Relevant  Theory  and  Research  -­‐  Sociology       2.1  Civil  Society     Civil  society  refers  to  a  segment  of  society  apart  from  commerce  and  government  occupied  by   individuals  and  groups  in  public  life  outside  the  home,  encompassing  their  cultural,  ethical,   political,  and/or  religious  interests  (Powell  2007,  O'Connell  1999,  McDonald  1997,  Zaleski   2006).  Individuals  commonly  pursue  these  interests  through  a  variety  of  voluntary  activities  in   conjunction  with  community  groups,  labor  unions,  indigenous  groups,  charitable  organizations,   faith-­‐based  organizations,  professional  associations,  and  numerous  other  structures.  Individuals   and  the  groups  that  comprise  civil  society  connect  through  their  public  and  private  networks  of   social  values  and  institutions.  Participation  in  community  media  then,  can  be  understood  as  a   component  of  civil  society,  and  thus  it  is  important  to  devote  some  attention  to  this  concept.     Theoretical  conceptualizations  of  civil  society  can  be  difficult  and  ambiguous,  as  Cohen  and   Arato  (1992,  27)  contend  “there  is  no  sufficiently  complex  theory  that  is  available  today”.  The   realm  of  civil  society  is  a  concept  said  to  have  originated  in  the  texts  of  Aristotle  as  the  term   “koinōnía  politike”,  which  describes  a  portion  of  society,  apart  from  government,  consisting  of  a   community  of  citizens  with  shared  interests  (Davis  1996),  larger  than  the  privacy  of  family  and   the  ethos  of  the  workplace.  Emmanuel  Kant  (1892)  positioned  the  concept  as  the  free  exercise   of  reason  by  indviduals  in  opposition  to  the  monarchies  of  medieval  times,  and  in  the  period  of   the  enlightenment,  John  Locke  built  upon  his  colleague  Thomas  Hobbes'  societal  "social   contract"  to  delineate  civil  society  from  the  state  in  a  peaceful  coexistence  (O'Brien  1999).   Upon  the  industrial  revolution  and  the  rise  of  modernity,  the  romanticist  Wilhelm  Freidrick   Hegel  (1896)  introduced  his  “bürgerliche  gesellschaft”  concept  of  a  free  civilian  society,  which   effectively  launched  wide  debates  about  the  nature  and  role  of  civil  society  in  the  modern   European  nation-­‐state.  Among  the  most  important  theoretical  debates  spawned  by  Hegel   centers  around  the  tension  between  culture  and  politics  as  primary  and  legitimate  roles  for  civil   society.  Following  Hegel  in  the  19th  century,  the  romanticist  Alexis  de  Tocqueville  emphasized   the  primacy  of  culture  (Maker  1994),  whereas  in  the  20th  century,  Antonio  Gramsci  (1971,  477)   took  a  strong  position  on  the  political  aspect  of  civil  society  as  “the  site  of  hegemonic  struggle,   resistance  to  repressive  regimes  and  corporate  power,  and  a  facility  for  social  transformation”.   This  duality  of  purpose  between  culture  and  politics  forms  a  foundation  for  further  discussions   about  the  role  of  civil  society  in  today's  post-­‐modern  democracies,  and  the  communities  within.     Many  current  scholars  focus  on  the  role  of  civil  society  in  the  reproduction  of  culture  and   development  of  communities  (Putnam  et  al  1994,  Perlas  2013,  Kaufman  and  Dilla-­‐Alfonso   1997).  Civil  society  for  these  theorists  is  bound  together  by  nature  and  social  connections  that   often  take  the  form  of  cultural  representations,  transmitting  values  and  behaviors  among   participant  individuals  and  groups.  Culture  as  a  concept  in  this  context  can  take  many  forms,   reflected  in  the  various  participants  and  organizations  that  comprise  civil  society.  Agnes  Heller   (2001,  141)  writes:  "Civil  society  consists  thus  of  a  mosaic  of  identities  and  non-­‐identities,  of  a   mosaic  of  groups  of  cultural  memory  formation".  Beyond  the  representation  of  identities,   culture  is  often  rooted  in  the  interests  of  citizens  and  delivered  by  components  of  civil  society.   For  example,  Bruce  Sievers  (2009)  argues  that  not-­‐for-­‐profit  arts  groups  situated  in  civil  society   "advance  pluralism,  promote  voluntary  action,  accommodate  diversity,  and  champion   individual  visions  of  the  public  good".     The  primary  role  of  civil  society  to  other  scholars  is  to  counter  the  political  power  and   dominance  of  elites  in  government  and  commerce  (Godwin  1971,  Barber  1984,  Mueller  et  al   2007,  Chomsky  1996).  Dominant  themes  in  this  view  include  the  marginalization  of  civil  society   in  the  political  sphere,  and  the  exclusion  of  civil  society  from  the  decision-­‐making  process.  In   turn,  a  politically  active  civil  society  seeks  proportional  representation  in  politics  that  restores   citizens'  legitimate  role  in  decision-­‐making,  and  a  transfer  of  power  from  governments  and   commercial  interests.  Ramirez  (2007,  38)  argues  that  these  demands  require  "the  initiatives  of   grassroots  organizations,  of  local  popular  movements  that  endeavour  to  counteract  extreme   forms  of  social  exclusion  and  open  up  new  spaces  for  democratic  participation".  Extreme  forms   of  repression  can  often  result  in  radical  forms  of  civil  society  taking  aggressive  actions  in  pursuit   of  their  ideological  agendas.  These  radical  forms  seek  to  alter  social  structures  and  change   value  systems  imposed  by  perceived  political  hegemony,  using  whatever  tactics  necessary  to   effect  results  (Markowitz  2003).  Adrian  Little  (2002,  103)  also  cites  economic  factors  as  an   important  basis  for  radical  civil  society  activity:  "where  radical  democrats  have  tended  to  focus   on  a  differentiated  space  for  political  engagement...we  should  do  the  same  for  economic  and   non-­‐economic  activities  and,  in  so  doing,  construct  an  alternative  political  economy  to  the   hegemony  of  market  discourses".  An  ideological  civil  society  however,  does  not  exist  solely  in   tension  with  the  state  and/or  commercial  interests  and  can  actually  strengthen  citizens'  respect   for  these  societal  institutions  through  its  watchdog  role,  promoting  active  citizenship  within  a   cooperative  political  environment  (Diamond  2004).     Whether  representing  culture  or  political  ideology,  active  citizenship  and  democratic   participation  are  basic  requirements  of  all  functioning  democracies.  The  construction  of  civil   society,  comprised  of  individuals,  groups  and  communities,  is  also  an  important  frame  through   which  to  examine  the  concept.  The  integration  of  the  individual  with  civil  society  was  initially   portrayed  in  Husserl’s  “life  world”,  made  up  of  systems  which  grow  out  of  relationships  among   individuals  (1970,  108).  The  concept  of  life  world  was  adapted  by  Jürgen  Habermas  to   emphasize  the  social  environment  comprised  of  competencies  and  practices.  In  his  theory  of   communicative  action,  Habermas  (1987)  positioned  civil  society  as  a  central  component  of  his   non-­‐economic  public  sphere  where  citizens  could  freely  assemble,  establish  connections  among   communities,  and  have  their  voices  heard.  He  states:  “In  communicative  action  participants  are   not  primarily  oriented  to  their  own  success;  they  pursue  their  goals  under  the  condition  that   they  can  harmonize  their  plans  of  action  on  the  basis  of  common  situation  definitions”  (118).   Within  civil  society,  Habermas  (ibid,  86)  identifies  avenues  for  development  called  “possibility   spaces”  that  provide  the  fertile  soil  for  development  and  advancement  of  the  actors'  utility.   Here  he  seems  to  integrate  the  micro  of  the  individual  with  the  macro  of  the  societal  structured   norm,  to  find  a  balance  that  can  be  seen  in  the  social  structures  and  processes  that  define  civil   society.       Scholars  such  as  Bourdieu  (1984),  Giddens  (1998)  and  Carey  (1989)  identified  the  role  of  mass   communication  in  the  reproduction  of  culture  within  civil  society  as  a  functioning  component  of   democratic  pluralism.  Charles  Husband  (1998,  136)  writes  that  media  is  "a  core  element  in  civil   society  and  a  fundamental  prerequisite  for  the  promotion  of  civic  trust  in  multi-­‐ethnic   societies".  Mainstream  media  in  the  form  of  commercial  and  public  service  broadcasting  is  a   primary  driver  of  cultural  reproduction,  but  when  individuals  and  groups  are  misrepresented  or   denied  access,  they  can  look  to  alternative  media  forms  situated  in  civil  society  for  the   representation  and  transmission  of  their  culture.  Kevin  Howley  (2010,  5)  writes:  "through  the   production  and  dissemination  of  media  texts  that  assert  and  affirm  cultural  identities,   community  media  make  visible  cultural  differences  in  discursive  as  well  as  social  space".       Communities  of  identity,  such  as  ethnic  minorities  and  marginalized  groups,  comprise  an   important  segment  of  civil  society,  and  in  turn  a  significant  subset  of  community  broadcasting   participants.  Positive  representations  of  their  culture  facilitated  by  community  broadcasting  can   lead  to  social  inclusion  and  opportunities  for  positive  participation  in  society  for  themselves  and   their  communities  (Perkins,  2010).  The  Alliance  des  Radios  Communautaires  du  Canada  (ARC)   (2015)  says  about  community  radio  "Its  airwaves  reflect  the  cultural  reality:  songs,  music,   writing  of  the  French-­‐speaking  population  it  serves.  Community  radio  stations  are  the  best   standard-­‐bearers  of  our  culture".  In  this  context  of  participatory  democracy,  community   broadcasting  can  be  seen  to  reconnect  local  populations  with  the  civic  and  cultural  life  of  their   communities  (Howley  2000).     When  examining  broadcast  mass  media  for  political  discourse  in  democratic  societies,  scholars   commonly  focus  primarily  on  public  service  and  commercial  broadcasters  (Zaller  1999).  While   civil  society  is  regularly  seen  as  included  in  this  discourse,  other  scholars  argue  that  civil  society   is  actually  misrepresented  and  often  marginalized  by  these  forums  (McChesney  and  Nichols   2002,  Coyer  et  al  2007).  In  addition,  mainstream  media  is  often  seen  as  unduly  influenced  by   commercial  and  political  interests;  compromising  their  legitimacy  as  a  true  pluralistic  forum   (Stetka  2012b).  Civil  society-­‐based  indviduals,  groups  and  organizations  then  turn  to  alternative   media  forms  to  provide  a  voice  in  democratic  discourse,  and  as  a  counterbalance  to  the   dominant  media  power  of  government  and  commercial  elites.  Social,  environmental,  economic   and  political  justice  for  all  citizens  are  among  the  many  political  issues  addressed  by  alternative   media  (Atton  2002).  As  a  subset  of  alternative  media,  transmission  of  political  representations   is  a  common  component  of  community  broadcasting,  where  members  of  civil  society  promote   their  agendas  and  advocate  for  various  social  movements.       This  political  orientation  of  community  broadcasting  is  commonly  combined  with  cultural   pursuits  to  form  a  "mixed  model"  which  is  ubiquitous  throughout  the  world.  A  more  strident   political  version  of  this  model  can  often  be  found  where  ideological  opposition  to  government   is  more  prevalent,  and  participants'  basis  for  civil  society  takes  a  more  oppositional  political   form.  That  dynamic  is  reflected  in  community  broadcasters  with  a  strong  ideological  approach,   such  as  Radio  Vallekas  (2015)  in  Madrid,  founded  on  a  commitment  to:  "Garantizar  el  ejercicio   directo  del  derecho  a  la  comunicación  a  toda  la  ciudadanía."  ("Guarantee  the  right  to   communicate  for  all  citizens").  The  extreme  version  of  politically-­‐oriented  community   broadcasting  arose  from  this  oppositional  model  as  part  of  the  radical  media  movement.  The   scholar  John  Downing  (2001,  v)  describes  radical  media  as:  "generally  small-­‐scale  and  in  many   different  forms,  that  express  an 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 (1999).  Civil  Society:  The  Underpinnings  of  American  Democracy.  Medford,   Mass:  Tufts  University  Press.     Perkins,  J.    (2010).  "Social  and  Community  Media  in  Poor  and  Marginalized  Urban  Communities:   A  Study  of  Collective  Action  in  Kiber"  (2010).  Independent  Study  Project  (ISP)  Collection.   http://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/819/  Accessed  6.1.2016     Perlas,  N.  (2003).  Shaping  Globalization:  Civil  Society,  Cultural  Power  and  Threefolding.   Vancouver:  New  Society.     Putnam,  R.  and  R.  Leonardi,  R.  Nanetti,  R.  Leonardi,  R.Y.  Nanetti.  (1994).  Making  Democracy   Work:  Civic  Traditions  in  Modern  Italy.  Princeton  University  Press.     Radio  FRO.  (2015).  “Programm  für  Sonntag,  03.01.2016”.               http://www.fro.at/programm.php?d=03&m=01&y=2016  Accessed  6.1.2016     Radio  Orange.  (2015).  “About  Radio  Orange”.  http://o94.at/submenu/ueber-­‐orange-­‐94-­‐ 0/?lang=en  Accessed  6.1.2016     Radio  Vallekas  (2007).  “Objetivos”.  http://www.radiovallekas.org/spip/spip.php?article16   Accessed  7.1.2016     Ramirez,  M.  (2007).  The  Politics  of  Recognition  and  Citizenship  in  Putumayo  and  in  the  Baja  Bota   of  Cauca:  The  Case  of  the  1996  Cocalero  Movement.  Centro  de  Estudos  Sociais  (CES)  da   Universidade  de  Coimbra.    http://www.ces.uc.pt/emancipa/research/en/ft/marchas.html   Accessed  10.1.2016     Sievers,  B.  (2009).  What  is  Civil  Society?  Grantmakers  in  the  Arts.   http://www.giarts.org/article/what-­‐civil-­‐society  Accessed  10.1.2016     Štětka,  V.  (2012).  “From  Multinationals  to  Business  Tycoons:  Media  Ownership  and  Journalistic   Autonomy  in  Central  and  Eastern  Europe”.  The  International  Journal  of  Press/Politics,  Vol.  17   (4),  pp.  433-­‐456.     Zaleski,  P.  (2006).  "Global  Non-­‐Governmental  Administrative  System:  Geosociology  of  the  Third   Sector".  in  Gawin,  D.  and  P.  Glinski.  (eds.).  Civil  Society  in  the  Making.  Warsaw:  IFiS  Publishers.     Zaller,  J.  (1999).  A  Theory  of  Media  Politics.  University  of  Chicago.   http://www.uky.edu/AS/PoliSci/Peffley/pdf/ZallerTheoryofMediaPolitics%2810-­‐99%29.pdf   Accessed  10.1.2016                                                         2.2  The  Public  Sphere     In  the  middle  of  the  20th  century,  new  technologies  such  as  radio  and  film  were  gaining  mass   audiences,  extending  the  ubiquitous  reach  of  newspapers,  to  form  what  Horkheimer  and   Adorno  (1992)  named  the  “culture  industries”.  They  theorized  that  the  rise  of  large  cultural   industry  players  had  created  a  structured,  supply-­‐driven  system  that:  “integrates  its  consumers   from  above”  and  was  negating  the  opportunities  for  individuals  and  small  groups  of  producers   to  comprise  “a  more  diverse  and  pluralistic  platform  for  societal  understanding"  (Adorno  1991,   99).  The  phenomenon  of  “media”  evolved  to  gain  acceptance  in  the  collective  consciousness  of   western  societies,  but  also  retained  the  components  of  social  and  cultural  activities  (Briggs  and   Burke  2009).  Horkheimer  and  Adorno  also  recommended  that  sociology  needed  to  take  a   deeper  look  at  how  individuals  and  structures  interact,  and  that  researching  the  development   of  public  policy  should  include  not  just  an  examination  of  the  actors'  behavior,  but  also  an   exploration  of  the  value  systems  upon  which  the  actions  were  based.  Jürgen  Habermas  was  a   student  and  protege  of  Horkheimer  and  Adorno  at  the  Frankfurt  School.  He  published  his  1961   habilitation  thesis  The  Structural  Transformation  of  the  Public  Sphere,  a  landmark  work  that   explores  themes  of  democracy,  social  developments,  civil  society  and  the  role  of  media.  It  also   generated  numerous  critiques  and  further  discussions  on  these  subjects  that  still  resonate   today  and  form  a  theoretical  foundation  for  this  research  project.       The  Structural  Transformation  of  the  Public  Sphere  argues  that  a  participatory  bourgeois  public   sphere  of  real  discourse  among  equals,  was  eventually  transformed  into  a  site  of  spectator   politics  manipulated  by  elites  who  took  control  of  the  medium  (Habermas  1989,  159).  For   Habermas,  the  public  sphere  initially  merged  the  private  concerns  of  literate  individuals   regarding  family  and  social  integration  with  the  larger  public  concerns  of  society.  These   concerns  were  presented  in  spaces  reserved  for  open  discourse  among  citizens  intended  to   identify  and  prioritize  interests  for  the  common  good.  Individuals  could  inform  and  influence   public  opinion,  even  if  it  was  in  opposition  to  the  current  political  status  quo.  Habermas  stated:   "The  public  sphere  as  a  functional  element  in  the  political  realm  was  given  the  normative  status   of  an  organ  for  the  self-­‐articulation  of  civil  society  with  a  state  authority  corresponding  to  its   needs"  (74).       Populating  this  public  sphere  were  the  citizens  who,  through  their  participation,  seek   communication,  representation,  and  association.  They  participate  as  individuals  initially,  but   also  constituting  groups  that,  aggregating  around  shared  issues  and/or  interests,  become   “publics”  (Newman  and  Clarke  2009).  Enabled  by  the  democratic  revolutions  of  the  late  18th   century,  participation  in  these  public  meetings  became  protected  by  law,  representing  early   examples  of  free  speech,  freedom  of  assembly,  and  freedom  of  the  press  (Antonio  and  Keller   1992).  These  protections  facilitated  the  role  of  the  public  sphere  as  a  secure  place  for   individuals  and  groups  to  discuss  issues  of  common  interest  and  organize  against  what  they   viewed  as  the  sources  of  social  and  political  oppression.       According  to  Habermas,  the  degradation  of  the  public  sphere  began  in  the  late  19th  century   concurrent  with  the  societal  transition  to  a  system  marked  by  merging  economic  and  political   forces,  the  decline  of  the  individual,  and  the  manipulation  of  the  culture  industries.  In  this  new   environment,  public  opinion  became  the  province  of  newspapers  with  large  circulations   controlled  by  powerful  corporations  seeking  to  direct  the  masses  away  from  participatory   discourse,  and  towards  a  passive  consumption  of  information,  opinion  and  culture.  In  this  new   20th  century  dynamic  of  mass  media  as  the  public  sphere,  citizens  become  mere  spectators,   reverting  from  participants  in  discursive  activity  into  commodities  of  a  consumption  society,   reminiscent  of  their  original  feudal  status  in  the  Middle  Ages.  He  also  noted  the  problem  was   exacerbated  with  the  development  of  the  newly  powerful  broadcast  media:      "With  the  arrival  of  new  media  [radio  and  television]  the  form  of  communication   as  such  has  changed;  they  have  had  an  impact,  therefore,  more  penetrating  (in   the  strict  sense  of  the  word)  than  was  ever  possible  for  the  press...They  draw  the   eyes  and  ears  of  the  public  under  their  spell  but  at  the  same  time,  by  taking  away   its   distance,   place   it   under   tutelage,   which   is   to   say   they   deprive   it   of   the   opportunity  to  say  something  and  to  disagree"  (Habermas  1989,  170).     Despite  his  somewhat  dire  view  of  the  state  of  post-­‐modern  society  and  the  re-­‐feudalization  of   its  public  sphere,  Habermas  did  not  end  the  volume  in  a  defeatist  manner.  He  instead   responded  by  postulating  on  some  tentative  solutions  to  the  revitalization  of  the  degraded   public  sphere.  Early  in  his  text,  he  described  the  evolution  of  the  public  sphere  and   participatory  democracy  as  existing  first  in  the  exchange  of  texts  and  discussions  of  culture,   then  later  including  political  content,  distributed  to  the  public  via  pamphlets  and  newsletters.   He  wrote:  "The  public  sphere  in  the  political  realm  evolved  from  the  public  sphere  in  the  world   of  letters;  through  the  vehicle  of  public  opinion  it  put  the  state  in  touch  with  the  needs  of   society"  (Habermas  1989,  31).  Proposing  a  solution  to  the  degradation  of  the  public  sphere,  he   suggests  a  return  to  that  original  form,  ostensibly  after  the  reform  of  current  mass  media   structures  and  environments.  He  hoped  it  would  enable  true  discourse  in  a  "critical  process  of   public  communication  through  the  very  organizations  that  mediatize  it"  and  foster  "a  critical   publicity  brought  to  life  within  intraorganizational  public  spheres"  (232).       Because  of  its  iconic  stature,  Habermas'  Structural  Transformation  of  the  Public  Sphere  has   come  under  considerable  scrutiny  by  media  scholars.  Critics  argue  that  the  theory  has  flaws,   chiefly  concerning  the  questions  of  how  his  idea  can  be  applied  universally  in  democratic   societies  (Burnett  and  Jaeger  2008).  They  contend,  for  example,  that  even  the  idealized  version   of  the  public  sphere  described  by  Habermas  excludes  large  portions  of  society,  such  as  women   and  marginalized  groups  (Fraser  1992).  Others  argue  that  he  mistakenly  limits  public  discourse   to  a  single  sphere  when  in  fact  many  spheres  (and  counter  publics)  of  discourse  can  be   identified  (Thompson  1995,  Hauser  1999).  Michael  Edwards  (2004)  asserts  that  public  spheres   are  present  at  different  levels  in  most  societies,  varying  according  to  societal  and  political   influences.  He  says  “a  single,  unified  public  sphere  would  be  impossible  at  any  significant  scale”   (57).  Habermas  himself  questioned  the  overarching  primacy  of  the  concept,  suggesting  a  more   fragmented  form  for  discussions  of  social  cultural  and  political  representations  not  effectively   propagated  in  society  by  the  mainstream  media,  conceding  that  he  presents  a  "stylized  picture   of  the  liberal  elements  of  the  bourgeois  public  sphere"  (1992,  xix).     Another  important  societal  dynamic  that  critics  contend  Habermas'  original  work  generally   ignores  is  the  division  of  class,  and  the  resulting  divisions  in  spaces  for  discussion  represented   by  alternative  public  spheres  (Garnham  1986).  Habermas'  original  conceptualization  of  the   bourgeois  public  sphere  afforded  access  to  citizens  as  equal  parties.  However,  he  acknowledged   in  his  preface  the  existence  of  an  alternative  sphere  -­‐  the  plebian  public  sphere  -­‐  that  arose  as  a   counter  public  to  the  literary  public  sphere  in  the  late  19th  century  period  of  the  French   revolution.  While  holding  similar  philosophies  of  access  and  participation  as  their  literary   contemporaries,  the  plebian  public  sphere  was  the  product  of  an  underclass  of  workers  and   peasants.  Habermas  wrote  in  his  later  critique  that  "from  the  beginning  a  dominant  bourgeois   public  collides  with  a  plebeian  one"  (1992,  430),  and  that  the  original  work  "underestimated  the   significance  of  oppositional  and  non-­‐bourgeois  public  spheres".     That  class  division  is  further  exemplified  by  the  concept  of  the  "proletariat  public  sphere".   Following  the  19th  century  transformation  of  Europe  into  a  more  consumer-­‐centric  society,  the   upward  mobility  of  participants  from  business  and  government  created  a  new  more  exclusive   bourgeois  class.  These  new  more  powerful  individuals  then  proceeded  to  co-­‐opt  the   phenomenon  for  their  commercial  and  political  interests.  That  led  to  the  development  in  the   20th  century  industrial  age  of  another  alternative  counter  public,  labeled  in  the  Marxist  context   as  the  "proletariat  public  sphere"  (Knodler-­‐Bunte  1975).  This  form  arose  among  groups  of   workers,  anarchists  and  Marxists  in  the  political  spectrum,  and  progressed  to  be  a  formidable   site  for  discourse  counter  to  the  dominant  narrative  of  wealthy  oligarchs  and  the  corporations   they  controlled.  Scholars  have  identified  a  similar  dynamic  in  the  formation  of  alternative  public   spheres  by  other  societal  groups  seeking  sites  for  discourse  and  inclusion.  Nancy  Fraser  (1992,   123)  argues  that  minority  groups:  "have  repeatedly  found  it  advantageous  to  constitute   alternative  publics  or  subaltern  counterpublics  engaging  in  parallel  discursive  arenas  in  order  to   invent  and  circulate  counterdiscourses  to  formulate  oppositional  interpretations  of  their   identities,  interests,  and  needs".  However,  this  dynamic  has  created  publics  that  are:   "differentially  empowered  or  segmented"  leading  to:  "the  weak  character  of  some  public   spheres  in  late  capitalist  societies  that  denudes  public  opinion  of  practical  force"  (ibid,  137).       Alternative  media  often  provide  the  frameworks  for  citizens'  participation  in  a  public  sphere  of   democratic  processes,  not  just  as  a  receiver  of  media  outputs,  but  through  the  production  and   delivery  of  their  own  opinions  (Langlois  and  DuBois  2005).  In  alternative  media,  citizens  can   actualize  their  political  power  and  protect  themselves  from  dominant  powerful  political  forces   by  mitigating  the  inherent  imbalance  of  societal  power  relations  (Held  1996).  The  critical   theorist  Foucault  (1980)  recognized  the  significance  of  discursive  activities  in  developing  and   producing  ideas  in  a  political  sphere  where  power  could  be  generated  in  a  multidirectional   fashion,  countering  the  hegemonic  stature  and  top-­‐down  structure  of  mainstream  media.   Indeed,  this  meaning  also  applies  to  media  organizations  and  their  philosophy  of  external   interrelation  in  the  democratic  media  and  political  environments,  as  this  interrelatedness   contributes  to  the  dialogue  necessary  for  an  open  and  functional  democracy  (Dahl  2001).  The   interactive  approach  to  political  action  is  also  noted  by  Sandoval  and  Fuchs  (2009,  4),  who   assert  “rooted  in  social  political  and  historical  contexts,  the  interrelations  between  individual   media  actors  and  media  structures  constitute  the  societal  impacts  of  the  media  system”.       The  concept  of  media  power  is  also  illustrated  in  the  debate  over  media  ownership.  When   communities  are  mere  users,  but  not  owners  of  the  platform,  they  have  limited  control  over   the  ultimate  role  the  medium  plays  in  society.  For  many  alternative  media  advocates,  this   system  is  merely  an  endorsement  of  Habermas'  contention  that  the  public  sphere,  while   initially  providing  a  real  opportunity  for  citizens'  participation,  is  subsequently  co-­‐opted  by  the   acquisition  and  concentration  of  ownership  by  power  elites.  In  addition,  negative  stereotypical   misrepresentations  by  dominant  mainstream  media  can  be  especially  damaging  to  many   marginalized  segments  of  society,  causing  deep  feelings  of  resentment  towards  otherwise   recognized  and  respected  societal  institutions.  According  to  the  American  civil  rights  activist   Malcolm  X  (1963)  “The  media  is  the  most  powerful  entity  on  earth.  They  have  the  power  to   make  the  innocent  guilty  and  to  make  the  guilty  innocent,  because  they  control  the  minds  of   the  masses".       The  function  of  community  broadcasting  as  an  independent  site  for  political  engagement  and   action  is  an  important  one  for  the  organizational  development  behind  ideology.  These   alternative  broadcasters  can  be  seen  as  “discursive  spaces”,  according  to  the  political  scientist   Susan  Herbst  (1994,  4).  She  writes:  “Within  marginal  publics,  community  building  is  critical.   Political  groups  create  parallel  public  spaces  where  they  develop  political  community  and   mobilize  political  resources”.  Both  internal  and  external  development  of  communication  and   collaboration  in  the  organizational  context  of  community  broadcasting  are  seen  as  effective   platforms  to  build  media  power.  Indeed,  the  media  power  of  community  broadcasting  is   generated  by  individuals  and  communities  with  strong  ideological  agendas  constructing  and   elaborating  narratives  in  a  genuine  public  sphere  of  democratic  discourse  (Price  2007).                                                                       References     Adorno,  T.  (1991).  "Culture  Industry  Reconsidered".  The  Culture  Industry:  Selected  Essays  on   Mass  Culture.  Pp.  98-­‐106,  J.  Bernstein  (ed.).  London:  Routledge.       Antonio,  R.    and  D.  Kellner  (1992)  "Communication,  Democratization,  and  Modernity:  Critical   Reflections  on  Habermas    and    Dewey”.    Symbolic  Interaction,  Vol.  15,  Nr.  3,  p.  277-­‐298.     Briggs,  A.,  and  P.  Burke.  (2009).  A  Social  History  of  the  Media;  From  Gutenberg  to  the  Internet.   Cambridge,  UK:  Polity  Press.     Burnett,  G.  and  P.  Jaeger.  (2008).  “Small  Worlds,  Lifeworlds,  and  Information:  The  Ramifications   of  the  Information  Behaviour  of  Social  Groups  in  Public  Policy  and  the  Public  Sphere”.   Information  Research.  Vol  13,  No.  2.     Dahlgren,  P.  (1991).  "Introduction."  In  P.  Dahlgren  and  C.  Sparks  (Eds.),  Communication  and   Citizenship:  Journalism  and  the  Public  Sphere  in  the  New  Media  Age.  London:  Routledge.     Edwards,  M.  (2004),  Civil  Society.  Malden  MA:  Polity  Press.     Fairchild,  C.  (2001)  Community  Radio  and  Public  Culture:  Being  an  Examination  of  Media  Access   and  Equity  in  the  Nations  of  North  America.  Creskill,  NJ:  Hampton  Press.     Foucault,  M.  (1980).  Power/Knowledge:  Selected  Interviews  and  Other  Writings,  1972-­‐1977.  C.   Gordon.  (ed.).  New  York:  Pantheon.     Fraser,  N.  (1992).  "Rethinking  the  Public  Sphere:  A  Contribution  to  the  Critique  of  Actually   Existing  Democracy"  in  C.  Calhoun  (ed.).  Habermas  and  the  Public  Sphere.  Cambridge,   Massachusetts:  MIT  Press.     Garnham,  N.  (1997).  "The  Media  and  the  Public  Sphere."  In  C.  Calhoun  (Ed.),  Habermas  and  the   Public  Sphere.  (5th  printing).  Cambridge,  Massachusetts:  The  Massachusetts  Institute  of   Technology.     Habermas,  J.  (1989).  Structural  Transformation  of  the  Public  Sphere.  Cambridge,  Mass:  MIT   Press.     Habermas,  J.  (1992).  "Further  Reflections  on  the  Public  Sphere",  in  C.  Calhoun  (ed.)  Habermas   and  the  Public  Sphere.  Cambridge,  MA:  MIT  Press.     Hardt,  H.  (2001).  Social  Theories  of  the  Press:  Constituents  of  Communication  Research,  1840s   to  1920s.  Lanham,  MD,  USA:  Rowman  &  Littlefield  Publishing.     Hauser,  G.  (1999).  Vernacular  Voices:  The  Rhetoric  of  Publics  and  Public  Spheres.  Columbia:   University  of  South  Carolina.     Hollander,  E.  and  J.  Stappers.  (1992)  "Community  Media  and  Community  Communication"  in  N.   Jankowski,  O.  Prehn  and  J.  Stappers  (eds.).  The  People's  Voice:  Local  Radio  and  Television  in   Europe.  London:  John  Libbey.     Horkheimer,  M.  and  T.  Adorno.  (2002).  Dialectic  of  Enlightenment.  English  translation  by  E.   Jephcott.  Stanford  University  Press.  (Translated  from  original  German  version  Dialektik  Der   Afklarung  1947).     Herbst,  S.  (1994).  Politics  at  the  Margin:  Historical  Studies  of  Public  Expression  Outside  the   Mainstream.  Cambridge,  UK:  Cambridge  University  Press.     Knodler-­‐Bunte,  E.  (1975).  “The  Proletarian  Public  Sphere  and  Political  Organization:  An  Analysis   of  Oskar  Negt  and  Alexander  Kluge's  The  Public  Sphere  and  Experience”.  New  German  Critique.   No.4,  1975  pp.  51-­‐75.  Durham,  NC.:  Duke  University  Press.     Langlois,  A.,  and  F.  DuBois.  (eds.)  (2005).  Autonomous  Media:  Activating  Resistance  and  Dissent.   Oakland,  CA.  USA:  AK  Press.     Lewis,  P.M.  and  Booth,  J.  (1989).  The  Invisible  Medium:  Public,  Commercial  and  Community   Radio.  Basingstoke:  Macmillan  Education.       Newman,  J.  and  J.  Clarke.  (2009).  Publics,  Politics  and  Power:  Remaking  the  Public  in  Public   Services.  London:  Sage.     Price,  S.  (2007).  Discourse  Power  Address:  The  Politics  of  Public  Communication.  London:   Ashgate.     Thompson,  J.  (1995)  The  Media  and  the  Modernity:  A  Social  Theory  of  the  Media.  Cambridge:   Polity  Press.     X,  M.  (1963).  “Redefining  Black  Power:  Reflections  on  the  State  of  Black  America”.   http://izquotes.com/quote/202665  Accessed  16.1.2016.                                                     2.3  Community     Understanding  the  nature  of  communities  and  their  corresponding  media  structures  is  an   important  subject  for  scholars  who  explore  the  concepts  of  access,  participation,  identity,  and   community  development.  Early  theoretical  examination  of  the  term  ‘community’  is  most   associated  with  Ferdinand  Tönnies  (1887),  the  German  sociologist  who  authored  the  iconic  text   Gemeinschaft  und  Gesellschaft,  in  which  he  compared  the  meaning  of  community  in  the   description  of  a  small  village  ‘Gemeinschaft’,  versus  a  worldwide  organizational  network  or   ‘Gesellschaft’.  The  Chicago  School  of  sociologists  in  the  20th  century  is  generally  credited  with   initially  investigating  the  phenomenon  of  community  in  the  context  of  urban  studies.  Louis   Wirth  (1964)  identified  communities'  contributions  to  culture  and  inclusiveness  in  his  book  On   Cities  and  Social  Life,  and  later  William  Foote  Whyte  (1993)  explored  the  concept  in  his  book   Street  Corner  Society,  describing  the  social  structure  of  an  Italian  slum.  Other  sociologists  to   examine  the  concept  include  (Williams  1973,  Putnam  2000,  and  Bartle  2003),  while  other   scholars  seek  to  explain  the  subject  through  various  frames  including  organizational   communication  (MacMillan  and  Chavis  1986),  community  development  (McKnight  1989  and   Bhattacharyya  2004),  and  mass  media  (Lewis  1993,  Carpentier  et  al  2003,  Howley  2005).     The  idea  of  community  as  an  ambiguous  and  multi-­‐faceted  concept  presents  a  challenge  in   identifying  and  defining  the  term  clearly  (Cohen  1985).  Morris  and  Morten  echo  Tönnies  when   they  compare  community  to  the  larger  frame  of  society,  which  is  “a  colder,  unattached  and   more  fragmented  way  of  living  devoid  of  cooperation  and  social  cohesion”  (1998:23).  The   phenomenon  of  community  is  often  described  as  a  subset  of  society  defined  by  geography,   identity,  interest,  social  class,  economic  status,  and/or  by  completely  external  forces  and   events.  Indeed,  community  is  not  necessarily  a  static  or  easily  identifiable  entity,  but  more  of  an   aggregation  of  its  component  parts  (Gordon  2009).  The  term  “knowable  communities”  was   coined  by  Raymond  Williams  (1973,163)  in  his  work  discussing  the  development  of  more   complex  societies  of  modernity,  where  he  described  community  as  a  collection  of  connections   and  relationships  that  further  define  social  divisions  and  identities.       Those  connections  Williams  refers  to  are  described  by  sociologists  when  explaining  the   elements  and  patterns  of  social  interaction  and  social  networks.  Social  interaction  requires  a   process  and  nodes  of  connections,  described  by  Deleuze  and  Guattari  (1987)  as  the  rhizomatic   effect  that  forms  "connections  between  semiotic  chains,  organizations  of  power,  and   circumstances  relative  to  the  arts,  sciences,  and  social  struggles"  (7).  The  term  ‘social  network’   is  a  theoretical  construct  used  to  describe  relationships  among  individuals,  groups,  and   communities  in  relatively  small  scale  adaptions,  as  opposed  to  large-­‐scale  applications  such  as   online  communities  or  even  entire  societies.  Actor-­‐network  theory  is  used  by  Bruno  LaTour   (2005)  and  his  colleagues  to  explore  how  rhizomes  that  form  communities  grow  through   activities  leveraging  both  material  and  semiotic  networks  to  create  meaning.  Building  upon  the   works  of  Talcott  Parsons  (2007)  and  Peter  Blau  (1960),  Charles  Tilly  (1973)  described   communities  as  aggregations  of  social  networks  formed  around  themes  such  as  culture  and   politics.  Intentionally-­‐built  communities  access  networks  to  assemble  members  with  shared   interests,  identities  or  concerns  including  social,  environmental,  economic  and  political  issues.   These  practices  and  dynamics  are  important  for  understanding  the  importance  of  community   development  in  the  process  of  communicative  action  (Markova  1997).     Location  is  a  frame  by  which  communities  are  often  identified.  Originating  in  anthropological   studies,  a  community  of  location  typically  requires  physical  boundaries  to  delineate  the   community  identity,  for  example  a  settlement,  village,  or  city.  Milioni  (2009)  describes   community  as  “social  integration  defined  by  geographical  proximity”  (411).  Communities  of   location  are  readily  identified  and  comprehended  by  typical  citizens,  who  can  physically  seek   out  cooperation  and  collaboration  with  their  neighbors  without  extensive  need  for  external   tools.  These  spatial  situations  are  fertile  environments  for  social  interaction,  and  the   subsequent  construction  of  multiple  social  groupings  as  communities  through  cooperative   efforts  develop  a  synergy  and  the  resulting  social  capital  for  their  common  good.  This  can  be   seen  in  Oldenburg's  (1989,16)  "third  place"  that  is  "a  generic  designation  for  a  great  variety  of   public  places  that  host  the  regular,  voluntary,  informal,  and  happily  anticipated  gatherings  of   individuals  beyond  the  realm  of  home  and  work”.     Cohen  (1985)  suggests  that  culture,  in  addition  to  location,  forms  the  basis  and  boundaries  for   many  communities,  noting  that  residents  establish  their  membership  in  a  community  through   self-­‐identification.  Compared  to  location,  intricate  relationships  of  interest  or  identity  are  more   difficult  to  recognize  across  the  barriers  and  obstructions  of  modern  day  society  (Williams   1973).  This  constructivist  approach,  relating  social  representations  to  community  building,  is   grounded  in  social  practices  and  group  dynamics.  Hernando  Rojas  writes  in  his  examination  of   community  engagement  "Communication  mediates  the  relationship  between  community   integration  and  civic  participation...in  an  intervening  process  between  structural  location  and   belonging"  (4).  Jankowski  (2002)  identifies  communities  of  interest:  “whereby  members  share   some  cultural,  social  or  political  interests  independent  of  geographical  proximity”  (6).       Intentional  communities  are  also  a  subject  of  Robert  Putnam's  Bowling  Alone  (1995),  in  which   he  emphasizes  the  importance  of  communities  as  represented  in  traditional  civic,  social  and   fraternal  organizations.  He  argues  that  participation  in  community-­‐based  organizations  and   activities  can  facilitate  building  of  social  capital  through  interactions  both  among  neighbors  and   friends  ("bonding  capital"),  as  well  as  other  citizens  outside  an  actor's  immediate  sphere   ("bridging  capital").  However,  just  as  networks  can  connect  and  construct  communities,  the   failure  of  connections  and  networks  can  inhibit  the  establishment  and  sustainability  of   communities,  and  contribute  to  the  social  disconnection  that  many  communities  experience  in   the  context  of  modern  society.  In  many  cases,  individuals  encounter  challenges  in  developing   relationships  into  stronger  community  groups,  and  entire  community  groups  then  struggle  for   networking  success  as  they  seek  to  connect  in  this  complex  environment.       Putnam  describes  the  decline  of  physical  intentional  communities  in  the  1970s  United  States   caused  in  part  by  the  proliferation  of  highly-­‐centralized  mass  media  that  reduce  local   interactions  and  discourse,  noting  that  "Watching  commercial  entertainment  TV  is  the  only   leisure 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