Minneapolis· London
Means without End
Notes on Politics
Uni\"crsity of Press
Giorgio Agamben
",,'
Bri:lll \hSSllllli
BU{;:r\IJSUFTEEURY
8 Becoming-Woman CllllilLt Criggers
6 Capital Times: Tales from the Conquest of Time Al1io
9 Arrow of Chaos: Romanticism and Postmodernity ILl Li\illg-.I(1I1
3 Bad Aboriginal Art: Tradition,
Media, and Technological Horizons Fric ,\lidw:ls
5 The Year of Passages Red;llknsm:l"],l
4 Labor of Dionysus:
A Critique of the State-Form Stich,lt:ll Llnh ;lI1d Antonio J'\"egri
Theory out of Bounds 'ol{lIlll':}O
7 A Potential Politics: Radical Thought in Italy Translated by Vincenzo Binetti and Cesare Casarino
P:Hllo \.'ll"l1O ;llld :\'lich:H.J Il:mlt, editors
2 The Cinematic Body StL'YCn Sh:l\'lro
1 The Coming Community (,'lorgi()
17 Proust and Signs: The Complete Text Cillc... Ilclc\l/c
16 Deleuze: The Clamor of Being \bin Ihlll>ll
15 Insurgencies: Constituent Power and
the Modern State Antonio 1'\:cgri
20 Means without End: Notes on Politics (;iorgio :\gamhcll
11 The New Spinoza \\'.lITen ,\\()l1Llg :ll1d Tcd Stolzc, l,dit()rs
10 Power and Invention: Situating Science Isahl']k Stengers
12 Metamorphoses of the Body Jme Cil
19 The Invention of Modern Science [...;dlcllc Sll'll!!erS
18 Methodology of the Oppressed CheLl
14 When Pain Strikes Bill Burns, (::ltl1" Bu...bv, alhll..:.i1l1 S:l\\cl\llk,
1:1 Critical Environments: Postmodern Theory and
the Pragmatics of the "Outside" Cary \\'olfe
Printed in the United of AnH:rica Oil ,Kid-free I);IJler
Copyright 2000 by the Regents of the University of Minncsotll
Guy Debord
in memoriam
10 Q 8 7 6 5 4 3
UHRARY 01· CONI'RI'S" CATAl.()(;ING-IN-I'VHLlCATION DATA
Ag,llnhcn, Giorgio, 1942[MCZ1.i
senz<.l fine. FnglishJ
Means without end : on politics / Giorgio Agambcn ;
translated hy Vinn:nzo Binetti and Cesare Casarino.
p. CIll. - [Theory out of bounds; v. 201
lnclu(ks hil,liographical rcfcrcnccs and indcx.
ISIlI\; O-HII>I>-JOJ5-6 (he, Jlk. pape,) --ISBN O-HI66-.HI.1I>-4 (ph
.1Ik. paper)
1. Political sciencc-Philosophy. I. Title. 11. Series.
JA7I..I17 2000
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Contents
Preface i x
PART I
Form-of-Life 3
Beyond Human Rights 15
What Is a People? 29
What Is a Camp? 37
PART II
Notes on Gesture 49
Languages and Peoples 63
Marginal Notes on Commentaries on the Society 01
the Spectacle 73
The Face 91
PART III
Sovereign Police 103
Notes on Politics 109
In This Exile (Italian Diary, 1992-94) 121
Translators' Notes 143
Index 147
F o u R
What Is a Camp?
WHAT HAPPENED in the camps exceeds the juridical concept
of crime to such an extent that the specific politicaljuridical
structure within which those events took place
has often heen left simply unexamined. The camp is the
place in which the most absolute conditio inhmnrma ever
to appear on Earth was realized: this is ultimately all that
counts for the victims as well as for posterity. Here I will
deliberately set out in the opposite direction. Rather than
deducing the definition of camp from the events that
took place there, I will ask instead: What is a camp? What
is its po/itical-jm'idicalstructure? How could such events have
taken place there? This will lead us to look at the camp
not as a historical fact and an anomaly that-though admittedly
still with us - helongs nonetheless to the past,
but rather in some sense as the hidden matrix and nomos
of the political space in which we still live.
Historians debate whether the first appearance
of camps ought to be identified with the campos de
concentraciones that were created in 1896 by the Spaniards
in Cuba in order to repress the insurrection of that colony's
population, or rather with the concentration camps
into which the English herded the Boers at the beginning
of the twentieth century. What matters here is that
in both cases one is dealing with the extension to an encivilian
population of a state exception linked to
a colonial war. The camps, in other words, were not born
out of ordinary law, and even less were they the product-as
one might have believed-of a transformation
and a development of prison law; rather, they were born
out of the state of exception and martial law. This -is even
more evident in the case of the Nazi Lager, whose origin
and juridical regime is well documented. It is well
known that the juridical foundation of internment was
not ordinary law but rather the Schutzhaft (literally, protective
custody), which was a juridical institution of Prussian
derivation that Nazi jurists sometimes considered a
measure of preventive policing inasmuch as it enabled
the "taking into custody" of individuals regardless of any
relevant criminal behavior and exclusively in order to
avoid threats to the security of the state. The origin of
the Schutzhaft, however, resides in the Prussian law on
the state of siege that was passed on]une 4, 1851, and
that was extended to the whole of Germany (with the
exception of Bavaria) in 1871, as well as in the earlier
Prussian law on the "protection of personal freedom"
38,9
(Schutz der persijnlichen Freiheit) that was passed on February
12, 1850. Both these laws were applied widely during
World War I.
One cannot overestimate the import,mce of
this constitutive nexus between state of exception and
concentration camp for a correct understanding of the
nature of the camp. Ironically, the "protection" of freedom
that is in question in the Scbut::,baft is a protection
against the suspension of the law that characterizes the
state of emergency. \Vhat is new here is that this institution
is dissolved by the state of exception on which it
was founded and is allowed to continue to be in force
under normal circumstances. The camp is the .,pace that
opens up wbl'l7 tbe state ofexception starts to become the Full'.
In it, the state of exception, which was essentially a temporal
suspension of the state of law, acquires a pennanent
spatial arrangement that, as such, remains constantly
outside the normal state of law. \Vhen Himmler decided,
in March 1933, on the occasion of the celebrations of
Hitler's election to the chancellorship of the Reich, to
create a "concentration camp for political prisoners" at
Dachau, this camp was immediately entrusted to the SS
and, thanks to the Schutzhaft, was placed outside the
jurisdiction of criminal law as well as prison law, with
which it neither then nor later ever had anything to
do. Dachau, as well as the other camps that were soon
added to it (Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Lichtenberg),
remained virtually always operative: the number of inmates
varied and during certain periods (in particular, be\;Vhat
I" a Camp:
I .
I ,,-
\
tween 1935 and 1937, before the deportation of the Jews
began) it decreased to 7,500 people; the camp as such,
however, had become a permanent reality in Germany.
One ought to reflect on the paradoxical status of the
camp as space of exception: the camp is a piece of territory
that is placed outside the normal juridical order; for
all that, however, it is not simply an external space. According
to the etymological meaning of the term exceptilm
(ex-capae), what is being excluded in the camp is
cLlptllred out.\'ide, that is, it is included by virtue of its very
exclusion. Thus, what is being captured under the rule
of law is first of all the very state of exception. In other
words, if sovereign power is founded on the ability to
decide on the state of exception, the camp is the structure
in which the state of exception is permanently realized.
Hannah Arendt observed once that what comes to
light in the camps is the principle that supports totalitarian
domination and that common sense stubbornly
refuses to admit to, namely, the principle according to
which anything is possible. It is only because the camps
constitute a space of exception - a space in which the
law is completely suspended - that everything is truly
possible in them. If one does not understand this particular
political-juridical structure of the camps, whose
vocation is precisely to realize permanently the exception,
the incredible events that took place in them remain entirely
unintelligible. The people who entered the camp
moved about in a zone of indistinction between the outside
and the inside, the exception and the rule, the licit
o
I
>-
4 0.1
and the illicit, in which every juridical protection had disappeared;
moreover, if they were Jews, they had already
been deprived of citizenship rights by the Nuremberg
Laws and were later completely denationalized at the
moment of the "final solution." 11l1l.177luch a.\' it.\' inhabitllnt.\' I
have been .\'tripped of every politiml .\'taw.\' and reduced com- \
to naked life, tbe camp is al.\'o the mo.\'t absolute biopo- I
litical .'jJace that has e7Jer beel! realized-a Jpace in w&ich
power collFonts nothing other thall pure biological life with- I
out any mediation. The camp is the paradigm itself of po- I
litical space at the point in which __becomes biopolitics
and the homo .weer becomes indistinguishable I
-n:;e-correct question regarding the horrors
committed in the camps, therd(Jre, is not the question
that asks hypocritically how it could have been
possible to commit such atrocious horrors against other
human beings; it would be more honest, and above all
more useful, to investig:1tc carefully how - that is, thanks
to what juridical procedures and political devices-human
beings could have been so completely deprived of
their rights and prerogatives to the point that committing
any act toward them would no longer appear as a
crime (at this point, in fact, truly anything had become
possible).
If this is the case, if the essence of the camp
consists in the materialization of the state of exception
and in the consequent creation of a space for naked life
as such, we will then have to admit to be facing a camp
virtually every time that such a structure is created, regardless
of the nature of the crimes committed in it and
regardless of the denomination and specific topography
it might have. The soccer stadium in Bari in which the
Italian police temporarily herded Albanian illegal immigrants
in 1991 before sending them back to their country,
the cycle-racing track in which the Vichy authorities
rounded up the Jews before handing them over to the
Germans, the refugee camp near the Spanish border
where Antonio Machado died in 1939, as well as the zones
d'attente in French international airports in which foreigners
requesting refugee status are detained will all
have to be considered camps. In all these cases, an apparently
anodyne place (such as the Hotel Arcade near
the Paris airport) delimits instead a space in which, for
all intents and purposes, the normal rule of law is suspended
and in which the fact that atrocities mayor may
not be committed does not depend on the law but rather
on the civility and ethical sense of the police that act temporarily
as sovereign. This is the case, for example, during
the four days foreigners may be kept in the zone
d'attellte before the intervention of French judicial authorities.
In this sense, even certain outskirts of the great
postindustrial cities as well as the gated communities of
the United States are beginning today to look like camps,
in which naked life and political life, at least in determinate
moments, enter a zone of absolute indeterminacy.
From this perspective, the birth of the camp in our time
appears to be an event that marks in a decisive way the
political space itself of modernity. This birth takes place
when the political system of the modern nation-state-
o
>-
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W
I
f-
42,3
founded on the functional nexus between a determinate
localization (territory) and a determinate order (the state),
which was mediated by automatic regulations for the inscription
of life (birth or nation) - enters a period of
permanent crisis and the state decides to undertake the
management of the biological life of the nation directly
as its own task. In other words, if the structure of the
nation-state is defined by three elements-territory, orde7;
and birth-the rupture of the old nOl'tlos does not take
place in the two aspects that, according to Carl Schmitt,
used to constitute it (that is, localization, Ortung, and
order, Ordnung), but rather at the site in which naked
life is inscribed in them (that is, there where inscription
turns bi71h into nation). There is something that no
longer functions in the traditional mechanisms that used
to regulate this inscription, and the camp is the new hidden
regulator of the inscription of life in the orderor,
rather, it is the sign of the system's inability to function
without transforming itself into a lethal machine.
It is important to note that the camps appeared at the
same time that the new laws on citizenship and on the
denationalization of citizens were issued (not only the
Nuremberg Laws on citizenship in the Reich but also
the laws on the denationalization of citizens that were issued
by almost all the European states, including France,
between 1915 and 1933). The state of exception, which
used to be essentially a temporary suspension of the
order, becomes now a new and stable spatial arrangement
inhabited by that naked life that increasingly cannot
be inscribed into the order. The widen\Vhat
Is a Camp?
i71g gap between birth (naked life) and nation-state is the new
fact ofthe politics ofour time and 7vhat u'e are calling "camp"
is this disparity. Te> an order without localization (that is,
the state of exception during which the law is suspended)
corresponds now a localization without order (that is, the
camp as permanent space of exception). The political system
no longer orders forms of life and juridical norms
in a determinate space; rather, it contains within itself a
dislocating lowlizatirJ1l that exceeds it and in which virtually
every form of life and every norm can be captured.
The camp intended as a dislocating localization is the
hidden matrix of the politics in which we still live, and
we must learn to recognize it in all of its metamorphoses.
The camp is the fourth and inseparable element that has
been added to and has broken up the old trinity of nation
(birth), state, and territory.
It is from this perspective that we need to see
the reappearance of camps in a form that is, in a certain
sense, even more extreme in the territories of the former
Yugoslavia. What is happening there is not at all, as some
interested observers rushed to declare, a redefinition of
the old political system according to new ethnic and territorial
arrangements, that is, a simple repetition of the
processes that culminated in the constitution of the European
nation-states. Rather, we note there an irreparable
rupture of the old nomos as well as a dislocation of
populations and human lives according to entirely new
lines of Hight. That is why the camps of ethnic rape are
so crucially important. If the Nazis never thought of carrying
out the "final solution" by impregnating Jewish
>-
:0
o
>-
cr
o
Co
I
44,5
women, that is because the principle of birth, which ensured
the inscription of life in the order of the nationstate,
was in some way still functioning, even though it
was profoundly transformed. This principle is now adrift:
it has entered a process of dislocation in which its functioning
is becoming patently impossible and in which we
can expect not only new camps but ,llso always new and
more delirious normative definitions of the inscription
of life in the city. The camp, which is now firmly settled
inside it, is the new biopolitical nomos of the planet.
(1994)
What Is , Camp'
\
\,
Translators' Notes
be undertaken without becoming a historical task, or, in
other words, the way in which politics might be nothing
other than the exposition of humankind's absence of
work as well as the exposition of humankind's creative
semi-indifference to any task, and might only in this
sense remain integrally assigned to happiness.
E. M. Forster relates how during one of his conversations
with C. P. Cavafy in Alexandria, the poet told him:
"You English cannot understand us: we Greeks went
bankrupt a long time ago." 1 believe that one of the few
things that can be declared with certainty is that, since
then, all the peoples of Europe (and, perhaps, all the peoples
of the Earth) have gone bankrupt. U/e liz'e after- the
failure ofpeoples, just as Apollinaire would say of himself:
"I lived in the time when the kings would die." Every
people has had its particular way of going bankrupt, and
certainly it does make a difference that for the Germans
it meant Hitler and Auschwitz, for the Spanish it meant
a civil war, for the French it meant Vichy, for other people,
instead, it meant the quiet and atrocious 1950s, and
for the Serbs it meant the rapes of Omarska; in the end,
what is crucial for us is only the new t,lsk that such ,l
failure has bequeathed us. Perhaps it is not even accurate
to define it as a task, because there is no longer a
people to undertake it. As the Alexandrian poet might
say today with a smile: "Now, at last, we can understand
one another, because you too have gone bankrupt."
(1995)
z
co
o
"'
o
r-
::J
o
>-
or
o
w
r
r-
Preface
,. The tcrllllla!.:"d life rr:!nslates the It:!lian
1I11da 7.'itll. This term appears also in the
')uhtitle 11011/0 -"'ater:
J! pote!'e .HJvri/JJO f /" nuda 'vita, a... well ;1:-.
rhrouvhout that ",'ork. \Vc have decided
not ro follow l)anicllll'llcr-f{o;lzcn'..,
translation of nuda ('if(/ as "Iure life" -scc
11mI/O .\t1(cr: .\'o7}cn'<{!;n Pml'('r {{nd Bilre 1.I}i'
(Stanford, C1H.: Stant()f(1 University I'ress.
I()()H). trans. Daniel Helkr- Ronen--=- and
tn rl't:lin rhe e,lrlier transbtion of nuda 7.'ita
.1:'> "flaked life" to he founJ in Ces.lrc
Cas,lrino's translation of Agamhen's ess,ly
(st.'t: "Form-of-Life" in
the collection edited hv Paolo Virno :lnd
j\1ich,lcl Hardt, A Porc;7tia! Politic\': Rddhil/
'I'bollgbt ill ftaly [Minne"polis: University
oftvlinnesota Press, 19%1. pp. 151-50).'
Form-of-Life
1 The Engl ish term pou'er corresponds to
two distinct terms in h::llian, pO!CJl::.tl and
pott'J't' (which roughly correspond to the
French p"iysall(c ;lnd potn..'oir, the (;erman
...Had)! and I "/'J71l0/:,CIl, ;lnd the Latin potcntia
,llld jJotcxttl.\", re<;pectively). !)olfll::.a em often
rc:-.onatc vvith implil·,ltions of potl'ntialitv
well a:-. with dcccntrali:lcd O[ nuss .
conceptions of force and streng-tho PotCJ"f.
on the other hand, refers to the might or
;luthority of an already structured and
centralized capacity, often an institutional
apparatus SUl'il ,lS thc 'irate.
2. Nlarsilills (If Padua. The [)/:/i'lIso!" oj
]Jeifn'. trans. ALm C;ewirth (l\il'W York:
1brper .lnd l{O\\, 1'>S'(). p. 15: fLlnslarion
modified.
Scc Van .,/ 'itil neci.\·q!{{' pOle.ltLl.\":
Le perc, b cite, Ia mort," in /)" (h/iti1l/L'nt
dims lil (it/: ,\u!Jpli(cs (O'J;}orcls I't {!cillc dc II/ort
df/JIS Ie mOJlile 'Illtiqut' (Rome:
fran,aise de R01lle, I'iH4).
4. \\,Talter Bcnj:lI11ill j
wrhescs on the
Philosoph:· of I Iistory." in IllumhllltioJ!.f,
trans. Harry Zohn (New York: Schoeken
Books, I'!H')). p. 257. In rhe italian
of Benjamin's passage, "state of
emcrgencv" b translated ""tate of
excq;tion>' which the phras(; Agamben
uses in the preceding section of this essay
and which will he a crucial refrain in
several of the other included in this
volume.
5. "Experimental life" is in English in the
original.
6. Scc. for Pctcr JVlcdawar and
Jean :\tlcdawar, Arl-ftot!e to LOos (Oxford:
'()xt(Jr(! University Press, l'iH3), pp. 66-67.
7. The terminology in the original is the
....;llllc as th;lt used fot' b,lIlk transactions
(and thus "ruked life" hccollles here the
cash n;serve cont:lined in such ,IS
thc "forms of life").
8. Aristotle, Un tbe 5,'oul. in FbI' Cowpl/'f('
H/orkr vol. 1, l'd. Jonathan
Barnes (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
L:niversity Press, 19H4), pp. (,H2-HL
9. Dantc A.lighieri, (}JI VI ·orld-(;Ol'crnmcllt.
trans. I lerbert v\/. Schneidcr (Indianapolis:
Liberal Arts, 1')S7), 1'1'. (,-7; translation
Illodified.
10. In En!-dish in the original. This term
taken frolll a single rd'erencc by lVlarx, in
which he the Fngli...h term. Scc Karl
l\tlarx, Gnmdri.n·f: FOIlJldlltio/ls oftbc Critique
o(Politj({tI tLlI1S. j\lartin :'\licolaus
(New York: Randolll ! louse, jll73), ", 711(>.
Beyond Human Rights
1. lIannah Arendt, "We Refugees,"
MelJomh ]olJl7lill, no. 1 (1943): 77.
1. I Ltnnah Arendt. ImperialislH, II of
The Origins ofTotalitarifllli.l7H (Ne\\· York:
Jbrcourt, Brace, 195 J), pp. 266-lIH.
J. Ihid., PI" 290-95.
4. Tomas 1Iammar. f)emotrtl(J' lind the
,Vation State: ,.Jlifns. DelIi:.('J}.I', fwd Citizens
ill a World ofinternational Alig-rdtioJl
(Brookfield, VI.: Gower, 1')9U).
What Is a People?
1. Hannah Arendt, 01/ Revolmiol/ (New
York Viking Press. 1%3), p. 711.
Notes on Gesture
1. (;illes dc b 'I'ourette, /::tudC.f dilliqu£'.f ct
sur lil marche (Paris: Bureaux
de pn )gre", 1XX(I).
1. Jcan-Nlartin Ch'lrcot. ('harcot, the
Clil;ICiflJl: Tbc Tflcst/a)' /.CS.H!JI.f (New \·urk·
Raven Press, 1')H7).
3. Sec (;illes Dclcuzc, CillClllif I: The
i\107.YlHcllt-Imilge. trans. 'I'omlinson
and Barbara I Iabherjalll (Minneapolis:
University of ;\1innesot;l Press, 1()X{l).
4. Varro, ()n tbe r"tiJl [,allguiI,'J,c. trans.
Robnd (;. Kent (Camhridge: llarvard
UniVLTsity Press, I()j7), p. 245.
5. Aristotle. i\"iCOllllldJCI/!) L:'tbicJ. trans.
i\bnin ()stv.'ald (lndi,lllapolis: BobhsNlerrill
Edlll·;1tiorul Puhlishing, 19H3),
p. 15,1,
Languages and Peoples
1. Fran<;ois Dc V:lUX de Foletier. lA'S
Tl'i,/2,llm:s dllfl.\" l'ancicl1lJc Pr(lflo:; cited in
Alice Becker-l 10, Les prlJlfeS dll jargon: Un
61ftcllr neglige allX origines de "argot dcs
·dll.I.I·('.r Rditioll aup;lJlcntec (Paris:
C;"lIimard, 1993), pp. 22-23.
1. The reference is to Alicc Uecker-Ho,
Lcy princes dlt jargon: Un factellr neglige allX
origines de l'tlrgot de.l· dm:H'j· d,lIlgl'1"CUSCS
(Paris: Gerard Lcbovici l 19<)0).
J. Becker-Ho, Le.rpriuce.1 dlljm:WI1l.· FditlOl7
tllt,rJ.;mcllfcc, p. 51.
4. Ibid., p. 50.
5. C;ershom Scholcm, "llne ILttn: incdite
de (;ershOill Scholcm J FLlnz
.\. propo" de notre line confession."
trall:--. (rom German into French hy Stefan
,\loses, ArcbrveJ des ,';(iCI1(('.\' ,"-;ociale.\" de.\"
{(clip.,!olls ff .'lrrhi"L'c.f dc ,i,;ocio!o?,/(' dc.1 RcliglOllY
(,(): I iI',,,;s, I ')H5): H3-H4.
Marginal Notes on Commentaries on the
Society of the Spectacle
1. ),arl \'on Cl:tu...ewiu" citcd in (;uy
J)l'hn1'd, P1'</;/(/' II /tl /;dlt/Oll
Itlll/ClII/l'de "I,ll ,i,;o(i/:!(; rill ,"-;/!{'t{IIc!C" «(l.lri.... ·
Champ Lihre. Iln(;), pp. IS· lfJ.
2. \\'l' l1;1ve tLll1"bted thi.... P;lSS;lgl' frol1\
[he Italian a" wc could not find the lIrigin:d
refercllce,
3:. 1'.:11'1 J\b1'x, C'r/!Iitfll. vol. 1,11';11)-". Bell
I,'o\vkcs (Nnv York: \·'intagc Booh, I ()j7).
1', 1(,5.
4. I ,\lthu:"'Iser. "Pn:hce to Caplla!
Vol ullle ()ne." in I./'uin dud Pbi/o.wpbV,
trans. Ben BrC\\"tlT (Ne\\' York: \'lotlthly'
Re\'iew Press. 1(171), p, ')1; hut 'ee the
whole ;lnd I'p. HI and
5. kraus, "In The...e Time"." in
III Tbl'sl' (;'-Ctlt 'I'/IJ/I'.f. tran". Ibrry Zohll
Engendra !I)j{)), p. 70.
6. Friedrich Nietzsche, Tbl' C'rI} ,1,;(/0/(',
lr.w.... \\'alter (:\'ew York:
\"fH:cge Books, 197'1), pp. C73-H.
The Face
1. FLlIlJ' Rosenzweig, Tbe '\"trlr ofNedl'll/p-
1101/, trans. \Yilliafl1 \V, llallo ('-:cw York:
144, "
Jlolt, Rinehart and \ \'in'ton. I'nO), Pl'.
4:?2-23.
Sovereign Police
1. \ \'alter Bcnjamin, "Critique of VioIence."
in Rellcct/ol!.l', trans. EdlllundJephcott
York: Schocken Books, 1'iH(,), p. 2H7.
Notes on Politics
1. \\'alter Bellj:llllin. "ThcologicoPolitic:t1
FL1f!lllent," in f(:I'('(firJJIJ, trans.
I':dllllllld .kplKott (;'\'C\\ 'York: Schockcn
Ilo"ks, I 'IH(,), 1'. l12.
In This Exile (Italian Diary, 1992-94)
1. A)-Tun Sellll;l --- Brazilian r;llT-L':lt"
drivcr :ll1d charismatic pllhlil' icon - died
ill lull' during the S;lIl ;\"brllHl (;Lllld Pri;..
the age of thlrty-Illllr. Iii.... dC;lth a
highly' pllhlicizcd media e\·cnt.
2. Bettlllo Cr;l.\:1 \\;1'" hl';lll of the PSI
(fuli,1Il Soci:llist I':ln)) from Iln() to P)H;,
\\ell :lS ll<di,lll prilllL' [Ilini"ter from I ()H3
to I III 111l' e,lrly I()<)(}.", he \\';1" ,It the
center (If the Iilllf!,ClI/ojJoli ,",C;l11 d:11.
of l·OlTllptioll. ;llld tled ILlly for
Tunisi;l, \\herc Ill' dil.'d in l..'arly lOOO.
3. (;iOV;II111i Botero, Tbt' NC/I.flJI!
trans. I'. .J. ,1fld D, P. I,V"lcy (:s.'e\\ I Ll\'cn:
'{ale Uni\'Cr"ity Pre" , I p. 3.
I kre Ag;llllbell i referrillg" to thl'
C(llltrm ersia! phenomclloTl ofjJflltitulI/o,
which ignited public opinion in
throughout the I (){)()". PClltlti- "turncoat'i,"
(Jr, "thc who have r(.'pentcd",1rl'
former Illemhers of organi"cd crime
or of left-wing or right-wing political
organiz..1tion:-. who dt:<...'idt' to disavow their
bdicf" puhlicly and to namc other melllber"
of their during police
I'\.T otC :'.
investigations or trials in exchange for
immunity or reduced prison terms.
5. Karl Marx, The Letten ofKarllHarx,
trans. Saul K. Padover (Englewood Cliffs,
N.J.: Prentice IIall, 1979), p. 24.
6. The term establishment is in English
in the original.
7. Aristotle, ]\/icomachean Ethics, book I,
trans. J'vtartin Ostwald (Indianapolis:
Liberal Arts Press, 1962), p. 16.
o
w
:r:
f-
Index
Abel, Karl, 31
Abelard, Peter, 129
act/activity, 79, HO, '1H
Adam, H3
advertising, 94, 9H, 137
alienation, H2, H5, 96
Althusser, Louis, 76, 145n
ancien regime, 110, 125, 12H
Andropov, Yuri, HfJ
,·llJerl'('I1UulJ,Q,; (recognition), 112
;lI1imab, 3, 93
Apollinairc, Guilbume, 142
appearance, 91, 95; tragicomedy of, 94
apprnpriOltion, 91, tl7
flrchi', 112
Arendt, Hannah, 15, 19,25,40, 144n
argos, 141
argot, 64-67, 69
Aristotle, 57, 141, 144n, 146n
Armenians, 67
art, 80, 92
ataxia, 52
Auschwitz, HO, H2, 121, 122, 142
;\vcrroism, 10, 114, 141
awakcning:, 56
Babel, Ii'l
bad conscience, 7
Badiou, Alain, H7, 10C)
Balzac, 1 de, 41), 50
ban, 112, I 13
bankruptcy, 142
Basques, 67, 6H
Bataille, Georges, 7
Becker-Ho, Alice, 1i4-1i5, 144n, 145n
Beckett, Samuel, 56
Benjamin, \Valter, 6, 10,54,64, 1i5, 70,
104, 114, I43-44n, 145n
hiocthics, 7
biolof,'Y, 3, 7
biopolities, ix, 7, 32-35, 41, 45,114
bios, 3, 20, 43, 13H, 139; bios theoreticos, 10.
See aho life; naked life; zoe
birth, 21,24-25,43-45