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Latin American Integration: Regionalism à la Carte
in a Multipolar World?
Cintia Quiliconi
Raúl Salgado Espinoza
FLACSO (Ecuador)
HOW TO CITE
Quiliconi, Cintia y Raúl Salgado Espinoza. “Latin American Integration: Regionalism à la Carte in a
Multipolar World?”. Colombia Internacional (92): 15-41. DOI: dx.doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint92.2017.01
RECEIVED: April 14, 2016
ACCEPTED: August 11, 2016
REVISED: October 11, 2016
DOI: dx.doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint92.2017.01
ABSTRACT: This article presents an analysis of the different approaches proposed by
authors who have done research on Latin American integration and regionalism, and
suggests that there are three competing initiatives of integration and regionalism in
the third wave of Latin American integration: Post-Liberal Regionalism contained
within UNASUR and ALBA, Open Regionalism Reloaded in the region through
the Pacific Alliance, and Multilateralism or Diplomatic Regionalism with a Latin
American flavor envisaged in the recently created CELAC. The study concludes that
these new developments of a regionalism à la carte are a product of dislocation of the
economic agenda of regionalism towards a set of diverse issues. Hence it demands a
rethinking of the theorization of Latin American Regionalism.
KEYWORDS: Latin America • Regionalism (Thesaurus) • integration • UNASUR •
Pacific Alliance • CELAC (authors)
H
This article is the result of the Latin American Regionalism à la carte project conducted within
the Globalization and Regionalism field of research that is developed in the Department of
International Studies and Communication at FLACSO-Ecuador. A previous version of this
article was presented at the ISA Annual Convention held in New Orleans in 2014.
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Integración latinoamericana: ¿Regionalismo à la Carte
en un Mundo multipolar?
RESUMEN: Este artículo analiza las diferentes perspectivas propuestas por
investigadores sobre integración en América Latina y sugiere que hay tres iniciativas
concurrentes de integración y regionalismo durante la tercera ola de integración
latinoamericana: regionalismo post-liberal, sostenido en la UNASUR y ALBA;
regionalismo abierto reforzado, que ha sido reinsertado en la región por medio de la
Alianza del Pacífico, y el multilateralismo o regionalismo diplomático que contiene
un tinte latinoamericano y que se perfila en la recién creada CELAC. El documento
concluye que estos nuevos acontecimientos representan un regionalismo à la
carte producto de un dislocamiento de la agenda económica del regionalismo
latinoamericano hacia un conjunto de temas diversos que obligan a repensar la
teorización sobre este fenómeno.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Regionalismo • integración • América Latina (Thesaurus) •
UNASUR • Alianza del Pacífico • CELAC (autores)
Integração Latino-americana: Regionalismo à la Carte
em um mundo multipolar?
RESUMO: Este estudo analisa as diferentes perspectivas propostas por autores
de investigação sobre a integração latino-americana e sugere que existem três
iniciativas simultâneas de integração e regionalismo durante a terceira onda de
integração latino-americana: pós-liberal, regionalismo realizada na UNASUL e
ALBA, regionalismo aberto reforçada , o qual foi reinserido na região através da
Aliança do Pacífico, e do multilateralismo diplomática ou regionalismo contendo
um sabor latino-americano e que é descrito no CELAC recentemente criado. Esta
pesquisa conclui que estes novos desenvolvimentos por meio de um regionalismo
à la carte é o resultado de um deslocamento da agenda económica do regionalismo
latino-americano a um conjunto diversificado de temas. Portanto, este processo
requer repensar teorizar regionalismo latino-americano.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Regionalismo • integração • América Latina (Thesaurus) •
UNASUL • Aliança do Pacifico • CELAC (autores)
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Introduction
Latin American regionalism has experienced three waves in the post World War
II period. The first wave, known as old regionalism, took place from the 1950s
through the 1980s and was characterized by a state with an active role in regionalism
in which import- substitution industrialization (ISI) and the quest for a larger
regional market to cultivate a demand for value-added products of the region
were key components of regional initiatives. At that point, the main objective of
Latin American integration was to support industrialization as this process took
place under the guidance of developmentalist states in the region.
The second wave, also known as new or open regionalism, started at
the beginning of the 1990s. It is still influential in some Latin American countries
although others in the region have refocused their strategies. The open
regionalism model was based on the premise that unilateral trade liberalization
was the key to enhancing more efficient participation of Latin American countries in
the global economy through exports. Open regionalism created new sub-regional
agreements such as the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR) and the
Andean Community, which was re-launched in the 1990s and later resulted in a
complex web of intra- and inter-regional preferential trade agreements. All these
agreements took place after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the
Cold War, which at that point had marked the triumph of neoliberal capitalism
(Meyer MacAleese 2014).
In 1994, when negotiations for the Free Trade Area of the Americas
(FTAA) began, the architecture of regional trade agreements in Latin America
was simply organized geographically. Except for the North American Free Trade
Area (NAFTA), trade agreements were inclined to take the European Union (EU)
as the model to emulate and were conceived as custom unions or common markets.
The FTAA negotiations were launched when each state was consolidating its respective
institutions around core states: the United States in NAFTA and Brazil
in MERCOSUR.
The eventual demise of the FTAA in 2005 and the coetaneous withering
of the Doha Round in the World Trade Organization (WTO) opened up the way
for a dual track on trade integration in the Western hemisphere. The US resorted to
bilateral Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) with Latin American countries on
the Pacific coast and in Central America. Chile, Mexico and Peru in particular
became leaders in signing PTAs, while Brazil sought to institutionalize the South
American subsystem under the MERCOSUR umbrella at first, and later under the
Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) (Quiliconi 2014).
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However, the regional trade liberalization that had resulted in an unprecedented
expansion of intra-regional trade levels already started to stagnate by
the end of the 1990s and beginning of the 2000s. Following this, regional integration
in Latin America has experienced an active but fuzzy path, giving way
to a third wave of integration and regionalism. In addition to the proliferation
of North-South PTAs, the development of a new kind of regionalism emerged
in Latin American and particularly in South America during this wave. This
new type of regionalism has been referred to by different authors as post-liberal
regionalism or post-hegemonic regionalism (Legler 2013; Riggirozzi and Tussie
2012; Sanahuja 2012).
The new initiatives that were created after 2000 are the Bolivarian Alliance
for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) in 2004, the Union of South American
Nations (UNASUR) in 2008, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States
(CELAC) in 2010, and the Pacific Alliance in 2012.1
Most of these new agreements
seem to be characterized by a predominant political and strategic agenda rather
than traditional trade integration objectives. Nevertheless, open regionalism,
characteristic of the 1990s, has newly taken hold in the Pacific Alliance, which
still adheres to some of the traditional trade integration objectives.
Even though it seems that the hemisphere is increasingly divided between
two opposite models of integration (Quiliconi 2013), or in some cases, even three
(Briceño Ruiz 2013), this article argues that there has been a process in which
regionalism has experienced a dislocation of the Latin American economic integration
agenda. Consequently, three different types of regionalism have emerged:
Post-Liberal Regionalism, Open Regionalism Reloaded, and Multilateralism or
Diplomatic Regionalism with a new Latin American flavor. This process of dislocation
started when the regional agenda increased its key areas from traditional
trade issues to new collective concerns such as security, infrastructure, energy,
and democratic governance, amongst other things. In that sense, regional initiatives
in Latin America have proliferated in a sort of à la carte mode in which
new institutions have been created to address different topics related to political
and strategic objectives of regional leaders instead of deepening or adapting traditional
regional integration initiatives focused on trade.
The problem is that in certain cases regional institutions occupy similar
policy spaces, giving member states the opportunity to choose policies à la carte
and leaving the regional institution to be the place for nation-states to discuss,
1	 Even though according to some authors (Leví Coral and Reggiardo 2016; Nolte and Wehner
2013), the Pacific Alliance is not part of the post-liberal regionalism, its creation does have
political motives.
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Latin American Integration: Regionalism à la Carte in a Multipolar World?
Cintia Quiliconi • Raúl Salgado Espinoza
define and implement them. Hofmann and Mérand have referred to this phenomenon
in regional politics from a neoliberal institutional perspective as “forum
shopping,” arguing that “not all states within a region are members of the
same institutions and some may have opted out of some policy domains within
an institution,” entangling them in a web of institutions in which they “strategically
choose which topic to address and in which institution, according to their
interests” (2012, 134). This is the situation we see nowadays in the Latin American
region, with the difference being that some new institutions and political forums
such as UNASUR include all South American states, while CELAC embraces
all Latin American and Caribbean states, but not all of them utilize these institutions
in a similar way. Hofmann and Mérand (2012) for instance look at this
phenomenon with a focus on the “European institutional architecture.”
Methodologically, this study has been assembled on the basis of one hundred
reports of theoretical and empirical works on Latin American integration
and regionalism published in the twenty-first century.2
It classified them into the
different regional initiatives and based on this classification argues that first of
all, three different kinds of regionalism have emerged in Latin America in the
twenty-first century: Neoliberal Regionalism Reloaded, Post-Liberal Regionalism,
and Multilateral Regionalism. Secondly, it asserts that they have overlapping
membership and agendas. Thirdly, it claims that they have emerged in the region
within the context of a multipolar world as the product of a dislocation of the
agenda of Latin American economic regionalism and of the attempts of regional
powers to project their leadership in economic and political terms. Consequently,
they are challenged and counterbalanced by competing countries in the region
and by other emerging powers.
The argument presented in this paper is developed in three sections. The
first section discusses the current theoretical approaches to Latin American regionalism.
The second section addresses the question of how this new multipolar
world is affecting Latin American regionalism and the role played by rising regional
country leaders. The third section analyzes the three types of regionalism that have
emerged in Latin America. These are: Post-Liberal Regionalism as exemplified by
UNASUR and ALBA; Open Regionalism Reloaded, which takes place in the Pacific
Alliance; and Multilateral Regionalism as represented by the role that CELAC is
playing in the region. The conclusions presented in the last section incite researchers
to further theorize this development in Latin American regionalism.
2	 Even though we reviewed more than one hundred papers, we refer only to the most relevant
research for our purposes.
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1.	 Theoretical Approaches to Assessing Regionalism in Latin
America in the Twenty-first Century
Looking at Latin American regionalism from the point of view of national
sovereignty and a period of “post-hegemony,” Legler (2013) distinguished two opposing
views in his divergent analytical works on Latin American regionalism: the
skeptics and the optimists. In this study, they are referred to as the integration pessimists
and the integration optimists, respectively, and they are linked to slightly
diverging theoretical approaches to the study of regionalism in Latin America. In
addition to these views, there is another perspective, which includes other authors
who focus on proposing concepts that might help to explain new factors that are
observable in the regional political practice such as the regional agreements of the
twenty-first century. This group could be described as the innovators.
On one hand, by the end of the twentieth century, the assessment of regionalism
in Latin America from neorealist, liberal institutional and liberal economic
perspectives had evaluated the progress of regional agreements based on
institutional development and trade integration standards (Mansfield and Milner
1999; Mattli 1999). Thus, the focus on traditional economic standards led various
authors in that period to argue that regionalism in Latin America was condemned
to failure given its level of fragmentation at that time, which was interpreted as the
inability of regional projects to attain deeper integration (Bouzas, Motta Veiga and
Rios 2008; Gardini 2011; Malamud and Gardini 2012).
Indeed, instead of deepening the integration process driven by regional enlargement
based on economic and commercial principles, as in the European case
in the 1990s and beginning of the twenty-first century, most of the new regional
agreements in Latin America have focused on social and political factors that reflected
common regional issues, relegating the economic integration process to a
secondary factor of integration. This development in Latin American regionalism
demands new theoretical explanations since the existing approaches to assessing
the development of regional politics in Latin America cannot explain it further.
Hence, the unfulfilled deepening of economic integration in Latin America expected
by neorealist, liberal institutional, and liberal economic explanations has
transformed itself into pessimistic views regarding integration of the region.
Integration pessimists argue that the proliferation of regional agreements
in the hemisphere are dysfunctional and therefore unable to achieve continental
unity, solidarity, or economic and social development (Gardini 2011), and that
this has also undermined the effectiveness of cooperation in the region by introducing
legal fragmentation and regulatory ambiguity (Gomez Mera 2014). The
debate has mainly confronted the authors who criticize most Latin American
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Cintia Quiliconi • Raúl Salgado Espinoza
projects due to their inter-governmental nature and institutional weaknesses
(Malamud and Gardini 2012; Gomez Mera 2014; Levi 2014). In such a context, Latin
American regionalism is presented as a process in decline.
At the other end of the spectrum there are authors who tend to include
additional factors in their analysis as a reflection on the reality of the new development
of Latin American regional politics. This kind of view on Latin American
regionalism has been described as the optimist view (Legler 2013). Integration
optimists argue that instead of fragmentation, Latin America is experiencing
regional governance in which organizations embrace different issue areas and
represent different ideological political projects (Nolte 2014). In this scenario
Latin American countries have the possibility of choosing which organizations
and cooperation strategies fit their interests best. Indeed, there are a variety of
new regional organizations in Latin America with diverse areas of interest and
objectives such as ALBA, UNASUR, the Pacific Alliance, and CELAC.
Authors of the optimist tendency, such as Motta Veiga and Ríos (2007),
Cienfuegos and Sanahuja (2010), and Sanahuja (2012), argue that the fragmentation
of projects has facilitated the emergence of a post-(neo)liberal regional
development agenda. This development in Latin American regionalism has shifted
the focus on trade and finance that characterizes the neoliberal integration agenda,
to the new political and social issues of the region. Hence, the “post-neoliberal”
approach to assessing Latin American regionalism in the twenty-first century
includes the analysis of a further variety of new factors which prioritizes the
political agenda instead of trade and the economy, the return to a focus on social
development, the role of states as the actors of regionalism, the focus on reducing
asymmetries within the region and within its countries, and new forms of cooperation
for development and execution of common projects of physical infrastructure
that facilitate more interaction between states and their societies, among other
things (Cienfuegos and Sanahuja 2010; Sanahuja 2008).
For integration optimists, success is not related to the number of attempts at
regional integration. On the contrary, they believe that each project is part of aggregate
experiences that are constitutive parts of the Latin American integration core
(Rivarola Puntigliano and Briceño Ruiz 2013). Moreover, authors like Riggirozzi
and Tussie (2012) argue that Latin America has experienced a post-hegemonic moment
in which the resilience of regionalism is understood as the capacity to recover
from political, economic and social disturbances as well as regional or international
crises. This shift took place in a scenario in which re-politicization has become an
important feature in the region since the beginning of the new century (Dábene
2012). Latin American regionalism appears in this context as a process of resilience
rather than a deepening of it.
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Between these two extremes, another tendency can be identified, which is
represented by the group of innovators. This group has proposed neologisms that
aim to conceptualize the process of integration by looking at the complex mixture
of various political actors and agendas of regionalism in Latin America. This is
the case of Briceño Ruiz who first proposed this idea of a “strategic regionalism”
in 2006 to explain the developments of regional integration within MERCOSUR
as a reaction to the negotiation of the FTAA. Later, using the same concept in
2007, he identified a strategic alliance between the US and transnational concerns
to develop and promote the FTAA.
This process, which was characterized as strategic regionalism, was proposed
as an approach to analyzing the symbiosis of various regional political actors,
including the participation of national businesses that projected themselves
internationally, in order to explain their motivations of regionalism in South
America as a reaction to the extreme competition promoted by globalization and
by the US idea of the FTAA (Briceño Ruiz 2008).
On the basis of new developments in regional politics, discussed within
the context of MERCOSUR and the newly created UNASUR, Briceño Ruiz (2011)
also suggested the concepts of “social regionalism” and “productive regionalism.”
While social regionalism seeks to explain regional integration as a mechanism for
cooperation between states to reduce asymmetries and for the execution of social
policies of collective interest, productive regionalism focuses on the analysis of integration
as a means of promoting industrial production and development of
the member states that have the poorest production and lowest development
levels (Briceño Ruiz 2011).
In light of these analyses, Carranza (2014) argues that resilience and
decline have become the two opposite mantras to judge the performance of
regionalism in this debate. However, he argues that neither of these concepts
is “an all-or-nothing” situation, but simply a matter of degree. This debate is
even more opaque because it is necessary to clarify the concepts used in the
debate to measure the failure or success of regional integration. Thus, whereas
the pessimists argue that regionalism in Latin America is in decline, those that
have a positive view of this new moment argue that new regional governance
is emerging. Resilience is thus sunderstood as the capacity to recover from
the politicization of regional integration processes (Dabène 2012), which has
opened the door to creating a new South American and Latin American space
in the context of a multipolar world.
Vivares also points out that the assessment of the state of regionalism depends
on the ontological paradigm with which we analyze the topic. He argues
that “regionalisms are political projects addressed by the traditional research focus
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Latin American Integration: Regionalism à la Carte in a Multipolar World?
Cintia Quiliconi • Raúl Salgado Espinoza
on interstate integration, while regionalization alludes to processes and structures
that cut across national state frontiers” (2013, 11). In that sense, there is a strong
tendency in regional literature to analyze regionalism as a state-led process that
needs to pursue growing economic interdependence. In a similar vein, the traditional
idea of what can be considered a region had already been proposed in the
1960s as a group of states in close association and geographical proximity which
also experience a high level of interdependence (Nye 1965).
Nonetheless, at a time when globalization has become a common feature
of any regional experience, Söderbaum (2011) argues that regions are becoming a
sort of middle structure between societies and world orders. Thus the concept of
region has also become more complex than before, as it explains on one hand the
relationship between regions and world orders and, on the other, between state
and non-state actors. In this fuzzy new world, regions have become more heterogeneous
than before, encompassing imprecise and dynamic geographical limits.
Given these new concepts, it is important to remember Phillips’ suggestions
(2005) to take into account that regional governance is linked to the way
power is exercised in a region. In that sense, the spread of new forms of regionalism
in Latin America since the year 2000 is also a product of the way in which
Latin American countries are facing a new multipolar world and in which regional
leaders are competing through alternative regional projects, as will be explored
in the next section. To conclude, these divergent views also reflect the lack of a
general theory of regionalism and the need for a clear theoretical explanation of
the latest developments in Latin American regionalism.
2.	 Latin America Facing a Multipolar World: Any Role for
Regional Leaders?
The proliferation of different types of regionalism is mainly due to the divergent
political trajectories of the Latin American countries. The overall dominant neoliberal
ideology that prevailed in the 1990s was replaced in some countries by
progressive governments that rejected the ideas of the Washington Consensus. The
regional landscape is thus divided into two groups: in geopolitical terms, the majority
of the countries facing the Pacific, except Ecuador, have sided with the US
and PTAs led by the European Union. They have continued to embrace the open
regionalism principles, whereas the countries that face the Atlantic, particularly in
South America, have generally maintained their previous regional commitments
while including new social agendas.
The inclusion of social and political agendas has transformed the open
regionalism of the 1990s into what some authors call post-liberal regionalism,
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under Brazil’s leadership, or even more extreme versions of post-hegemonic
regionalism under Venezuela’s leadership until the death of Chávez (Legler 2013;
Riggirozzi and Tussie 2012). These projects have economic, social and political
characteristics, and most of them have retained enough room for the state to
play an active role in order to maneuver developmental politics and politics of
regional autonomy, particularly in relation to the US.
This shows a new momentum in the international sphere: the first and
second waves of regionalism in Latin America took place during clear hegemonic
moments in which the United States had a clear interest in continuing to lead the
region. On the other hand, the latest wave of regionalism is the fruit of a multipolar
and post-liberal order. Within this new order, the Latin American countries
are ideologically divided between those that still support open regionalism
initiatives, characteristic of the region in the 1990s, versus those countries that
have adopted post-neoliberal policies to different degrees. The post-neoliberal
policies have enabled the state to come back as a key international actor in many
development aspects, including regional initiatives.
In political terms, the regional initiatives developed within ALBA, CELAC
and UNASUR go beyond the traditional topics of trade and finance liberalization
to embrace political, social and development issues. This new momentum in the
regional agenda in Latin America is marked by the decline of US leadership in
global and regional terms vis-à-vis the emergence of Brazil, Russia, India, China
and South Africa (BRICS) as global actors and their role as regional powers.
Many authors argue that in this multipolar moment, regions are experiencing
a reconfiguration as political authority becomes more diffuse. As Acharya
(2012) argues, the rise of emerging powers such as Brazil, India and China, among
others, opens up space for redefining the purpose and role of regionalism and its
institutions either by strengthening or weakening them. As many rising powers
are also regional powers, e.g. Brazil in South America, this new phenomenon in
combination with the ideas of a multilateral world order have led some authors
to argue that the multipolar moment creates opportunities to strengthen regional
organizations. Consequently, there is a trend towards a more regionalized international
order (Acharya 2014; Buzan 2011).
However, the experience in Latin America at least seems to challenge this
view, given the dubious leadership role of Brazil in the region. On one hand,
Brazil shows its power in the South American political regional sphere using
UNASUR as its platform. On the other hand, Brazil has weakened its commitment
towards MERCOSUR and has been pondering the idea of signing a bilateral
PTA with the EU after having signed a strategic partnership agreement in 2007.
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Latin American Integration: Regionalism à la Carte in a Multipolar World?
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Wehner points out that the “three underlying principles of Brazil’s foreign
policy have been autonomy, universalism and grandeur” (2011, 145). The first principle
has led Brazil to keep its room for maneuver in external relations in order to
guarantee its global actor status; the second aims to maintain harmonic relations
with all countries regardless of their political regime and economic model (Gomes
Saraiva and Malamud 2009), while the third is conceived as Brazil’s destiny. In
addition to this, under the administrations of Collor de Mello (1990-1992), Franco
(1992-1994), and Cardoso (1995-2002), globalization dynamics were also incorporated
in Brazil’s foreign policy. The idea of autonomy was enhanced through integration,
particularly by operationalizing it with the creation of MERCOSUR in 1991.
This trend was extended under Cardoso’s second administration while
Brazil started paying more attention to the region. Within this process the idea
of South America as a single region was developed as a lever to support Brazil’s
status as a regional/global power. This tendency was strengthened even further
under the Lula administration (2003-2011) as Brazil’s quest for South American
regional leadership intensified.
However, as Cervo and Lessa (2014) argue, Brazil lost steam in positioning
itself as an ascending emerging power between 2011 and 2014. Until 2010
Brazil had nurtured its self-perception and shown its image abroad as a dynamic
country due to three main characteristics: economic and political stability, the
inclusion of millions of poor people into Brazilian society through social policies,
and an assertive foreign policy that repositioned Brazil in the world through the
dynamic internationalization of Brazilian firms.
Notwithstanding all of this, under the Rousseff administration Brazil’s dynamism
as an emerging country has stalled. Cervo and Lessa (2014) even mention
an international decline of Brazil due mainly to domestic causes, namely scarce
dialogue between the government and the dynamic sectors of society that ended
up in a breakdown of investors’ and businessmen’s confidence in the government
as well as a number of corruption scandals that undermined Rouseff’s credibility
during her second term. In addition to domestic changes, Rousseff intended to
continue with Brazil’s globalist vocation using regional blocks, coalitions and
bilateral partnerships to advance this objective. Brazil has widened its close
sphere of influence from MERCOSUR to UNASUR and even CELAC, taking
regionalism as a step in the construction of its regional leadership. In this sense,
Rousseff continued Lula da Silva’s universalistic momentum, but Brazilian economic
agents have hesitated between favoring regional or extra-regional trade
given the weaknesses of regional institutions.
There is also a domestic confrontation between liberals and nationalists,
which contributes to weakening Brazilian commitment to regional projects. This
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reveals that regionalism is still under construction in the South American region.
In addition, Brazil has experienced two new, intertwined phenomena since 2000.
There has been a phenomenon of local de-industrialization and a process of relocation
of its economy focusing on the production of primary commodities for
export. For example, manufacturing products were 59.1% of total exports in 2000
but fell to 44% in 2009. The five main export commodities represented 28% of
total exports in 2005 while they increased to 47% in 2011 (Cervo and Lessa 2014).
Despise such backdrops of some rising powers, the emergence of multipolarity
in the world seems to have generated powerful centrifugal forces within
regions (Garzón 2015), as has been pointed out in the case of Brazil. On the
other hand, the rise of new, intermediate regional powers and their focus on
regional projects also tends to create divisions within regions. This can also be
seen in Latin America where there are extreme divisions exemplified by many
overlapping and contrasting regional initiatives vis-à-vis the dubious regional
leadership role of Brazil. As Wehner has argued, that country has become an entrepreneurial
leader, assuming a “role based on the nation’s consensus, dialogue,
inclusiveness and mediation without enforcing conformity and cooperation
from neighboring countries” (2011, 151).
In most of the literature on the subject, regions in a multipolar world are
thought to play two opposite roles. On one hand, some authors consider that, in
a multipolar world where one or two new superpowers compete with the current
superpower, regions are expected to play a similar role of hegemonic regionalism
in which, once they are defined, the hegemons delineate regional institutions and
regionalization dynamics (Acharya 2009 and 2014). On the other hand, other
authors consider that the geopolitics of regions matters in a way in which unipolarity
can only be replaced by a multipolar order that emerges through regional
unification or the emergence of regional unipolarities (Wohlforth 1999).
In a similar way, Buzan (2011) argues that the most likely scenario for
the transition from unipolarity to multipolarity is a world order with no superpowers
but a group of great powers. In this view, a more regionalized international
order will emerge as the removal of a superpower may allow the ascent
of regional powers in their regions (Buzan 2011). Acharya (2009 and 2014) also
argues that the upcoming international system can best be characterized as one
of regiopolarity rather than multipolarity, expecting that emerging powers will
remain embedded in their regional strategic and economic contexts. This notion
has become more popular given the EU crisis, the inability of the US to shape
any regional order and the inability of China to make important allies (Garzón
2015). However, the regiopolarity viewpoint has remained unchallenged even
though there are no clear indications that this scenario is the most plausible one,
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particularly in Latin America, where Brazil does not seem to fit this role. As a way
to test some of these theoretical views, Chen and De Lombarde (2014) measured the
hubness of regional powers in order to capture the relative degree of market interdependence
between a regional power and its neighbors. They have measured
this for the BRICS and their regions using UNASUR as a proxy of the regional
institutions in Latin America. These authors have demonstrated that in the case of
UNASUR, regional states were generally more dependent on Brazil in the year 2000
than in 2010, thus showing that the market dependence of regional countries on
the regional power (Brazil) has been decreasing.
Important Latin American countries such as Argentina, Ecuador, Paraguay,
Uruguay and Venezuela and the ones that are politically quite close to Brazil have
all decreased their dependence on the Brazilian market. The authors also found
that increased participation of regional powers in global markets does not encourage
them to import more products from other countries in their regions. On the
contrary, neighboring countries seem to be importing more from extra-regional
suppliers, a symptom that their role in intra-regional trade is decreasing. This is
due in part to the fact that small and medium-size countries in the region are
increasing their trade and cooperation relationships with extra-regional powers.
Of particular relevance in commercial terms for many of these countries is the
intensification of trade and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) flows with China.
Given this scenario in which Brazil seems to have incrementally disengaged
commercially from its regional partners, there has been an interesting
proliferation of political initiatives as well as reconfiguration of some of the
preexistent objectives of regional agreements such as MERCOSUR. Particularly
within this regional integration process, there has been a shift of focus from trade
issues towards convergence and social issues even though the progress on those
new commitments is still dubious.
The same tendency can be seen in most of the regional organizations created
in the twenty-first century. In the following section the four newly created
regional organizations (ALBA, UNASUR, CELAC and the Pacific Alliance) will
be analyzed as examples of the different types of regionalism that have emerged
in Latin America within this period of regiopolarity.
3.	 Overlapping Organizations in Latin America: Competing
Initiatives or Regionalism à la Carte?
Latin American regionalism in the twenty-first century has not been unified under
a singular project. On the contrary, three types of initiatives characterize the region
nowadays. Firstly, traditional sub-regional initiatives such as MERCOSUR and the
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Andean Community began to change from focusing mainly on trade liberalization
and financial issues to incorporating social and political agendas. This tendency
can be seen particularly in left-wing countries that had original visions of regional
agreements as theorized by Bela Balassa in the 1960s, but began to incorporate
more political and social issues by the beginning of the new century (Balassa 2013).
MERCOSUR is a good example of the shift in agenda: the creation of
the Structural Convergence Fund, the Social Institute of MERCOSUR, and the
Institute of Public Policy in Human Rights are examples that show this new trend.
This tendency to enhance social and political regionalism is what has characterized
the creation of ALBA (2004) and UNASUR (2008). Those agreements are considered
post-liberal initiatives since they do not support neoliberal policies as in the
1990s and are mainly based on sectoral cooperation and political issues. This trend has
been affected by the recent political changes in Argentina and Brazil.3
Second, many PTAs have emerged since the beginning of the 1990s, not
only in reaction to the failure of FTAA negotiations in 2005 but also as a way of
deepening the export-oriented strategies that countries introduced in the 1990s.
Those PTAs have particularly intensified in the 2000s with the characteristic of
crossing the North-South divide. This is what has been referred to in this study
as neoliberal regionalism reloaded, which was particularly enhanced in the Latin
American sphere by the creation of the Pacific Alliance.
Third, a new type of multilateral regionalism has recently emerged in Latin
America. As Saltalamacchia Ziccardi argues, “the general concept of multilateralism,
for its part, also alludes to the existence of a collectivity of states, but membership in
this group is not necessarily linked to a criteria of geographical-spatial location or
of identity. In this sense, the multilateral forms can either be global or can belong
to subsets of regional and subregional range” (2014, 4). CELAC has become the
new organization that encourages “unity in diversity” for all Latin American states,
establishing a common framework for cooperation and consultation.
The new initiatives, except for the Pacific Alliance, seem to be based on
positive integration, namely a new regional integration based on political issues,
promotion of regional interdependencies, and cooperation in various sectoral
areas such as infrastructure, finance, security, education and democratic stability,
among other things (Sanahuja 2010). In contrast to economically driven regionalism,
the new initiatives are embedded in a “re-politicization” (Dabène 2012) in
Latin America in which the overlapping existence of economically and politically
3	 Argentina experienced a change of administration from a left-wing government to a right-wing
government in December of 2015, and Brazil´s president Dilma Rousseff was impeached in
September of 2016 in a process that has enabled a right-wing coalition to come to power.
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Cintia Quiliconi • Raúl Salgado Espinoza
driven regional initiatives reflects the alternative ideologies that have prevailed in
the region and ended up creating a complex geopolitical map of variable geometry
where various alternative projects coexist (Sanahuja 2014).
Dábene (2009) has referred to all of these institutional transformations as
institutional isomorphism. In fact, Grabendorff (2015) argues that efforts to build
new regional governance in the last decade have only been an expression of the
autonomy that progressive governments were favoring rather than an arranged
regional reaction to face the new multipolar moment. Moreover, this paper argues
that the proliferation of regional institutions in the 2000s opened up a new menu
of alternative and complimentary forums to pursue different objectives. The selective
use of each initiative varies in accordance with the political tendencies of the
government and the main objectives that have been established in each institution.
Hence, Latin American regionalism presents à la carte options that each country
is able to select according to its own national interests. In that sense, membership
does not necessarily entail use of the institutions, as we argued before, and some
countries may opt out of some policy domains strategically by choosing what
agenda to address in each institution. The following sub-sections will focus on
each of these institutional trends in order to highlight the overlapping areas and
the fuzzy process of Latin American regionalism in the twenty-first century.
a.	 Post-Liberal Regionalism: UNASUR and ALBA
UNASUR has become the most significant experience of this new regionalist moment
in Latin America. Since the early 1990s, many Brazilian administrations have
started to mention a South American space. For instance, when Cardoso was the
Brazilian Foreign Minister, he mentioned the notion of a “South American platform”
(Cardoso 1994, 185) and later, as president, he considered MERCOSUR to be “a pole
from which we will organize the South American space” (Cardoso and Pompeu de
Toledo 1998, 127). MERCOSUR was thus seen as an alternative hub from which
Brazil would build its sub-regional pole of attraction in the hemisphere so as to
create obstacles to US policy diffusion of PTAs in South America.
In 2000, a political and tangible consolidation of this idea was crystallized
when Brazil brought all South American leaders together for the first time at a
conference in order to discuss a variety of issues pertaining to that regional subsystem.
By curtailing the initiative to South America, Brazil tacitly recognized
the limitations to its influence over the rest of Latin America and acknowledged the
divergent economic interests in the region. This initiative led to the creation of
the South American Community in 2004, later called UNASUR.
Burges argues that the 2000 meeting was “the first exclusive gathering
of South American presidents, giving symbolic gravitas to South America as a
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viable geopolitical entity” and its outcome suggested “an implicit acceptance of
the consensual leadership role that Brazil had been accruing over the previous
six years” (2011, 59). MERCOSUR constituted the inner circle of UNASUR,
but UNASUR became the primary focus for Brazil in terms of regionalism,
particularly under the Lula administration.
By the beginning of the 2000s, and after the Brazilian and Argentinian
devaluations, it became clear that MERCOSUR was not delivering the expected
benefits, at least not for the smaller countries in the initiative, namely Paraguay
and Uruguay. The integration agreement stagnated when their mutual understanding
and cooperation deeply declined, giving way to growing mistrust due
to implementation problems, unilateral measures and case-by-case enforcement.
However, President Cardoso considered the 2000 summit to be a moment of
reaffirmation of South America’s identity as a region, adding that a free trade
agreement between MERCOSUR and the ACN would be the backbone of South
America as an extended economic space, a project that stalled as the UNASUR
agenda evolved in a different direction.
Although its institutional density is still incipient, UNASUR has developed
an important number of agreements, forums and administrative organs. It has
been driven by Brazil —the regional power in Latin America— and its political
allies —the countries that have been critical of neoliberal agreements and PTAs
with the US. In that sense, UNASUR has become the favorite regional arena in which
Brazil has decided to strengthen its power to confront the global hegemon, a
battle that was previously played out through MERCOSUR while the project
of signing the FTAA was still alive. In fact, “the passage from MERCOSUR to
UNASUR was mainly driven by the counterpoint between US plans to expand
NAFTA into a hemispheric-scale economic bloc, and Brazil’s effort to parry US
ambitions and assert itself as a regional [...] power” (Espinosa 2014, 37). The challenge
of the FTAA led Brazil’s leaders to move to strategic regionalism that envisioned
Brazil as the axis of a subcontinental region that would receive Brazilian
investments and industrial exports, boosting the country not only in economic
terms but geopolitically as well (Briceño Ruiz 2006).
Brazil’s geopolitical definition of a South American space was reinforced
in various dimensions: security through the Defense Council, democratic stability
through mediation in political crises in South America, as well as infrastructure
and energy through cooperation, among other topics. In many of these sectors
Brazil’s infrastructure and energy multinationals have been very important actors
pushing regionalization at the South American level with the support of the
Brazilian Public Development Bank (BNDES) (Pinheiro and Gaio 2015). In this
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Cintia Quiliconi • Raúl Salgado Espinoza
sense, Tussie (2009) also argues that until recently UNASUR became a political
project to keep the US out of the region in relation to strategic topics.
Even though UNASUR was officially established in 2008, the organization
included the previous policies and structures agreed upon under the auspices
of the Community of South American Nations. For example, UNASUR incorporated
IIRSA (Initiative for the Integration of the South American Regional
Infrastructure), which turned into a public-private association closely related to
Brazil’s developmentalism that enhances interstate cooperation to pursue infrastructure
ventures in the region.
However, as was pointed out previously, Brazil’s commitment as a regional
leader began to diminish during the first Rousseff administration, not because
it was uncontroversial previously, but because more doubts about UNASUR’s
importance for Brazil arose during that time. The lack of leadership deepened
even more with the political shift in Argentina and the Venezuelan crisis, which
vis-à-vis Rouseff’s final impeachment in August of 2016 cast a cloud on the path to
consolidation of the South American regional project.
Furthermore, Brazilian leadership through the South American
Community of Nations was also challenged in the region by the creation of
the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) in 2004 under
Venezuelan leadership that promptly became an alternative in 2002 to the FTAA
negotiations led by the US. The group emerged as the result of a joint agreement
led by late Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and Cuban leader Fidel Castro,
and ALBA has grown from two to eight member countries since its creation.4
In December of 2004 the initiative was consolidated with a clear ideological
bias against capitalism and has as its main objective the promotion of a new
integration model based on solidarity, complementarity and cooperation (Briceño
Ruiz 2013). ALBA has created grand-national firms that involve cooperation
among the members’ state-owned enterprises to develop joint economic and
industrial projects. It has also created an economic zone known as Eco ALBA,
a Unique System of Regional Compensation (SUCRE), and the consolidation of
“Petrocaribe,” which highlights energy cooperation among its members.
4	 Antigua and Barbuda, Bolivia, Cuba, Dominica, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Saint Vincent and
the Grenadines, and Venezuela. Honduras was also a member, having joined in 2008 under
President Manuel Zelaya, but withdrew in 2009 after Zelaya’s ouster. At the eleventh Summit
in February 2012, ALBA granted the ascension of Suriname and St. Lucia as guest members
—a prerequisite for full-fledged membership. Haiti, an observer since 2007, was confirmed as
a permanent observer during the summit and has also expressed interest in becoming a full
member. Iran and Syria are observers.
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This initiative has never constituted a traditional economic integration
agreement due to its own anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist nature, but it was
nonetheless a platform through which Chávez projected his power in the region
based on shared ideological identities with its partners and counterbalancing
Brazilian leadership. Moreover, Venezuela left the Andean Community in 2006
due to disagreements with Colombia and Peru, both of which had signed PTAs
with the US. Venezuela formally asked for full membership in MERCOSUR
and its incorporation was finally crystallized in June 2012, when Paraguay
—which had systematically resisted Venezuela’s access— was suspended from
MERCOSUR due to an institutional coup. Venezuelan membership in ALBA
and MERCOSUR does not seem to be compatible since many commitments
in MERCOSUR might make compliance difficult for that country (Quiliconi
2014). Furthermore, given Chávez’s death and the current governance problems
in Venezuela, the outlook for the alliance is uncertain.
Both the UNASUR and ALBA projects can be characterized as post-liberal
regionalism in the sense that they address development concerns through sectoral
policies that do not include trade or financial liberalization and are a reaction to
the neoliberal agenda that was promoted during the 1990s. While infrastructure
and energy have become key sectors for UNASUR, monetary and financial aspects
have been the sectors that show the highest levels of cooperation within ALBA.
b.	 Open Regionalism Reloaded: The Pacific Alliance
Despite being the only one of all these organizations that seems to favor deep economic
liberalization, the Pacific Alliance has also been created with political aims
given the changing regional and global scenarios. This initiative has two main
purposes. The first is to consolidate a Latin American group of countries that
still implement the typical neoliberal policies from the 1990s and that have locked
into those reforms by signing North-South PTAs with the US and the EU and are
currently expanding these agreements to the Asia-Pacific region. In fact, many of
the members are currently part of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) initiative
and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) agreement. As Leví Coral and
Reggiardo (2016) argue, the Pacific Alliance is a form of open regionalism that
clearly differs from post-hegemonic/post-liberal regionalism. However, we argue
that this kind regionalism goes beyond the classic open regionalism of the 1990s,
including a political agenda that is a response to the rise of the Pacific axis.
Second, the Pacific Alliance is also a response to the proliferation of regional
initiatives generating a new soft balancing in Latin America. While it excludes
Brazil, which does not share its neoliberal development strategy, it brings
Mexico back into the region and in relation to South America as a subtle way of
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Cintia Quiliconi • Raúl Salgado Espinoza
counterbalancing Brazilian influence. In that sense, as Nolte and Wehner (2013)
point out, the Pacific Alliance affects Brazil’s regional power projection. At the same
time, the Pacific Alliance creates greater bargaining power than any of the individual
countries could have in dealing separately with China.
Since its creation, the Pacific Alliance has made important commitments
and has in fact complied with them, something that is not always common in
many regional agreements in the region. Working groups are moving forwards
on issues of general cooperation, services and investments, movement of people,
and trade and integration. Visas were eliminated among the member countries
in November of 2012
This progress has been possible because the Pacific Alliance members have
reached a consensus on a model of economic and political integration aimed at
attracting investment and creating export platforms for the global market. All have
opted for a pragmatic relationship structured around bilateral PTAs with the US, the
EU, and Asian countries. Panama and Costa Rica, though currently observers, are
expected to become full members once trade agreements are signed with the four
founding countries. Observers include a total of 49 countries. Among the countries
in the Western Hemisphere, Argentina, Canada, Costa Rica, the Dominican
Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Panama, Paraguay,
Uruguay, the US, and Trinidad-Tobago are observers. Membership will also be open
to Uruguay and Guatemala if they sign FTAs with the founding members.
Moreover, the Pacific Alliance has made progress in removing tariffs and
rules of origin that have blocked the development of regional economies of scale
in various sectors such as the airline industry, financial and electrical integration,
e-commerce and infrastructure. They are currently negotiating the elimination of
obstacles that prevent cross-border investment, academic exchanges and tourism.
In addition, they are looking for ways to enhance cooperation on environmental
and social issues, as well as scientific and technological innovation. In 2012, the
Alliance formed a business council and began police and customs cooperation
to track cross-border criminal activity. In conclusion, even though the main
principles are based on neoliberal premises, the agenda transcends classic trade
and financial issues.
c.	 Multilateralism or Diplomatic Regionalism with a New Latin
American Flavor: CELAC
CELAC has as its predecessor the Río Group, an international organization of Latin
American and some Caribbean states that was created in 1986 and supported by
Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Panama, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela.
To some extent, the Río Group was perceived as an alternative body to the
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Organization of American States during the Cold War. Since that body was dominated
by the US, the Contadora Group and the Río Group challenged US military
interventions in Central America, claiming to have “regional solutions to regional
problems” (Meyer McAleese 2014; Tokatlian 2010).
In 2008 the First Summit of Heads of States of Latin America and the
Caribbean (CALC) took place. This summit had as its antecedent the Rio Group
meetings. The second summit took place in 2010 under Mexico’s presidency of
the Rio Group and it was named the “unity” summit because they decided to undertake
an initiative with regional scope that would bring together the 33 Latin
American and Caribbean countries for the first time. These two summits were
key events in creating the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States
(CELAC) that was officially launched at the third CALC summit in 2011. Since
then CELAC has held four summit meetings in Santiago de Chile, Havana, San
José de Costa Rica, and Quito, respectively.
Like the Rio Group, CELAC also represents a challenge to the already
weak Organization of American States. It is the only initiative that gathers all
South American and Caribbean countries through summit diplomacy with a
strong role played by regional presidents that sets the regional foreign policy
agenda in many of the current regional initiatives.
According to Sanahuja (2014), the relevance of CELAC is related first to
its regional scope with the intention of acting as a common framework for cooperation
and consultation based on the slogan “unity in diversity,” chosen by the
leaders to represent the main meaning of CELAC. Second, CELAC brings Cuba
back into the international forum as a strong sign of the region’s autonomy with
respect to the US. Third, CELAC reclaims the historical legacy of unionism and
a common Latin American identity to empower the region’s role in international
and regional matters, also bringing Mexico back into the fold after it had been
isolated from the rest of the region, within the North American space, since the
signing of NAFTA. In fact, through CELAC, Mexico has found a way to access
the South American diplomatic channels that had been closed to it since the
creation of UNASUR (Manaut 2015).
CELAC does not compete with the regional organizations that predated
it. On the contrary, it seeks to place regional organizations within a wider regional
framework. It is still unclear how UNASUR and CELAC will interact,
because some of their objectives, particularly the political ones, seem to overlap.
UNASUR and CELAC were the fruit of a phase of growing autonomy and economic
expansion, but their work agendas are different because UNASUR has
been focused on infrastructure, defense and health projects, among other topics
that have been affected by the crisis that many economies in the region, especially
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Cintia Quiliconi • Raúl Salgado Espinoza
Brazil, are experiencing. However, Llanderrozas (2015) points out that the CELAC
initiative lacks such commitments, since it mainly seeks visibility, a high international
profile, and representation of the region in its external relations with
Europe and the BRICS.
Saltalamacchia Ziccardi (2014) argues that CELAC differs from previous
regional initiatives in three ways. First, it assumes an explicitly political rationality
that determines the way cooperation takes place in all areas. Second, it tries to
generate a space that is autonomous from the US. And third, it acts as a platform
to influence discussions on international economic and political governance in a
world characterized by multipolarity or regiopolarity in which regions are defining
and claiming new roles. CELAC, however, replicates the regional preference for
inter-governmentalism that regionalism pessimists have criticized, thus bringing
back the sense of a Latin American and Caribbean identity.
Since it is quite a new forum, the CELAC agenda is still under construction.
So far the main topics addressed in the organization are related to fighting
poverty and inequality in the region; fostering cooperation in science, technology,
energy and infrastructure; establishing external relations with the BRICS; restoring
diplomatic relations between Cuba and the US; and contributing to a
resolution of the political crisis in Venezuela. CELAC’s treatment of these issues is
restricted to a form of multilateralism or diplomatic regionalism with a new Latin
American flavor. Some authors argue that CELAC is currently a forum for political
dialogue characterized by strong presidentialism and weak institutionalism (Legler
and Santa Cruz 2011).
Conclusions
ALBA, UNASUR, CELAC and the Pacific Alliance were all created in the 2000s,
mainly for political purposes and in reaction to different international and regional
dynamics that Latin America was experiencing. Some of them have their
roots in the 1990s, e.g. UNASUR, which has been slowly consolidated since the 2000s
in a regional scenario that has shifted dramatically compared to the days when
neoliberal trade agreements and open regionalism were the only game in town.
In light of this transformation, a new question arises: Should ALBA,
CELAC, the Pacific Alliance and UNASUR be studied as comparable expressions
of regionalism? As was argued above, they all constitute new forms of regionalism
that surpass the economic integration concept a la Bela Balassa that has been
traditional since the 1960s.
UNASUR and CELAC incorporate a larger diversity of members, so pragmatism
is a key feature in these agreements in order to avoid specific definitions
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with respect to models of development or integration. ALBA and the Pacific
Alliance have developed clear ideological biases since their creation; the former
is an anti-capitalist initiative, while the latter clearly favors neoliberal policies.
Both UNASUR and CELAC have favored sectoral agendas for cooperation
—in the fields of energy, eradication of poverty, works of infrastructure, and
climate change, among other things. Nonetheless, since UNASUR was created
under Brazilian leadership, it can be defined as an example of “post-liberal”
regionalism (Sanahuja 2012) or “post-hegemonic” because it departs from the
FTAA idea based on economic liberalization that the US has promoted throughout
the hemisphere (Riggirozzi and Tussie 2012). CELAC has a different starting
point: since its membership includes all of the Latin American and Caribbean
countries, the initiative needs to find the lowest common denominator in order
to hold opposite positions and models of development together in the same
organization. In this sense, as has already been stated, in addition to its sectoral
cooperation policies, the initiative seems oriented to replacing the OAS and its
role in multilateral issues and regional governance.
As Sanahuja (2014) has pointed out, CELAC represents an initiative that
addresses the role of “summit diplomacy” in the region with the important task
of setting the foreign policy agendas of Latin America. Thus CELAC is the most
encompassing initiative in Latin America and it allows for cooperative leadership
between Mexico and Brazil, the two giants in the region. At the same time,
CELAC brings the Caribbean in general and Cuba in particular back into the
region. In this sense, CELAC’s multilateral regionalism has a twofold scope of
political consultation: within the region and outside the region. However, in contrast
to the OAS and UNASUR, CELAC is a non-institutionalized consultation
mechanism; it does not count on any constitutive treaty, nor does it ask countries
to cede any of their sovereignty.
This process of institutional proliferation has its motivations in the displacement
of the agenda of Latin American economic regionalism towards a
set of diverse political, security and strategic issues in the region. Moreover, the
emergence of such a variety of regionalisms in Latin America is a product of the way
in which these countries are facing a new multipolar world in which regional
leaders are competing through alternative regional projects. In this context, Latin
America seems to have been in search of different multilateral regional alternatives
that have abandoned the idea of trade as the ultimate objective (Bonilla and
Long 2010). In this scenario of multiple open regional avenues, each country has
a multiplicity of à la carte alternatives from which to choose the organization that
best suits their economic and political interests. Since regionalisms are political
projects addressed by the traditional research focus on interstate integration,
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Cintia Quiliconi • Raúl Salgado Espinoza
while regionalization alludes to processes and structures that cut across national
state borders (Vivares 2013), the current situation seems to be a construction of
new regionalism through new regionalization processes that are redefining the
previous “regional” identities and stimulating the projection of new actors in a
multipolar world. It is possible to see a multiplicity of identities, namely a Pacific
identity, a South American identity, a Bolivarian identity, as well as a new Latin
American identity that previously seemed to be in crisis. All of these new developments
are forcing scholars of regionalism and integration to rethink the way
of theorizing Latin American regionalism.
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Latin American Integration: Regionalism à la Carte in a Multipolar World?
Cintia Quiliconi • Raúl Salgado Espinoza
H
Cintia Quiliconi holds a PhD in Politics and International Relations from the University
of Southern California (United States). She is currently a research professor at FLACSOEcuador.
Her research interests and teaching areas are focused on international political
economy, international trade negotiations and agreements, regionalism in Latin America,
US-Latin American trade relations, the political economy of development and sustainable
development. Her latest publications include Global and Regional Leadership of BRICS
Countries (edited with Stephen Kingah), which is included in United Nations University
Series on Regionalism, 2016; “Atlántico versus Pacífico: Las alternativas en competencia de la
integración comercial en América Latina.” Revista Relaciones Internacionales 23 (47): 165-184,
2015; “Competitive Diffusion of Trade Agreements in Latin America.” International Studies
Review 16 (2): 240-251, 2014, DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1111/misr.12135. * cquiliconi@gmail.com
Raúl Salgado Espinoza holds a PhD in Political Science and International Studies from
the University of Birmingham (United Kingdom). He is currently a research professor at
FLACSO-Ecuador where he coordinates the research line on foreign policy. His research
interest and teaching fields are Latin American foreign policy; political thought, ethics and
international relations, regionalism and international relations methodology. His latest publications
include “Responsibility to Protect as Norm under Construction: the Divergent
Views from the South.” LASA Forum XLVII (2): 21-24, 2016. * rsalgado@flacso.edu.ec