.rtr.at/de/m/ORFG. 2 Council of Europe Convention on Human Rights can be accessed here: http://www.echr.coe.int/Documents/Convention_ENG.pdf. 3 The 1995 Ausria Regionla Radio Act is described in detail here: http://merlin.obs.coe.int/iris/1996/9/article22.en.html. In  television,  several  court  rulings  and  legislative  actions  at  both  the  European  and  Austrian   levels,  coupled  with  new  digital  distribution  platforms,  opened  the  spectrum  to  private   broadcasters  in  the  2000s.  Concurrently,  ÖRF  itself  went  through  a  structural  change  resulting   from  the  2001  Audiovisual  Law4  that  reorganized  the  institution  as  an  independent,  semi-­‐ autonomous  entity,  legally  separate  from  the  government.  Among  the  reforms,  ÖRF  was  now   charged  with  offering  programming  that:  “serves  the  general  public  with  special  consideration   of  ethnic  minorities”  (Thiele  2009,  253).  Funding  of  ÖRF  operations  has  recently  come  under   increased  scrutiny  for  its  ability  to  effectively  deliver  on  its  mandate  within  the  prescribed   financial  budgets.  Nevertheless,  ÖRF  radio  and  television  today  are  generally  considered   legitimate  and  independent  public  service  broadcasters  with  both  national  and  regional  outputs   garnering  significant  shares  of  audience,  though  somewhat  less  than  earlier  years  due  to   competition  from  the  commercial  and  community  sectors  (Peissl  2013).       Community  Radio   The  community  radio  sector,  known  as  “Freie  Radios”,  originated  in  the  Second  Republic’s   monopolistic  media  environment  of  the  1970s,  when  unlicensed  pirate  radios  in  Vienna,  Linz,   Klagenfurt,  and  elsewhere  in  Austria  were  established  as  non-­‐conforming  illegal  enterprises.   Through  the  1980s,  they  grew  along  with  social  movements  outside  of  the  mainstream  to   become  important  components  of  the  alternative  political  and  cultural  scene.  Ironically,  despite   their  counter-­‐public  identities,  some  of  these  pirate  radios  were  receiving  government  arts  and   culture  funding  for  their  activities  (Peissl  2013).  The  1990s  saw  continued  growth  of  illegal   pirate  operations,  but  also  brought  increased  enforcement  by  the  regulator,  as  dozens  of   transmitters  were  seized  and  substantial  financial  penalties  assessed.       The  political  activities  of  community  broadcasting  activists  in  collaboration  with  the  Green  Party   and  Social  Democrats  were  also  laying  the  foundation  for  a  new  legal  private  radio  sector  with   access  to  the  restricted  FM  radio  frequencies.  Even  before  the  legalization  of  the  sector  and  the   establishment  of  radios,  the  association  of  the  free  radios  was  established  1993.  The  Verband   Freier  Radios  Österreich  (VFRÖ)  was  founded  to  provide  leadership  for  the  community  radio   sector  through  interventions  in  policy  discourse  (Wahl  2013).  It  still  operates  today,  supporting   the  effective  and  sustainable  operation  of  member  radios  with  capacity-­‐building  initiatives,  and   the  charter  of  the  organization  guides  the  sector  with  a  set  of  principles  which  govern  the   participants  and  organizational  members  (VFRÖ  2015).                                                                                                                     4 The 2001 Audiovisual law: Bundeskanzleramt Rechtsinformationssytems “Bundesrecht Konsolidiert: Gesamte Rechtsvorschrift für Fernseh-Exklusivrechtegesetz” is available here: https://www.ris.bka.gv.at/GeltendeFassung.wxe?Abfrage=Bundesnormen&Gesetzesnummer=20001413. The  Regional  Radio  Act  of  1995  was  amended  in  1997  with  new  provisions  creating  both   regional  and  local  radio  services,  allotting  42  local  frequencies  from  more  than  300  applications   (Haller  1996).  From  that  allotment  eight  new  not-­‐for-­‐profit  radios  were  granted  licenses  in   1998,  and  the  community  broadcasting  sector  of  Austria  was  legally  established  (Hirner  2003).   After  2002,  several  educational  channels  were  re-­‐licensed  as  community  radios  including  Radio   Helsinki  in  Graz,  and  Campus/City  Radio  in  St.  Pölten.  Further  development  of  the  sector   yielded  the  licensing  of  Radio  Freistadt  in  2003,  Radio  B138  in  Kirchdorf  an  der  Krems  in  2008,   and  Radio  Oberpullendorf  in  2009,  bringing  the  total  to  14  community  radios  in  Austria   (Tremetzberger  2016).     The  collaboration  among  legislators,  regulators  and  practitioners,  which  began  during  the   formation  of  the  community  radio  sector  in  the  1990s,  was  reaffirmed  after  a  difficult  decade  in   the  2000s  as  insufficient  funding  mechanisms  threatened  its  sustainability.  The  various   stakeholders  worked  together  to  formulate  new  policy  initiatives  designed  to  set  community   radio  on  a  path  of  effectiveness  and  sustainability  (Peissl  2015).  As  a  result,  many  of  the  guiding   elements  from  the  VFRÖ  charter  were  used  in  developing  new  recognition  and  funding   guidelines  for  non-­‐commercial  broadcasting,  established  in  2009  by  the  Rundfunk  und  Telekom   Regulierungs  GmbH  (RTR).  That  new  policy  initiative  created  the  “Fonds  zur  Förderung  des   nichtkommerziellen  Rundfunks”5  (Fund  for  Non-­‐Commercial  Broadcasting),  which  diverts  a   portion  of  the  broadcasting  user  fees  to  community  radio  and  television.  To  manage  and   control  this  funding  program,  the  RTR  established  a  set  of  guidelines  for  applicants  in  the   “Fonds  zur  Forderung  des  Nichtkommerzialen  Rundfunks  Richtilien”  (Funding  Guidelines  for   Non-­‐Commercial  Broadcasters)  6 .  Under  these  guidelines,  annual  proposals  by  the  individual   radios  and  televisions  are  submitted  to  the  media  regulator  for  review,  and  roughly  €2  million   per  year  is  competitively  granted  over  and  above  a  minimum  standard  amount  for  every   qualifying  applicant  (Altendorf  2014).  Although  a  high  degree  of  dependence  on  government   funding  is  an  ongoing  concern  of  the  stakeholders,  government  support  continues  to  assure  the   relative  financial  sustainability  of  the  sector.     As  a  result  of  their  shared  history,  Austrian  community  radios  are  very  similar  in  their   characteristics.  The  organizations  that  comprise  the  Austrian  community  radio  landscape  are                                                                                                                   5 A description of the Austrian fund for non-commercial broadcasting can be seen here: https://www.rtr.at/de/foe/NKRF_Fonds. 6 The guidelines for the Austrian non-commercial broadcast funding are here: https://www.rtr.at/en/foe/RichtlinienNKRF_Fonds/NKRF_Richtlinien_20150930.pdf. generally  mixed-­‐model  broadcasters  that  cover  a  local  geographic  area,  aspiring  to  serve  the   communities  identified  within  their  geographic  reach.  Thus,  they  typically  feature  a  wide  range   of  programs  about  social,  cultural,  and  political  subjects  important  to  the  local  community,   produced  by  individuals  and  teams  of  mostly  volunteer  participants.  These  volunteers  are   tasked  by  organizational  charters  and  regulatory  guidelines  to  observe  and  promote  the  values   and  philosophies  of  community  broadcasting,  both  in  the  programs  they  offer,  and  within  the   organizations  they  operate.     Because  the  Austrian  technological  model  for  community  radio  deploys  citywide  standard  FM   broadcast  coverage  areas,  the  largest  cities  in  Austria  predictably  also  have  the  largest  radios  in   terms  of  volunteers,  staff  and  subsidies.  In  Vienna,  Radio  Orange  is  an  iconic  institution  among   the  diverse  population,  with  more  than  500  participant  producers  making  programs  in  more   than  15  languages  (Moser  2013).  Radio  FRO  in  Linz  and  RadioFabrik  in  Salzburg  are  also  large   organizations  with  hundreds  of  volunteer  participants  from  a  diverse  number  of  communities   (Wahl  2013).  A  second  tier  of  free  radios  in  smaller  cities  and  towns  is  highlighted  by  the   successful  organizations  of  Radio  Helsinki  in  Graz,  Radio  Salzkammergut  in  Bad  Ischl,  Radio   Agora  in  Klagenfurt,  and  Freirad  Radio  in  Innsbruck,  all  of  which  are  estimated  to  have  more   than  50  volunteer  participants  each.  The  balance  of  the  sector  is  comprised  of  local  radios   usually  with  fewer  than  50  volunteers  serving  smaller  towns  across  the  country  (see  figure  9),   from  Radio  Proton  in  Dornbirn  in  the  west,  to  Radio  Freistadt  in  the  north,  to  Radio  Ypsilon  in   Hollabrunn  in  the  east7 .  In  terms  of  enabling  policy,  organizational  development,  volunteer   participation,  and  service  to  diverse  communities,  the  Austrian  community  radio  sector  can  be   seen  as  among  the  most  successful  in  Europe  (CMFE  2011).                                                                                                                         7 Austrian activist and practioner Alf Altendorf reports these numbers are highly problematic: the radios publish their user numbers following different principles, such as active users, members of organisations (if any), number of programes and so on. For example, Radiofabrik (2016) has 320 active producers, 220 members, 160 programes.   Figure 9. Map of Community Radios in Austria. VFRÖ 2015   Community  Television   The  success  of  the  community  radio  sector  also  helped  spawn  the  community  television  sector   in  Austria,  as  activists  from  these  radios  substantially  contributed  to  establishing  new   community  televisions  in  Austria  (Tremetzberger  2014).  The  ÖRF  television  monopoly  ended  in   2001  when  the  Federal  ÖRF  Television  Act  opened  up  the  television  delivery  spectrum  to   private  operators8 .  This  development  led  to  the  establishment  of  a  number  of  regional  and  local   TV  commercial  channels  on  terrestrial  and  cable  platforms,  as  well  as  numerous  popular   foreign-­‐based  commercial  channels  (Trappel  2007).  It  also  provided  the  first  opportunity  for   establishment  of  a  legal  non-­‐commercial  community  television  sector.     In  Austria,  similar  to  neighboring  Germany,  despite  the  ÖRF  monopoly,  the  community   television  ideal  did  manifest  itself  in  some  small  project  initiatives  emanating  from  academia   and  civil  society  as  far  back  as  the  1970s  and  1980s.  The  Styrian  Academy  and  the  City  of  Graz   supported  a  non-­‐profit  organization  under  the  name:  "Workers  Making  Television"  that   produced  videos  from  1976-­‐1983  with  the  aim  of  "promoting  political  and  cultural  education,   school  and  extracurricular  elementary  and  adult  education,  especially  by  means  of  the   implementation  of  video  work  "  (Schutz,  et  al  2002,  66).    “Local  Television  Burgenland”  was   launched  in  1976  with  support  from  the  regional  government  culture  ministry  and  was  followed                                                                                                                   8 The Federal ÖRF Act can be seen here: https://www.rtr.at/en/m/ORFG. by  “Local  Television  Styria”  which  grew  to  locations  in  four  cities  in  the  region.  These  video   services  lacked  access  to  broadcast  spectrum,  were  project-­‐based,  and  lasted  only  a  few  years.       Ironically,  although  Austrian  community  television  as  a  genuine  sector  was  not  established  until   2005,  the  1970s  video  pioneers  of  Austria  were  seen  to  be  an  inspirational  model  in  the  much   earlier  establishment  of  open-­‐channels  in  Germany  (Schutz  et  al  2002).  The  first  alternative   television  in  Vienna  was  initially  realized  in  the  founding  of  “True  Image  Vision”,  a   commercially-­‐funded  project  offering  two  hours  of  programming  per  day,  distributed  on  the   local  cable  system  from  1999-­‐2001  (Stachel  2002).  Though  this  commercial  model  of  an   alternative  channel  proved  unsuccessful,  several  participants  in  the  venture,  including  Amina   Handke  and  Alf  Altendorf,  later  went  on  to  help  establish  the  community  channel  TV  Okto  in   Vienna,  and  subsequently  FS-­‐1  television  in  Salzburg  (Bauer  2013).     In  the  latter  half  of  the  1990s  and  into  the  2000s,  the  drive  to  establish  a  true  alternative   community  television  in  Vienna  was  supported  by  a  wide  range  of  activists  from  civil  society  (Alf   Altendorf,  Barbara  Eppensteiner),  academia  (Thomas  Bauer,  Johannes  Schutz),  politics   (Christoph  Chorherr,  Marie  Ringler),  and  community  radio  (Fiona  Steinert,  Thomas  Thurnher).   The  2002  report  for  the  city  of  Vienna:  “Studie  zur  praktischen  Umsetzung  des  offenen   Fernsehkanals  Wien”  proposed  the  establishment  of  Okto  TV,  citing  the  success  of  community   channels  in  the  Netherlands,  Australia,  and  Germany,  but  recommending  an  “independent”   model  with  autonomous  ownership  and  control  (Schutz,  et  al  2002).  Led  by  a  coalition  of   political  parties,  the  city  council  in  2003  approved  a  measure  authorizing  annual  funding  for  the   new  Vienna  community  television  channel  of  approximately  one  million  euros  (Bauer  2016).     Subsequent  organizational  development  saw  the  formation  of  a  board  of  directors  led  by   Thomas  Bauer,  and  a  management  team  headed  by  Christian  Jungwirth.  They  incorporated  the   student  television  at  the  University  of  Vienna  into  the  technical  development  of  studios  and   transmission  capacities,  resulting  in  the  launch  of  Okto  TV  in  2005  on  channel  8  of  the  Vienna   cable  television  system.  Okto  TV  has  grown  incrementally  in  the  more  than  ten  years  since  its   founding,  eventually  moving  into  new  studios  and  offices  which  now  accommodate  a  team  of   salaried  employees  and  more  than  500  volunteer  participants  comprising  150  production   groups  (Jungwirth  2016a).  Annual  funding  from  the  City  of  Vienna  continues  apace,  as  do  grants   from  the  RTR  Fund  for  Non-­‐Commercial  Broadcasting  and  fees  for  services,  assuring  at  least  on   annual  basis,  the  sustainability  of  the  channel.     An  outgrowth  from  the  successful  ARS  Electronica  Festival9  in  Linz,  DORF  TV  was  conceptualized   in  2005  by  a  group  of  artists  and  media  activists  including  Otto  Tremetzberger,  Gabrielle                                                                                                                   9 More information about the ARS festival is here: http://www.aec.at/festival/en/. Kepplinger  and  Georg  Ritter  as  an  interactive  open  access  TV  channel.  The  concept  was  based   upon  experiences  of  Stadtwerkstatt  TV10  and  the  Austrian  community  radios  to  be  "TV  as  an   instrument  of  art"  (Tremetzberger  2005).  A  2008  funding  and  development  program  supported   the  initiative,  and  the  first  broadcasts  took  place  via  digital  video  broadcast  (DVB)  in  2010.  After   repeated  refusals  of  the  Linz  cable  system  operator  to  offer  access,  the  group  filed  a  “must   carry”  complaint  with  the  Austrian  media  authority  in  2013,  and  the  cable  system  was  ordered   to  carry  DORF’s  programs.  The  channel  is  supported  by  shareholding  organizational  scheme   that  supplements  local,  regional  and  national  government  funding,  and  includes  more  than  180   registered  local  arts  organizations,  as  well  as  more  than  800  individuals  registered  as  supporters   and/or  volunteers.  DORF  TV  is  especially  noteworthy  for  its  technological  development  of   systems  that  encourage  production  of  user-­‐generated  video  via  mobile  telephones   (Tremetzberger  2014).       The  development  of  community  television  in  Salzburg  originated  with  a  public  proposal  by   Salzburg´s  community  radio  Radiofabrik  in  2009  by  managing  director  Alf  Altendorf.  In  2010   Markus  Weisheitinger-­‐Hermann  (IMB  –  Institute  for  Media  Education  Salzburg)  joined  along   with  the  collaboration  of  more  than  30  local  cultural  organizations.  Together  they  founded  the   legal  organization  “Community  TV  Salzburg”,  and  in  2011  the  group  secured  a  commitment  for   transmission  of  a  new  community  television  channel  via  a  local  digital  television  service  and  by   the  local  cable  system  Kabelnet  Salzburg  AG.  After  some  delays  due  to  legal  and  financial   concerns,  the  channel  was  reorganized  as  a  legal  shareholders’  entity  with  local  individuals,   groups,  and  institutions  co-­‐owning  the  not-­‐for-­‐profit  enterprise.  The  new  shareholding   organizational  scheme  proved  effective  in  generating  local  private  revenue11 ,  and  also  secured   an  annual  funding  grant  of  €193,000  from  the  Non-­‐Commercial  Broadcasting  Fund  of  the  RTR  in   2012  (FS-­‐1  2015).  Later  that  year,  the  TV  was  renamed  FS-­‐1,  and  proceeded  to  launch  its  video   broadcasting  service  from  newly-­‐reconstructed  studios  and  offices  in  the  arts  quarter  of   Salzburg  (Altendorf  2016).                                                                                                                     10 Te original Stadtwerk TV website can be found here: http://www.stwst.at/kunst/stwsttv/stwsttv.htm. 11 Though not commonly found in community media, shareholder’s organizational schemes and similar membership models of funding have also proven successful at Radio Populare in Milan, with more than 10,000 supporting members (CMFE 2015) and community TV Sheffield Live in the UK, which raised 160,000 selling shares for its launch in 2014 (Sheffield Live 2015). One of the world’s largest non-profit shareholders’ enterprises is the Green Bay Packers Football Club, with over 350,000 shareholders and an estimated value of nearly $2 billion USD (Forbes 2014). FS-­‐1  provides  a  24-­‐hour  daily  program  service  supported  by  more  than  50  registered  members   and  150  active  volunteer  producers,  managed  by  a  small  salaried  management  staff.  The   organization  is  sustained  financially  through  the  shareholder’s  scheme  and  an  ongoing   combination  of  private  and  public  support,  highlighted  by  grants  from  the  RTR,  city  of  Salzburg,   and  Salzburg  regional  government.  FS-­‐1  prioritizes  the  recruitment  and  training  of  youth  video   producers,  many  of  whom  contribute  to  a  robust  selection  of  youth-­‐based  programs  on  the   channel.     The  three  television  channels  of  Austrian  community  television  sector  developed  in  sequential   overlapping  time  frames,  beginning  in  2005  with  OKTO  TV  in  Vienna,  followed  by  the  2010   debut  of  DORF  TV  in  Linz,  and  finally  in  2013  with  FS-­‐1  TV  in  Salzburg.  Each  television  originated   as  an  independent  organism  within  their  local,  social,  economic,  political,  and  technical   environments,  and  each  developed  within  the  governance  and  funding  of  the  media  regulator   RTR,  complemented  by  local  and  regional  government  support  (Tremetzberger  2015).                                                     References     Altendorf,  A.  (2014).  Interview  by  author.  Salzburg,  Austria.  29.4.2014.   ———.  (2016).  Correspondence  11.1.2016.     Bauer,  T.  (2013).  Interview  by  author.  Vienna,  Austria.  3.12.2013.   ———.  (2015).  Correspondence.  6.5.2015.   ———.  (2016).  Correspondence.  9.1.2016.     Community  Media  Forum  Europe  (CMFE).  (2011).  “Community  Media  Mapping  Project”.   Community  Media  Forum  Europe.  http://cmfe.eu/?p=864    Accessed  15.8.2014.     Council  of  Europe  (COE).  (2007).  Freedom  of  Expression  in  Europe:  Case  Law  Concerning  Article   10  of  the  European  Convention  on  Human  Rights.  Council  of  Europe.   http://www.echr.coe.int/LibraryDocs/DG2/HRFILES/DG2-­‐EN-­‐HRFILES-­‐18%282007%29.pdf   Accessed  24.12.2015.     Frank,  H.  (2003).  “Press  Reference:  Austria”.  Press  Reference.   http://www.pressreference.com/A-­‐Be/Austria.html  Accessed  26.12.2015.     Jungwirth,  C.  (2013).  Interview  by  author.  Vienna,  Austria.  27.11.2013.   ———.  (2016a).  Interview  by  author.  Vienna,  Austria.  12.2.2016.   ———.  (2016b).  Correspondence.  19.2.2016.     Moser,  S.  (2013).  Interview  by  author.  Vienna,  Austria.  28.11.2013.     Peissl,  H.  (2013).  Interview  by  author.  Klosterneuburg,  Austria.  28.11.2013.   ———.  (2015).  Interview  by  author.  Klosterneuburg,  Austria.  28.1.2015.   ———.  (2016).  Interview  by  author.  Vienna,  Austria.  11.2.2016.     Schutz,  J.,  et  al.  (2002).  “Senderidentitaet:  Gemeinsame  Programmelemente,   Wiedererkennbarkeit”.  In  Studie  zur  Praktischen  Umsetzung  des  Offenen  Fernsehkanals  Wien.  J.   Schutz.  (ed).  Vienna:  Presse  -­‐  U.  Informationsdiendstes  Der  Stadt  Wien.     Stachel,  R.  (2002).  “Senderidentitaet:  Gemeinsame  Programmelemente,  Wiedererkennbarkeit”.   In  Studie  zur  Praktischen  Umsetzung  des  Offenen  Fernsehkanals  Wien.  J.  Schutz.  (ed).  Vienna:   Presse  -­‐  U.  Informationsdiendstes  Der  Stadt  Wien.     Thiele,  M.  (2009).  “The  Austrian  Media  System:  Strong  Media  Conglomerates  and  an  Ailing   Public  Broadcaster”.  In  Press  Freedom  and  Pluralism  in  Europe  –  Concepts  and  Conditions.  A.   Czepek.  (ed.).  Chicago:  Intellect.     Trappel,  J.  (2007).  “The  Austrian  Media  Landscape”.  In  Terzis,  G.  (ed.).  European  Media   Governance:  National  and  Regional  Dimensions.  63-­‐72.  Chicago:  Intellect.     Tremetztberger,  O.  (2005).  "Reactors  for  Open  Media:  A  Two-­‐Way  Media  Experience  Crossing   the  Border  to  the  Czech  Republic".  Masters  thesis  at  International  Center  for  Cultural   Management.  Salzburg  Management  Business  School.   ———.  (2014).  Interview  by  author.  Linz,  Austria.  2.12.2013.   ———.  (2015).  Interview  by  author.  Freistadt,  Austria.  30.1.2015.   ———.  (2016).  Correspondence  27.1.2016.     Verband  Freies  Radios  Österreich  (VFRÖ).  (2015).  “Uber  uns”.  Verband  Freies  Radios  Österreich.   http://www.freie-­‐radios.at/ueber-­‐uns.html  Accessed  14.12.2015.     Wahl,  A.  (2013).  Interview  by  author.  Linz,  Austria.  2.12.2013.