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Adolescence
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DOI: 10.1177/0272431613507758
2013 33: 1029The Journal of Early Adolescence
Petr Macek, Stanislav Jezek and Alexander T. Vazsonyi
the Czech Republic
Adolescents During and After Times of Social Change: The Case of
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DOI: 10.1177/0272431613507758
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Article
Adolescents During and
After Times of Social
Change: The Case of the
Czech Republic
Petr Macek1, Stanislav Ježek1, and
Alexander T. Vazsonyi2
Abstract
The paper introduces a set of four studies focused on adolescents in the
Czech Republic. In the first part, authors reflect on the cultural background,
the political, social, and psychological factors that have had influence
on several generations of adolescents in the period of the communist
totalitarian regime. They also describe the social changes brought by the
democratization of Czech society since the early 1990s. Second part of the
paper reviews the life and changes in the behavior of Czech adolescents
over the past 20 years. Based the findings of three studies representing
three cohorts of adolescents (1992, 2001, 2010), it is argued that current
Czech adolescents are becoming more like their Western peers. Compared
with the 1990s adolescents, the current cohort is more realistic in their
expectations, oriented more on achievement, social pleasure, and material
values. Their relationship to formal authorities is weaker; especially, the
relationships with parents and teachers are more liberal.
Keywords
Czech adolescents, social change
1Masaryk University, Brno, Czech Republic
2University of Kentucky, Lexington, USA
Corresponding Author:
Petr Macek, Institute for Research on Children, Youth and Family, Faculty of Social Studies,
Masaryk University, Joštova 10, 602 00 Brno, Czech Republic.
Email: macek@fss.muni.cz
507758JEA33810.1177/0272431613507758Journal of Early AdolescenceMacek et al.
research-article2013
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1030	 Journal of Early Adolescence 33(8)
This special issue probably differs from other special issues in that it is not
bound by one particular topic. It is the result of a collaborative between
Macek and Vazsonyi (who had the opportunity to spend a semester at Masaryk
University as a Masaryk-Fulbright Distinguished Chair in 2010) that resulted
in an open call for a Special Issue of The Journal of Early Adolescence to
spotlight Czech scholarship on adolescents and adolescent development. The
Special Issue brings together a set of papers focused on research on adolescence
in the Czech Republic. There are currently two main organizations that
target research on adolescence, namely, The Institute for the Research of
Children, Youth, and Family at Masaryk University in Brno and The
Psychological Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic.
Thus, the authors of the papers part of this issue are researchers at these two
institutes that, for a long time, have been involved in longitudinal research of
psychosocial adolescent development, health and social risks in the development
of children and youth, the impact of new media on the lives of children
and adolescents, and school-related issues in the general adolescent population
and in specific groups of gifted and disabled adolescents.
The four papers that are part of the special issue are a nice reflection of
ongoing work on adolescents at both organizations. The first paper describes
the developmental patterns of experienced fears in early adolescence based
on longitudinal data. The second paper reports on the different types of antisocial
behavior in association with family context, an analysis of data from a
representative sample of Czech adolescents from urban areas. The next study
connects two topics that are very relevant for today’s adolescents: Their sexual
behavior and the influence of new media on their everyday life. Also the
topic of the fourth paper—perfectionism in gifted students—represents a current
and significant issue among the youth. It shows that in a society that
applauds achievement and self-regulation, perfectionism may play both
adaptive and maladaptive role depending on the specific conditions and
events in an adolescent’s life.
It is the juxtaposition of the specific cultural, historical, social, and situational
determinants of psychological development that is common feature
and the purpose of this special issue. Adolescents in the Czech Republic represent
a specific culture-bearing unit defined not only by a geographic region
but also by mutual interaction, common language, and communication
(Chick, 2001; Naroll, 1970). In their today’s lives, Czech adolescents participate
in the global Euro-American culture, but, at the same time, they belong
to the Central European region where they look for their national identity.
They share many common features with their peers from other Western
European countries. Obviously, they also have many characteristics originating
from the specific historical experience mediated by their parents,
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Macek et al.	 1031
teachers, and other significant adults who lived a large part of their lives in a
totalitarian communist regime. If we were to try to characterize the purpose
of this special issue, we could say that we would like to show how the Czech
adolescents are “basically alike and excitingly different” in the European
context (Alsaker & Flammer, 1999b, p. 165; see also Goosens, 2006; Macek,
2003).
Cultural and Historical Background of Young
Czechs
Is there anything interesting or special about current adolescents in the Czech
Republic? Not at first sight; they do not differ much from their peers from
other European countries and the globalization trend is clearly evident in
adolescent behavior and lifestyle (Arnett, 2010). To a degree, adolescents
from all over the world communicate via information technologies, use the
same information resources, listen to the same music, and buy clothes from
the same companies. They find new friends on social networks, define their
peer groups in new ways, and establish close relationships with similarminded
peers (and adults) elsewhere in the world (Arnett, 2002; Larson &
Mortimer, 2000). We suppose also that they argue with their parents over the
same issues, maybe only communication strategies are a bit different.
However, at the same time, diversity in adolescence and different paths to
adulthood are evident, too (Mortimer & Larson, 2002). This is based not only
on the growing economic inequality of families (Kerckhoff, 2002) but also on
the specific cultural background, social norms, and rules typical for the society
the adolescent lives in. Moreover, diversity can be related to specific historical
and social events and changes that determine adolescent life in terms
of future expectations and personal plans and goals, identity formation, or
development of self-efficacy and control beliefs (Crockett & Silbereisen,
2000). For these reasons, it is useful to closer examine adolescents’ lives in a
particular country, in particular, social, political, and cultural conditions, such
as adolescents in the Czech Republic. The fall of communist regimes in
Central and Eastern Europe and the resulting political and economic reorganizations
during the 1990s dramatically influenced everyday life of these
countries’ citizens. Such instances of social upheaval have raised questions
concerning how young people are affected socially and psychologically by
societal changes (Crockett & Silbereisen, 2000; Pinquart & Silbereisen,
2005). However, it is difficult to demonstrate the direct influence of social
changes on the individual. Just as we cannot control all personal, situational,
and interpersonal influences that are important for the psychosocial
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development of youth, we cannot simply predict the psychological consequences
of societal changes either. Moreover, according to the paradox of
revolution, changes at socio-psychological levels are much slower than those
at the political-economic level (Marková, 2004).
Briefly, let us take a closer look at the historical and social context in
which today’s Czech adolescents live. This country had experienced various
periods of social changes and discontinuity in the past. Historically, the Czech
region belongs to countries sharing the European Christian cultural heritage.
Czechoslovakia (established in October 1918) was an industrial and democratic
European country until 1939. After World War II, Czechoslovakia
became a communist country dependent on the Soviet Union, which affected
the everyday lives of all age groups. The official ideology between 1948 and
1990 was based on an atheistic worldview and the Marxist notion of collectivism.
However, this form of collectivism was anonymous, disrespecting the
interests of individual people. The majority of adolescents and young people
put up with massification (Macek & Rabušic, 1994). Not only economy but
also human destinies were centrally planned and controlled. The success of
one’s life career was determined by political loyalty. Among the unquestioned
consequences of totalitarianism, the profound demoralization of citizens,
learned helplessness, and undemocratic thinking and distrust in
institutions have been generally diagnosed as being the most significant. This
then also had had a profound impact on the lives of adolescents growing up
at that time (Klicperová, Feierbend, & Hofstetter, 1997).
Adolescents During Times of Social Change
This situation changed at the end of the 1980s in the context of political
changes and democratic pressures and processes taking place in Central and
Eastern Europe. It is remarkable that Czech students were those who initiated
the so-called Velvet Revolution in November 1989. This event started a new
way of political pluralism and democracy in Czech society (Macek &
Polášková, 2006).
Even though there is not enough evidence from empirical research, we
have every right to suppose that a number of Czechs in middle and late adulthood
(including parents, teachers, and other important adults in the lives of
adolescents) experienced their own identity crises during the time of social
change and redefined their previous lives in many respects. A lot of people
had to rearrange their personal values and choose a new life goals and perspectives.
There was an actual “social moratorium” offering a great chance to
experiment—the legal environment was extremely vague, the tolerance to
breaking social norms was high, a number of people were very optimistic in
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Macek et al.	 1033
their view of the future. Similarly, the first “post-totalitarian” generation of
Czech adolescents at the beginning of the 1990s perceived social changes
extremely positively, because they represented personal opportunities and
challenges for them (e.g., getting a good education, the possibility to travel
and live abroad, and political and ideological freedom; Macek et al., 1998).
The peaceful split of Czechoslovakia into the Czech Republic and Slovakia
(January 1, 1993) was the result of the effort to look for new national identities
of Slovak and Czech politicians; yet, for a majority of young Czechs, this
new fact meant more likely intensifying their feeling of Europeanism.
In the second half of 1990s, the situation changed significantly due to the
economic and political crisis. Sheer optimism was replaced by slight pessimism,
the feeling of instability rose considerably. The period of imaginary moratorium
was concluded with the forthcoming accession to the European Union, and the
Czech society found itself more likely at a stage of developing “identity achievement”
when exploration was clearly aimed at accepting long-term commitments.
Moreover, social possibilities acquired a much more realistic and specific shape
(Macek, 2011). The Czech Republic became a full-fledged member of the
European Union in May, 2004. Therefore, over the past decade, the social status
of young Czechs had become genuinely equal in the European context. They can
freely travel, work, and study all over Europe and have the same opportunities for
personal development as their peers from other countries. What was perceived by
the previous generations as a positive social change and new opportunities is
simply taken for granted by the young generation. Czech youth today experience
great personal freedom but, at the same time, feel more uncertainty and unpredictability
in their future.
Adolescents in the Czech Republic Today
At present, the Czech Republic has about 10.5 million people. Adolescents
(demographically the group of 10-25-year-olds) make up 21% of the total
population. The Czech Republic is an ethnically homogeneous country. The
majority of adolescents are Czechs (94% of the total population), while there
are 2% Slovaks. Other more frequent minorities are formed by Ukrainians,
Romans, Vietnamese, Germans, and Poles. Although the total number of
minority members is small, the number of immigrants, especially young people
from Eastern Europe and Asia, is increasing.
Early adolescence is usually related to pubertal changes. The mean age of
menarche for Czech girls is comparable with Western European countries
and occurs before the age of 13; boys mature a few months later (Macek,
2003). Similarly, as in other advanced Euro-American countries, the period
of adolescence tends to be extended. In the Czech Republic, we can also
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identify the separate developmental stage labeled “emerging adulthood”
(Arnett, 2000, 2006; Macek, Bejček, & Vaníčková, 2007). If we look at adolescence
as a gradual progress through specific stages on the path from childhood
into adulthood, the two important milestones and “rites of passage” are
the ages of 15 and 18.
The age of 15 marks the end of compulsory school education (but only 2%
of Czech adolescents do not proceed further to study at secondary school). It
enables the adolescents to be employed with certain limitations related to the
work of youth. At this age, sexual contact and intercourse with another person
becomes legal. For young Czechs, the age of 18 means full legal responsibility.
They gain the right to vote, can get married, are legally allowed to
obtain a driver’s license for car, can be fully employed with no limitations,
and can buy and consume alcoholic beverages (for more details, see Macek,
Lacinová, & Polášková, 2011; Macek & Rabušic, 1994).
Considering beliefs and values, most Czech adolescents are quite liberal and
tolerant (e.g., regarding drugs, abortion, sexual behavior). A large majority hold
no religious beliefs at all. According to the data from 2008, only about 14% of
contemporary adolescents declared themselves as religious (Rabušic &
Hamanová, 2009). The majority of these were Christian (83% Roman Catholic,
4% Protestant). The number of practicing Christians has not been growing significantly
over the past years; yet, there is an increase in various subcultures and
religious and interest groups. In this respect, it is appropriate to add that very
often, adolescents do not seek abstract ideas and values but rather choose a particular
reference group and an authority they can trust (Macek et al., 2011).
Many cultural specifics of adolescent life stem from the education system
and school-related activities, as well as the main daily activity of adolescents.
To a much lesser degree and less distinctly, we see differences also in psychological
characteristics (Goosens, 2006; Nurmi, 2001). According to the
results of the OECD Program for International Student Assessment (PISA),
the overall performance of Czech education was at a good level. However,
the problem is that education is often based on passive perception of knowledge
and information. It is necessary to develop students’ active approach
toward their own education, critical thinking, communication skills, and creative
performance, which, hopefully, will later lead to a self-responsible and
mature civic and career behavior (Rabušicová, 1991). Another criticism
related to education and school system is directed at the discrimination of
Roma children and adolescents. The Czech education system is not wellprepared
to educate ethnic and racial minorities. Minority discrimination,
which presents some challenges, stems from the fact that some children cannot
speak Czech well enough to attend “regular” school and are then occasionally
misdiagnosed as persons with a mental handicap.
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Macek et al.	 1035
In 1995 and 1998, a survey was conducted repeatedly in which pupils and
students assessed school atmosphere and their own schoolwork. The results
showed that with pupils’ and students’ growing age, the evaluation of school
environment becomes worse, especially concerning its democratic character
and perceived support from teachers (Mareš & Ježek, 2002). Adolescents
often agreed that nobody assumes responsibility either for school environment
or for classes. This was the most evident for students of vocational
secondary schools, who still prevail in the adolescent population. In this
study, the key role of teacher-student relationship was confirmed—A majority
of the students surveyed did not describe their teachers as helpful and
open persons who accept criticism and respect their opinions. However, they
simultaneously appreciated that teachers believe in their abilities. These
results showed that teachers perceive students much more as their subordinates
than possible partners for a dialogue. Obviously, they cannot be denied
good intentions—to pass on to pupils what they regard as important and necessary,
as well as persuade them that they want the best for them. Such intentions
are perceived and appreciated by students. However, what students miss
is the respect for their opinion and manifested needs. It was also clear in the
international comparison that Czech adolescents do not see their teachers as
carefully listening partners in a discussion to such a degree as their peers
from countries with a long-established democratic tradition (Flanagan et al.,
1996). At the same time, it must be said that the surveyed students did not
perceive themselves as very active and they did not assess their own ability
to cooperate very positively either. They did report that they would like their
teachers to respect their opinions and ideas, yet, simultaneously, they did not
want to give up the “protective arm” of their school. In their opinion, their
school should take care of them or at least cooperate with them when looking
for a job. This opinion was characteristic of adolescents of the 1990s. On the
one hand, they expressed their need of freedom, making their own choice,
and independence at various levels (individual, group, organization); on the
other hand, they were held back by inexperience and insecurity, connected
with the reaction to the freedom of choice, from taking over the responsibility
for their own actions (Macek, 2003).
Czech Adolescents in the European Context
in the 1990s
There exist only very few studies documenting the behavioral and psychosocial
characteristics of Czech adolescents. One is the international study
EURONET conducted in the early 1990s (for more details see Alsaker &
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Flammer, 1999a). Twelve samples of adolescents (aged from 14 to 16) represented
two groups of European countries: There were five Western
European countries (Finland, France, Germany, Norway, and Germanspeaking
and French-speaking parts of Switzerland) and six Central and
East European samples from postcommunist countries (Bulgaria,
Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Rumania, and Russia). The sample from
the United States was added for comparison. Even though the EURONET
study did not include representative national samples, it was relatively
broadly conceived offering international comparison in adolescents’ daily
lives. More specifically, the research was focused on adolescents’ daily
activities (Flammer, Alsaker, & Noack, 1999), their future expectations
(Nurmi, Liiceanu, & Liberska, 1999), perceived control in different domains
of life (Grob & Flammer, 1999), and coping strategies, self-esteem, and
subjective well-being (Grob, Stetsenko, Sabatier, Botcheva, & Macek,
1999). The basic question was whether it is possible to trace cultural differences
between European countries. It was hypothesized that adolescents
from postcommunist countries will differ more from those from other
European countries (Alsaker & Flammer, 1999a).
The differences between the postcommunist countries and Western
European countries were only partially confirmed. Findings showed that
there was a clear gap between the four Eastern European countries (Bulgaria,
Poland, Romania, and Russia) and Western European and Scandinavian
countries, especially in terms of daily activities and values. Czech and
Hungarian adolescents, who represented the Central European region, were
“in-between” in a number of the examined characteristics or resembled their
West European peers to a greater extent (Alsaker & Flammer, 1999a; Macek,
1999). It was also quite evident in examining the importance of future goals
and anticipations. Future expectations and interests reflect subjective motives
and wishes, as well as possibilities offered by the given society/culture.
Implicitly, they also give evidence about adolescents’ value orientation
(Nurmi, 1991; Nurmi et al., 1999). It was typical of adolescents from Western
European and Scandinavian countries that they emphasized the importance
of goals related to their future professional career, education, and spending
leisure time (especially boys). In contrast, adolescents from Eastern Europe
stressed more material goals (money), success, and prestige; furthermore,
they emphasize goals connected to usefulness and responsibility (to parents,
homeland). Czech adolescents did not quite belong to either cluster of countries.
They presented a great importance of education and future career; however,
they did not place so much emphasis on their leisure activities. They
also rated positive relationships with people and wish to be useful in society
as important (see Figure 1). More concretely, it was manifested as placing
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Macek et al.	 1037
Figure 1.  The position of Czechoslovak adolescents between Eastern- and
Western-bloc countries in terms of four value orientations based on the
importance of personal goals.
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1038	 Journal of Early Adolescence 33(8)
emphasis on partner and family life, on taking care of aging parents, and also
the need to receive approval and acknowledgment from others (Macek, 1999;
Nurmi et al., 1999).
A similar picture pertained to adolescent-control beliefs in three domains
of life—personality development, future workplace, and school environment.
The position of Czech adolescents was not exceptional here either; again
from the perspective of the west-east classification, they ranked “in-between.”
They most resembled the French as well as Germans, Hungarians, and
German-speaking Swiss (Macek, 1999). All these samples were characterized
by the belief about a greater influence on personality development and
future career and, simultaneously, by little faith in their influence on school
classes. Such differences are understandable; assessing one’s own influence
on school is a much more concrete and current matter than assessing the more
or less future influence on one’s workplace (Grob & Flammer, 1999).
According to the daily activities profile on a regular school day, Czech
adolescents most resembled their peers from Germany, Switzerland, Finland,
and Norway, who are similarly loaded by school activities, that is, length of
classes, home preparation for school, and time spent on the way to/from
school. From Eastern Europeans, they differed most in their having more free
time and also having less homework (Macek, 1999).
The area of life in which Czech adolescents were most similar to their
peers from other postcommunist countries (above all Hungarians, but also
Poles and Bulgarians) concerned daily hassles (Lazarus, 1993). As opposed
to adolescents from Western European and Scandinavian countries, they
were confronted with more problems with money, preserving their own privacy,
with their own health, and, in the first place, they had more problems at
school. A hypothetical explanation for a higher occurrence of problems at
school can be found in a different atmosphere and conditions of school life in
postcommunist countries (prevailing distance between teacher and pupil,
emphasis on discipline and complying with requirements, ongoing transformation
of education and school system, and increasing requirements for independent
and self-responsible behavior; see Csapo, 1994; Macek & Rabušic,
1994).
Even though we can say that adolescents from all countries felt good, the
mean level of subjective well-being was above the theoretical average indicated
by the scale (Grob et al., 1999). Czechs proved to be a specific sample.
Their first uniqueness was the generally lowest score of life satisfaction and
self-esteem. With the exception of Hungarians, they significantly differed
from all other countries. This result did not mean that they were dissatisfied
with their lives or that they assessed themselves negatively, but they were less
satisfied with their lives and themselves than their peers from other countries.
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Macek et al.	 1039
An entirely different picture was offered by the results in the case of the variable
of life-reality acceptance and positive attitude to life—Czech adolescents
had the highest score of all respondents here (Macek, 1999). In other
words, contrary to adolescents from other transforming postcommunist countries,
Czechs in the early 1990s were characteristic of current realism (they
humbly accepted the current life situation and took things as they were).
Nevertheless, their anticipations of a desirable life standard were very high;
the criterion for comparison was the life of their peers in the neighboring
Germany or Austria. From this point of view, they were less satisfied with
their current lives and were very self-critical. That was also manifested by a
lower reported level of self-esteem (in comparison with other countries).
As a whole, the international comparison from 1992 showed that Czech
adolescents do not differ considerably from their peers from other European
countries. As is mentioned in general conclusions of the EURONET study,
Czech adolescents “did not fall far from average” (Alsaker & Flammer,
1999a, p. 167). Obviously, there is not such a thing as an average-European
adolescent, but as we already mentioned, it was the Czechs and Hungarians
who showed being “in-between” between Western European and Eastern
European culture as real Central Europeans. More specifically, they were
similar to their closest adolescent neighbors—Germans and Hungarians.
Interestingly enough, it was these two countries that have been most interrelated
historically with the Czech countries and have a similar cultural background
in many aspects. Germans resembled Czechs especially in the daily
activities profile (school attendance, leisure time, dating) and in the frequency
of daily hassles; on the other hand, Hungarians are similar in their selfesteem,
life-satisfaction, and well-being. What distinguished Czechs from
Western European neighbors was a different experience of the current life
situation. They had similar future expectations in many domains of life, but
they usually experienced a greater discrepancy between reality and wishes.
This discrepancy can be, on the one hand, motivating for their self-development,
but, on the other hand, stressful and decreasing their emotional well-being
(Higgins, 1989; Macek, 1999).
Social Changes Over the Past 20 Years Among
Czech Youth
Unfortunately, in the years to follow, such an extensive intercultural research
of European adolescents has never been repeated. However, if we focus only
on Czech adolescents, the EURONET study (with the same methods and in
comparable samples) has been replicated two more times—in 2001 and 2010.
Therefore, we have comparable data from three samples, representing three
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different cohorts. The first one is the post-totalitarian generation described
above, the second one is a generation of adolescents on the threshold of the
new millennium, who spent their childhood in the period of turbulent societal
changes, and the third one represents the generation of current adolescents,
who have no direct experience with the previous political regime and who
have spent all their lives in freedom and democracy. In general, the changes
bring Czech adolescents more close to their Western peers from 1992. For
example, the previously described value orientations have changed more
toward success, social pleasure, and career, and away from family and social
responsibility (see Figure 2).
A more detailed comparison of two cohorts of Czech adolescents (1992
and 2001) has already been published (Macek, 2003, 2011), and a study
reporting results from the third sample is under preparation (Macek, 2013).
Now, we will concentrate only on some shifts and changes that have occurred
over the past 20 years. First, current Czech adolescents differ from previous
generations especially by different personal experiences. What was appreciated
in the early 1990s by young people as new possibilities—for example,
freedom of opinions and attitudes, possibility of good-quality education,
traveling abroad, space for self-realization, and so on—is viewed by current
adolescents as an everyday reality, possibly, even taken for granted. The characteristics
accompanying the life in today’s Europe have also become common
attributes of their lives (e.g., development of information technologies,
globalization of culture, relativization of traditional values, vague identity,
postponement of parenting, etc.). The lifestyle of the current Czech youth in
the past decade has been characteristic of a relatively high degree of
Figure 2.  The development of five value orientations: Cohort means from 1992
to 2011.
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Macek et al.	 1041
individual free choice; however, it is also accompanied with a higher degree
of personal and social insecurity (Macek, 2011; Sak & Saková, 2004). Crucial
change in the lives of Czech adolescents was brought about by new informational
technologies. Their influence was captured by the EURONET research
only marginally; yet, the comparison of the three examined cohorts is illustrative.
In the 1992 study, there was hardly any work with the computer reported
by Czech adolescents, and it was not on the list of examined adolescents’
daily activities in the international comparison either. Nine years later (2001),
Czech adolescents reported spending on average 34 minutes at the computer
screen on a school day, while in 2010/2011 it was already 101 minutes
(Macek, 2013). These results correspond with the recent data from other
studies according to which the Internet and other information technologies
strongly determine the lifestyles of current Czech adolescents. The Internet is
used by 93% of Czech adolescents aged 12 to 18 years (Lupač & Sládek,
2008). Czech adolescents spend on average approximately 12 hours online
per week (Subrahmanyam & Smahel, 2011); older adolescents spend somewhat
more time online than younger ones (Šmahel & Konečný, 2007).
Similar to the other countries in Europe, mobile phones are widespread
among Czech adolescents—99% reported using a mobile phone.
The time spent at the computer and new media should be seen in relation
to adolescents’ other activities. The more they sit at the computer, the less
they sleep and also spent less time at school and doing their homework.
Despite some myths, it has not been confirmed that time spent at the computer
would negatively correlate with time dedicated to sports or reading
books (Macek, 2013). Furthermore, we looked for an answer to the question
whether the current adolescent generation is the same, from the perspective
of future goals and anticipations, as the aforementioned “post-totalitarian”
generation from the early 1990s. In other words, we tried to find out indirectly
whether the past period of societal changes has led to the change of
adolescents’ value orientation.
The comparison of analogical data of three cohorts shows some shifts. The
current sample compared with sample from the 1992 rated higher importance
to spending free time with friends, getting good education, and the goal to
earn a lot of money. On the other hand, current adolescents rated lower the
importance of their wish to be useful for their country, have good relations
with others, or to have children of their own. In the case of future parenting,
we found a shift in the presumed age when it should take place—The 1992
generation planned to have the first child at the age of 24; the present generation
wants to become parents mostly in their thirties. These results correspond
with the current data on parenting of young Czechs: The mean age of
the birth of the first child has risen over the past two decades demonstrably,
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1042	 Journal of Early Adolescence 33(8)
and, today, almost 50% of children are born to mothers more than 27 years of
age (Macek et al., 2011).
With regard to the frequency of daily hassles, it has slightly increased over
the past 20 years—adolescents of today have more problems with parents,
peers, and also with a possibility to sports. Despite that, if we look at these
data in absolute numbers, the current adolescent respondents do not see their
lives as very problematic either. This finding also corresponds with the
assessment of life satisfaction and subjective well-being—in these characteristics
of Czech adolescents, there have been no significant changes over the
past 20 years (Macek, 2013). At the beginning of the 1990s, the one characteristic
we chose as the most descriptive of Czech adolescents was their high
level of interpersonal dependency, especially on authorities. Common experiences
with adolescents and the results of our research show that this dependency
on adult authorities has weakened. Besides the increasing importance
of autonomy, an increase in the importance of peer relationships was also
found. Czech adolescents enjoy the positives and negatives of a fairly individualistic
culture with some remains of collectivistic culture represented
mainly by their parents, teachers for whom the accommodating to the social
transformations is still an ongoing process. The overwhelming majority
(85%) is without religious affiliation; they discriminate between good and
evil from circumstances rather than from given rules and norms (Rabušic &
Hamanová, 2009). Certain relativization of norm and values has several psychological
consequences. The weakening of general moral consensus
strengthens the meaning and value of autonomy and self-worth. Whether
something is right or wrong, good or bad, moral or immoral is not defined by
generally accepted standards, norms, and rules; it is rather the result of social
negotiation and the ability to stand up for oneself. In this context, it seems
that one of the key characteristics determining the feeling of self-worth in a
young person is the awareness of one’s personal and social competence and
the awareness of one’s power over his or her life (Macek, 2003).
Even though the comparison on the three cohorts in the EURONET study
does not offer a complex portrait of all areas of life, behavior, and experiences
of Czech adolescents, using the results of other studies (e.g., Ježek,
Lacinová, & Macek, 2011; Macek, 2003; Macek, Lacinová, & Polášková,
2011; Subrahmanyam & Šmahel, 2011), we can offer a more general conclusion.
First, Czech society underwent a significant transformation over the
past 20 years. The democratization of society led to an increase in personal
freedom and responsibility. This applies to the last few cohorts of Czech adolescents.
The majority of them do not experience their growing up as a period
of crises and conflicts with authorities. In comparison with the past, they
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Macek et al.	 1043
more often experience it as a free space that needs to be filled. The time
required for studies and career preparation is much longer now, and marriage
and parenthood are postponed until their late 20s.
Second, social changes and the openness toward new influences, mostly
through the new media, brought more diversity into adolescents’ lifestyles.
Despite global influences, many local subcultures emerge that differ in their
interests and life strategies. In comparison with the early 1990s generation,
two trends are salient: The dependence on adult authorities has decreased,
and, besides the increased emphasis on autonomy and self-regulation, the
importance of free and open communication with peers and adults has also
increased.
Third, adolescents’ relationships with parents have changed. The current
generation does not spend more time with their parents than the previous one
did. However, it is evident that adolescents still perceive their parents as the
most important referential persons influencing their lives. Research shows
that the relationships with parents or within family play a crucial role in adolescents’
emotional well-being, their value orientation, or study and career
choices. Open communication plays a major role as well. Conflicts with parents
are not barriers if adolescents can express their opinions and feel that
their voices are accepted.
Fourth, Czech society is much more liberal than 20 years ago. This also
has negative consequences for today’s adolescents’ lives. Generally accepted
moral norms and rules are weaker, and the concepts of good and evil are
much more relative. Material and hedonistic values are preferred, and adolescents
have little guidance or support in deciding what is right and what is
wrong for their lives. We can hypothesize that the relativization and weakening
of norms and values lead toward more emphasis on the present, present
situation, and present feelings and toward the postponing or refusing of longterm
commitments. Such changes are evident in the changed ways of spending
free time. Compared with the past, today’s adolescents more often prefer
passive forms of leisure-time activities, simple entertainment, and short
intense experiences. Limited job market for high-school or college graduates
fosters the feeling that one must stay very flexible and adapt life goals and
ideals without concentrating on the long-term perspective.
Overall, we may say that “being a Czech adolescent” is more interesting than
uninteresting, more attractive than unattractive, and more happy than unhappy.
As such, adolescents appear to be often reluctant to leave this period of life, today
perhaps more so than previously. The contributors’ part of this special issue
focused on early Czech adolescents and provides an interesting glimpse of current
scholarship that is ongoing in the Czech Republic today; they also provide
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1044	 Journal of Early Adolescence 33(8)
insights how Czech early adolescents, despite having experienced and continuing
to experience unique developmental challenges compared to youth in other
developmental contexts, face some of the same challenges faced by youth elsewhere.
The four papers are part of the special issue that focuses on online exposure
to sexual materials, a longitudinal study of fears and Czech youth, the
salience of the family context for early adolescent antisocial behaviors, and how
perfectionism is developmentally important over the course of a decade in a
group of mathematically gifted Czech youth. In this sense, the papers deal with
issues and topics that are salient not only in the Czech Republic but also in other
developmental contexts or cultures. This highlights, to some extent, the shared
challenges and problems faced by youth across different cultures.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article: This paper and relevant research activities
were supported by Faculty of Social Studies, Masaryk University.
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Author Biographies
Petr Macek is professor of social psychology and Chair of the Institute for Research
on Children, Youth, and Family at Masaryk University, Brno, Czech Republic. His
major research interests include various aspects of psychosocial development of adolescents
and emerging adults and integrative approaches to identity issues.
Stanislav Ježek received his PhD in social psychology from the Masaryk University,
Faculty of Social Studies. His current research interests focus on adolescent psychosocial
development, autonomy formation during emerging adulthood, learning environments
and research methods.
Alexander T. Vazsonyi is the John I. and Patricia J. Buster Endowed professor of
Family Studies and professor of Psychology at the University of Kentucky. He
received his PhD in Family Studies and Human Development, with a minor in
Sociology, from the University of Arizona. His major research interests include adolescent
adjustment and well-being (problem behaviors, deviance, violence, and health
compromising behaviors), with a focus on development in context (family, school,
neighborhood, and culture).
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