Chapter 7 Ideologies of globalization: market globalism, justice globalism, religious globalisms Ideologies uc powerful system* nf widely shared kkas and patterned beliefs that are accepted as truth In- ugniiiL-ant nnmpn in society. Serving as political mental maps they offer people a more nr Ires coherent picture of the world nut only as it br h*ii al*i> ax it i >u(JlI to he. In doing sa, idEnlnjric* Ivrlp nr^finiw the tremendous cnmplrsity of the human experiences into forly Mmple claims thai M-rve aa guide and uanpasj, fiir snriaJ and political action IIlese daiuia areemployed tn Injritiinbccertain political interests and tn defmd Of challenge dominant power Structures. Seeking to kltlbue society with their prrfcrrrd nnnns and values, the i '.Miliars ipt'iili>:iloflCS—usually social elites—pros ide the public ■•■ ilh a t:n."iiuisrnlji'U agenda nl things to discuss, rlnim* 10 mallei, and qurstinns tn ask. These power elites speak to the-jr audience m narratives thai persuade, praise. cxmdrrnii,iliittin|^iis|i"rnilli^' lrvnn 'talfchonds', and separate the 'good' from ih* %bad': Thus, i"i-i■!■ my LijiiijULts theory arid practice byorienting and nnjaniling •i.i man nrtinn in airnrdance with gmerdltted claims and codes of "induct. I .ike all social prucesses, globalization nprrate* on Ml ideological I niensinn rilled with a range of norms, claima, beliefa, and n4rratr.es about the plienumennn itself. Indeed, the bented public |« debate over whether globalization represents a good" or a 'bad' 1hing imirsn: tin a ion* of ideology. But before we explore lilt ideological dimension ut globalization in more detail, we should recall our important analytical distinction between !_•.'■:.'■ i -*'■:: i. f .•. •. .1 of social ;n- --m -. i •!' i nt ■r. ■ itý i :iglobal interdependence—andgfobaiim*— ideologies that endow t he concept of globalization with particular valuta and meanings. Today, three typ** ofglolalism compete for adherents around the ffrube.Murket gMxifam wks tn endow'glubalization" with free-nrtarkrt norms and neoliberal meaning. Contesting market globalism from ihf political ljeft, jusfitr jflvbuium constructs an alternative sision ať g)i>)>ali/..iln>il based on egalitarian ideals of global solidarity and distributive justice, brom ihe political Right. ■ ar.....- h*l governance structure Iteadod by the World Trade Organization (WTO) and other uiternaLianid inslitutLofis. He also a«*uses 'globalixt advocates of mulliciiltuntlisni' uf opening the doors to millions nf immigrants who arc allegedly responsible for the economic and moral decline uf the United States. Five rhetorical manoeuvres performed by national-populist* 1. The emcttcm al ccmsirucWm of unbridgeable polltkji oWfetenres dMdJng the popul.it ion into the majority d 'good' ordinary people ('us') and a small but powerful and 'bad' elite ('them'}; 2. Frequent v«bal attacks of the people i enemies' horn a moralistic higfi-ground rather than a political level ptayiot) field; \ The evocation of an extreme cm« brought on by the enemsiof the people which requires an immediate and forceful response: 4. The imagination of the people as a homogenous national unit welded togethei by a common will and interests, an ancestral heartland, and ihared eufturaf and religious traditions; 5, The rejection of gtabalic-ition and multirultur jlism as ominous dynamics threatening to destroy the national Lommunity, 103 Analysing hundreds nf uw^T* mag*™* luiieles-both online and ofllme-1 have identified five major ideological Out occur with great regularity in the NMMii, speeches and writings of influential market glubalists. The five claims of market globalism 1 - GlntMUzaticin is about the liberalization and o/iobal inteaiatton of markets 2- Globalization Is inevitable and irreveislblr 3. Nobody is In charge of globalization 4. Clnballzation benefit* everyone 5. Citob^riidtlm fL^wstV spread ufdrriiocr*:y in the world It is important to note that jtlubalisis themselves construct chc*e ideological claims in order to sell their political ami economic agenda, Perhaps no single market-glohalist speech or piece of writing contains all of the five assertions discussed below, but all of them contain at least some of these claims. Like all ideologies, market glubfllism starts with the attempt to establish an authoritative definition of its core concepts. For rvcohberals, such an account Is anchored In the idea uf the self-regulating market that serves ax the framework for a future global order As we nutcrl in Chapter 3, neofiberals seek to cultivate in the public discourse the uncritical association of 'globalization with what they assert to be the benefits of market liberalization, bi particular, they present the liberalization aivd integration nf global markets as 'natural' phenomena thai further individual liberty my* material progress id the world. Here are two examples of claim 1: CllnbaJInitkiii if about the trlumpti of markets wvr gcnrtTiiwnu. Both pn.HicoeniJ. ami i vjKinent* of CldalicWiaa apee that the driving M today I* majVts, which uy »ubuming the rale ot government. ButintM Kit*. U December 1999 m One role [nf gpwernrnrnr I in vi geiou* olthem-ay—m remove barriers li i (lie Ire* lltnv of floods, services, and capital. .Iiihii S|h'iri,faniHTirSirndei>Seaetan'af.Staie in the C nt:i -i irln in itiatiun The problem with claim l la UiaL its cure mrxagr nf liberalizing and integrating markets is only realizable through the politiail project uf engineering free markets. 'Ilius, markrt gli^>nJist.< mutt he prepared lo utilize the pmvT* qf/Qmmtmrnf to weaken and eliminate diuse wn-ial policies and institutiiJils that curtail the marknt. Since only strung government! are up tn this ambitious task of traiufi.Tnung costing social arrangements, the successful liberalization of markets depends upon inlemrntion and intffftrma b)' cefllrahzed slate power. Such actions, however, stand ui stark contrast tn the neollberal idealization uf the limited role of government. Vet, glohnhsts dk> expect governments to play an extremeh' arrive role in implementing their political agenda. The activist character of line earliest nrolihcrnl administrations ill tlie Uiuted Stales, the United kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand during the LfJSOs and 1990s attests tn the impnrlatWeofstlOuggOSeniirieiila] action in engineering free markets. Moreover, the claim that globalization is about the liberalization and gkibal integration of markets solidifies as 'fact' what is actually a contingent poWol initiative. Market globalisls have Iwen surresdol heeause they have persuaded the public that their i ml hcral account ufglolializalion represent* annhjiv1ivv.nl at least a neutral, diagnosis of the very conditions, it purports tn analyse, lb be sure, nevliuerals may indeed be able to offer some empirical evidence' for the 'liberalization' of markets. But does the spread of market principles really happen hecauw there exists a iiiclaphysical connect ion berwicen globalization and the expansion d markets? More likely, it uccurs because global isu have the ixililical and discursive power to shape the WOtld largely acenrding lo their ideological formula: IN rs LIKEHM-I/ATION + INTfcjCRATlON OK MARKETS - GLOBALIZATION. Claim 2 establishes the historical inevitability and inrversibilitynf globalization understood as the liberalization and global integration of markets. Let us consider the fuLkwing statements: Today sre tautt embna the wwiccabW bp. i J ■ I - - ■ I»o. 'i-iii.it rwrythini from the strength orour economy to the saftsv of our cities, to the health of our people, ileut'ivds on events. Ml only within lAirburuVrv. but half* worldaw»j ...UMuhzatkin i* irrewrsihlv Bill Clinton, former US P»vt»drnl Wi- iikI niiich more libentluatiiio And deregulation of tin-iDdUn economy. No niisiblr IrvdUn huj.inehj.ruin disagrees with lhic...G|oha!izatii*> ismi-enablr There n nobeiw-r otleriutm. Rahul BaJHj. Indian indusinolisl The portrayal of globalization as some sort of natural force, like the wvttther ..HT gr» it)1, makes tt easier fta market gWialist* to convince profile that they must adapt to the discipline of the market if they are to survive arid prosper. I leiiee, the claim of inevitability depuliticizes the publir discourse about globalization. Neoliberal policies are portrayed to be above politic*; they simply carry out what is ordained by nature. This implies that, instead uf acting aivnnhng to a set of choices, people iiiereK fulfil wurtd-marVrtlavr§ that demand the elimination nf government controls. As former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher used to say. There is no alternative'. If nothing earl be dune runout the natural movement of economic and twhnologkal forces, then political groups ought to acquiesce and make the best of an unalterable situation. HeMStarwe would be unnatural, irrational, ami dangerous. Market globalism s determmistic language offers yet another rhetorical advantage. If the natural laws of lite market haw indeed preordained a neolihero) course of history, then globalization does no nut rellect the arbitrary agenda of A particular social class or group, In that case, market glolialists men*,- carry out 1he unalterable imperiimrs of a UHilscendciltal furve. People aren't in charge of global iütlon; markets and technology are. Here are two examples of claim 3; And the matt banc truth ithoul clupHliration u this: So oat u i Im'.hi, r.t v.kilmluatkia b that h is not controlled hy any individual, anv HovernroHit, jm inultiiilmi. Rulvrt Hmrmats. former Vice Chairman of Ooldnun K«rh» International But Mr Huniiais is right only in a formal sense, While there Is no conscious conspiracy orchestrated by a single, evil force, this does not mean that nubody is in charge of globalization. The liberalisation and integration of global markets does not proceed outside the realm of human choice. As wc will discuss in the Knal chaptrr, the market-globalisl initiative to integrate Hnd deregulate markets around the world hoth creates and sustains asymmetrical power relations. Despite the rise of China, the United States is still the strongest economic and military power in the world, and the largest translations corporation* (TSCs) are based in North America. This is not to say that the ■American F.mpirc' rules S-upieitlely over these gigantic processes of .globalization. Rut it dar* suggest that both the substance and the direction of global iuitiun are to a significant degree shaped by American domestic and fureign policy. 1 ! ! 1 Claim +—tJobalization benefits everyone—lies nt the very core of market gloholism because it provides, an aflinuative answer to the crucial normative question of whether globalization should be considered a 'good' or a "had' thing. Market globaliMs frequently connect their arguments to the alleged benctila resulting from trade liberalization: rising global living standards, economic efficiency, individual freedom, and unprecedented technological progress. I^t us consKkr the following two examples: l'htti; mm be little doubt thai th? mtnurdiiun- clmips in global fiikuire iki balance haw been bcnrlieiiJ in (acllllatinj; significant iaiprxn'oncnts in ecucxiinu xtroctures and living HiarxlaruS diroughtnu the wcirld.... Alan Grw-nipan. former Chairman of the US Federal 09obnli;ation's effects hme been mrrwMnilncIv f? hmL Spurred by unprecedented lihendiiMxin. wurtd iradrcutilinuei to expand foster ihui orei nil gtolml economic output, inducing a wrv of productivity uid efficiency and creating millmitt afjn.il«. PeterSutherland. formerChairman il V..M. I IVi ... mi Mr Sutherland does not seem to question the ideological assumptions behind his statement- Where are millions of job*' created? Who has benefited from globalization? As. wc discussed in Chapter 3, when the market goes ton far in dominating soriul and pulitirnl outcomes, the opportunities and rewards of globalization arc spread often unequally, concentrating power and wealth amongst a select group of people, regions, and corporations at the expense of the multitude. China and India are often referred to as the great 'winners" of globalization. But tlveir astonishing economic growth end the rise of per capita income comes disproportionately from the lop 10 per cent of the population. Indeed, the incomes of the 2'M oi>:: 120,000 8D.CO0 '1C.CO0 The OiveroArww of the Rich ■-'"""^....... * TTTTTl 1990 K00 Lowssl Incama c4 Top 5'<• < •'• •(•'•i'Ht-fxir: -h!in»i*J»^w^^"i'!-'l- In the early 2l5t century, the fnrres uf Justice global ism have gathered political strength- This is evidenced by the emergence of the World Social Forum {WSF} and various "Occupy" movements-around the world. In the US, Occupy Wall Street buret onto the political scene in ami as part nf a global Oorupy movement that drew activist*in the worlds major cities within months, Inspired by the popular protests of the "Arab Spring" and Lo* Indignadw (the iridinrnl*') encampments in Spain. Occupy demonstrators expressed outrage at the inequalities of glnhiil capitalism and the irresponsible practices of many financial institutions all of which had been on stark display during the Global Financial Crisis. BriuidishinK their slogan "We arc the $o per cent', Occupy pmteslers across die world ™s:upledspac«of symholir importance—such as New- York City's ituccotti Park near Wall Street—and sought to create— in miniature—the kind of eejllitflrian society they wanted to live in. Rejecting conventional organizational leadership formations, Occupy formed General Assemblies sold working groups that reached deL-istoiis through a consensus-based process. In spite of the mass appeal of the Occupy movement, however, the WSF still serves as the key ideological site of juslicc (dubalLsm It draws to its annual meetings in Y.r.iri\ or Indi.i teus of thousands nf delegates from around the world.. The proponents of justice giohalism deliberately set up the WSF as a 'shadow organisation' to the market-globalist WoiW FxonomJc Forum (WF.F) in Dm, Switzerland. Just like market glohahsls \chn trea.1 the WF.F us a platform Lo project then ideas and values to a global audience, justice jdnballsts. utilize the WSF as the main production site of their ideological und policy alternatives. 13. From the WSF Charter of Principles 1. The WotId Social Forum ban open meeting oiicr forreflet trw thii*ng. democratic debate of ideas, formulation of proposals, fire eithdilgeol ricpertencev and Interlnking for effecth* action by groups and movpmerC of uwil «Klety that are opposed to neoliberalism and to domination of the world by capital and any form af imperialism and are committed tn building a planetary society directed tOV.aid Iruithilretaooiiships among humankind and between it and the Earth.... 8. The World Social Forum is a plural, diversified, confessional. i*xi govern mental, and non-party concert that. in a decentra&red fashion, interrelates organizations and movements engaged in concrete action ait levels from the local to the international tD build another world.... As a context for interrelations, the Worid Social Forum seeks to strengthen and create new national and international links among organizations and movement of society that—in both public and private life—wM increase lite capacity for non-violent social resistance to the process of dehunidiuration the world is undergoing.... Most nf the jturtlicr>?rJobBJist groups affiliated with the WSF started out as small, seemingly insignificant groups of like-minded people in South America and Europe. Many of them learned important theoretical and practical lessons from justier-globalisl struggles in developing countries, particularly from Mexicu's Zapatista rehrfliorL On I January 19J)+, the day NAFTA went into effect, a small band of indigenous rebels calli rig themselves the Zupatixta Army of Satiomil Liberation captured four cities in the Chiapas region of si lutheast Mexico. Engaging in a number of skirmishes wtth the 5 I \ f — I \ •20 121 Five principal cl i ims oř justice globaliwn Ntulibei dlisrm produces global crws, Market driven globalisation Imi iiKJedsed worldwide disparities in wealth and wuHlbnng. Democratic participation is. esieiiltjl in solving global problems, Another world\\paiiibie and UKjently needed. People power, not corporate pgwrri Mexican irmy and púlie* over the next few yews th* Zapatistas continued to protest the implrmeiilatjoii i>l NAťlAaiid ■'■li'i their leader, HubcuiiLaňdailt* Marcos, called the'global eunMMtik process to eliminate that multitude of peupl* who are- not uscfiil tu the puwerful'. In addition, the Zapatistas put forward a comprehensive programme that pledged tu reverse the destructive mnsequences uf neollberal free-marfKCt polirirs. ALthinigh the Zapatistas insisted that a inajur part, uf their straggle related to the reaturalLúťiůíUie political and economic rights nrf indie^nous peopVcs and the poor in Mexico, Oiev also emphasized that the tiiht aeuijui iiediberahun had to be waned glnhatiy. The leiendary "Battle of Scaltlc' in late i*m was the first in a decade-long series activists, advocates (xt'Third World debt relief, feminists, and hunum rights proponents. Criticizing the WTO s neoliberal position on agriculture, multilateral investments, ami intellectual property rights, this inipressisir crowd represented inurr truin 700 Dryanixations and groups ■ Eventual]), large groups uf demonstrators interrupted traffic in the city venire and manaeed tu hlocfc off the main entrances (u 0« convention centre by farming human chains, As hundred* nf delegates WOT acMmhling to make thei r way to lite rnnlerc-ne* centre, Seattle polire employed tear gas. batons, rubber bulJeta. and pepper spray stingers against 1he demonstrators (see Illustration 12). Altogether, the polite arrested overftOO persons. E i 11 eblk* a»e tear g*s lo pmA iWi; WTO protrtii-n in dnwirtovtn Si'uuU-, .1(1 NuvctiiIht 1.HÍIÍJ '•.•in.i bin I. id e n on jihad and America And the Weil's notion that Islam is * religion of ptwrf and enmity toward the relkjruns rrf the infidels and the Infidels themseKes Is an accurate and tnje depiction.... For It Is. in fact. part of our rrllgion to impose our particular beliefs an others.... Their [moderate Musfcms| reluctance in acknowledging that offensive jibed Is one of the ewrluslv* trail? of our religion demonstrates nothing but defeat. (20011 For example. AJ Qaeda spent $ 500.000 on the September 11 attacks, while America lost tncne than J 500 billion, at the lowest estimate, in the event and its aftermath. That nukes a million Amencan dollars for every Al Qaeda dollar, by the grace of (jOd Almighty. This is in addition to the fact that It lost an enormous number of jobs—and for the federal deficit, it made record losses, estimated at ovei a trillion dollars. Still more serious for America w» the 'act that the moiafwJeeri forced Bush tn resort Id an emergency budget in order to continue lighting in Afghanistan and Iraq, this shows the success of our plan to bleed America to the point of bankruptcy, with Cod's will. (2004) I tell you I Americans] that the war [on terror] will be either out s or yours. If it ft the former. It will mean your loss and your shame forever—and the winds are blowing In this direction, by Allah's grace. But if It Is thr latter, then read history, for we are a people who do not stand for injustice, and we strive for vengeance all days of uur lives. And the days and nights will not pans until we avenge ourselves as we dW on 5eptrmbef 11. (,2006) articulate the rising jrjobal imaginary into a religious globalism anchored tu the core unwept* ctf >«™nw andjrW (armed or un^ned struggle-^ unbelief purely for the sake of CM and his umiiKi). Indeed, jihadist Islamists understand the'iiwru?' as n single community of believers united in their belief in the one and only tM. Expressing a pujxilist yearning for strong leaders w, ho set things right by fighting alien invaders and corrupt Islamic elites, they claim to return power hack to the 'Muslim masses' and restore the mm to its earlier {dory. In their view; the process of regeneration must start with a small hut dedicated vanguanI ■•■ il, ii i.e ri. -.;n uiire Iheir nves as martyrs to the holy cause of awakening people to thetr religious duties—not rust in traditionally Islamic reentries, hut v.hrrever members uf the amma yearn for the establishment of CM s rule mi earth. With a thud of the worlds Muslims living today as minorities , 11 ni hi- Islamic countries, ](ihadist Islam jits regard the restoration as no lunger a local, national, or even regional event. Rather, it requires a concerted gfofW effort spearheaded by phadists operating in various localities around the world Thus, Al Qaeda a desired Ixlainiutum of modernity takes place in n gtuhn] space emancipated (rum the confining territoriality of tgypt', or the 'Middle East' that used to constitute the political framework of religioiis ciatiuniillsts fighting modem secular regimes in the twentieth century, Although Al Qaeda embraces thr Muiiichenn dualism nf a 'dash of civilizations' between its 1 inagincd vmmn and global unbelief, lis giohalist ideology dearly transcends clear-cut chilizatinnal fault lines. It* desire for the 1 estoratkm of a transnational umma attests. In the gluhalizalion of the Muslim vmild just as much as it reflects the lslamization of the West, Constructed in tlie ideational transition from the national tu die global imaginary, jihadist Islamism still retains potent metaphors that resonate with peoples national or even trihal si ilidarities. And yet, its focus is firmly on the global as jihadist Mamists have successfully redirected militant Islamism's struggle Irom the traditional 'Near Enemy 'secular-nationalist Middle htitcrn regimes) to the 'Far Enemy' (the idobalizing West). Al CJAedas core ideological claim—to rebuild a unified global HHtma I hr. nigh global jihati against glubal unbelief— resonates Hell with the