GLOBAL EDITION Comparative Politics Today A World View ELEVENTH EDITION G. Bingham Powell, Jr. • Russell J. Dalton • Kaare W. Strom Dalton 279 Hptel declared that past policies of mu It i cultural -ism had been "a total failure" Addressing the issues associated with permanent racial/ethnic minorities (roughly 6 percent of the population) is a continuing concern. egionalism egionalism is a potential social and political division. Germany is divided into sixteen states (Länder), ten states in the West and six new states created in the East, including the city-state of Berlin. Many of the Lander have their own distinct historical traditions and social structure. The language and idioms of speech differentiate residents from the eastern and western halves of the nation. Unification greatly increased the cultural, economic, and political variations among the stales because of differences between West and East. It is common to hear of "a wall in the mind" that separates Wessies (Westerners) and Ossies (Easterners). Easterners still draw on their separate traditions and experiences when making political decisions, just as Westerners have their own traditions. Regional considerations thus are an important factor in society and politics. The decentralized nature of society and the economy reinforces these regional differences. Economic and cultural centers are dispersed throughout the country, rather than being concentrated in a single national center. There are more than a dozen regional economic centers, such as Frankfurt, Cologne, Dresden, Düsseldorf, Munich, Leipzig, and Hamburg. The mass media are organized around regional mar-and there are even several competing "national" ters. These various social characteristics—economic, religious, gender, ethnicity, and regionalism—are politically relevant for many reasons. They define differing social interests, such as the economic needs of the Working class versus those of the middle class, that are often expressed in policy debates. Social groups *l$o are a source of political and social identity that links individual s to interest groups and political parties. Voting patterns, for instance, typically show group difterences in party support. Thus, identifying the important group differences in German society Provides a foundation for understanding the political process. The Institutions and Structure of Government Describe the structure of Germany's federal government. When the Parliamentary Council met in Bonn in 1948 through 1949, its members faced a daunting task. They were supposed to design a political structure for a new democratic Germany that would avoid the problems that led to the collapse of the Weimar Republic.8 If they failed, the consequences might be as dire as the last collapse of German democracy. The Basic Law is an exceptional example of political engineering - -the construction of a political system to achieve specific goals: ■ Develop a stable and democratic political system. m Maintain some historical continuity in political institutions (which, for Germany, meant a parliamentary system of government). * Re-create a federal structure of government. ■ Avoid the institutional weaknesses that contributed to the collapse of Weimar democracy. ■ Establish institutional limits on extremist and antisystem forces. The framers created a parliamentary democracy that involves the public, encourages elite political responsibility, disperses political power, and limits the influence of extremists. The Basic Law was supposedly temporary until both halves of Germany were united. In actuality, the GDR's collapse in 1990 led to its incorporation into the constitutional and economic systems of the Federal Republic. In September 1990, the FRG and the GDR signed a treaty to unify their two nations, and the government amended the Basic Law to include the states in the East. Thus, the government of unified Germany functions according to the Basic Law. This section describes the key institutions and procedures of this democratic system. A Federal System One way to distribute political power and to build checks and balances into a political system is through a federal system of government. The Basic Law created one of the few federal political systems in Europe {see Figure 10.2). Germany is organized into sixteen states T 280 Politics in Germany State Legislature Governments Executive Judiciary The Structure of Germany's Federal Government Germany merges federalism with a parliamentary system and a Constitutional Court. (Länder). Political power is divided between the federal government (Bund) and the state governments. The federal government has primary policy responsibility in most policy areas. The states, however, have jurisdiction in education, culture, law enforcement, and regional planning. In several other policy areas, the federal government and the states share responsibility, although federal law takes priority. Furthermore, the states can legislate in areas that the Basic Law does not explicitly assign to the federal government. The state governments have a unicameral legislature, normally called a Landtag, that is directly elected by popular vote. The party or coalition that controls the legislature selects a minister president to head the state government. One significant feature of federalism is that party coalitions can vary widely across the states, including combinations that cut across the normal lines of national politics. This opens the door to experiments in party cooperation that sometimes have national implications. The federal government is the major source of policy legislation. The states are primarily responsible for policy administration, enforcing most of the domestic legislation enacted by the federal government, as well as their own laws. The state governments also oversee the operation of the local governments. Next to the federal chancellor, the minister presidents are among the most powerful political officials in the Federal Republic. One house of the bicameral federal legislature, the Bundcsrat, is composed solely of representatives appointed by the state governments. State government officials also participate in selecting tire federal president and the justices of the major federal courts. This federal system thus decentralizes political power by balancing the power of the state governments against the power of the federal government. Parliamentary Government The federal government has a bicameral parliament: The popularly elected Bundestag is the primary legislative body; the Bundesrat represents the state governments at the federal level. The Bundestag The Bundestag (Federal Diet) consists of at least 598 deputies who are the only national government officials directly elected by the German public.9 Elections to select deputies normally occur every four years. The Bundestag's major function is to enact legislation; all federal laws must receive its approval. Most legislation, however, is initially proposed by the executive branch. Like other modern parliaments, the Bundestag primarily evaluates and amends the government's legislative program. Another important function of the Bundestag is to elect the federal chancellor, who heads the executive branch. The Bundestag is a forum for public debate in several different ways. Its plenary sessions discuss the legislation before the chamber. Debating time is given to all party groupings according to their size; both party leaders and backbenchers normally participate, The Bundestag televises its sessions, including broadcasts on the Internet, to expand the audience for its policy debates.10 The Bundestag also scrutinizes the actions of the government. The most common method of oversight is the "question hour" adopted from the British House of Commons. An individual deputy can submit a written question to a government minister; questions range from broad policy issues to the specific needs of one constituent. Government representatives answer the queries during the question hour, and deputies can raise follow-up questions at that time. Bundestag deputies posed more than 15,000 oral and written questions during the 2005-2009 term of the Bundestag. The opposition parties normally make greatest use of these oversight opportunities. Rank-and-file members of the governing parties also use these questions to make their own views known. The Bundestag has a strong set of committees that strengthen its legislative and oversight roles. These committees have expertise to balance the policy knowledge of the federal agencies; the committees also conduct hearings in their area of specialization. Their oversight function is further strengthened because opposition parties chair a proportionate share of these committees, an unusual pattern for democratic legislatures. Overall, the Bundestag has considerable oversight powers, especially for a legislature in a parliamentary system. Legislative committees can collect the information needed to understand and question government policymakers. Bundestag members can use the question hour and other methods to bring attention to political issues and challenge the government. And through its legislative process, the Bundestag often prompts the government to revise its proposals to gain passage. Dalton 281 The Bundesrat The second chamber of the parliament, the Bundesrat (Federal Council), reflects Germany's federal system. The state governments appoint its sixty-nine members to represent their interests. The states normally appoint members of the state cabinet to serve jointly in the Bundesrat; the chamber thus acts as a permanent conference of state officials. Each state receives seats in numbers roughly proportionate to the state's population, from three for the smallest states to six seats for the largest. Each state delegation casts its votes in a bloc, according to the instructions of the state government. The Bundesrat's role is to represent state interests. It does this in evaluating legislation, debating government policy, and sharing information between federal and state governments. It must approve the subset of legislation that directly affects state interests. Thus, the Bundesrat is an essential part of the German federal system. In comparison to other European parliamentary systems, the German parliament has more political influence than most. The Bundestag exercises more autonomy than the typical parliament. Especially if one includes the Bundesrat, the German parliament has considerable independence and opportunity to revise government proposals and to exercise oversight on the government. By strengthening the power of the parliament, the Basic Law sought to create a check on executive power. Experience shows that the political system has met this goal. The Federal Chancellor and Cabinet The Federal Republic has a dual executive, but the Basic Law gives substantially greater formal powers to the federal chancellor (Bundeskanzler) as the chief executive. Moreover, chancellors have dominated the political process and symbolized the federal government by their personalization of power. The chancellor plays such a central role in the political system that some observers describe the German system as a "chancellor democracy." The Bundestag elects the chancellor, who directs the federal government. The chancellor thus represents a majority of the Bundestag and normally can count on their support for the government's legislative proposals. Chancellors usually have led their own party, directing party strategy and heading the party slate at elections. Each chancellor also brings a distinct 282 Politics in Germany Dalton 283 personality to the office. Schroder was a doer who governed with a strong personality; Merkei prefers a more consultative and cooperative decision-making style, while still shaping the course of her government. Another source of the chancellor's authority is control over the Cabinet. The federal government consists of fourteen departments, each headed by a minister. The Cabinet ministers are formally appointed, or dismissed, by the federal president on the recommendation of the chancellor {Bundestag approval is not necessary). The Basic Law grants the chancellor the power to decide the number of Cabinet ministers and their duties. The federal government functions in terms of three principles described in the Basic Law. First, the chancellor principle says that the chancellor defines A New Nation Chancellor Helmut Kohl addresses the first meeting of the all-German parliament (Bundestag) held in the Berlin Reichstag building in October 1990. government policy. The chancellor's formal policy directives are legally binding on the Cabinet and the ministries. Thus, in contrast to the British system of shared Cabinet responsibility, the German Cabinet is subordinate to the chancellor in policymaking. The second principle, ministerial autonomy, gives each minister the authority to direct the ministry's internal workings without Cabinet intervention as long as the policies conform to the government's guidelines. Ministers are responsible for supervising the activities of their departments, guiding their policy planning, and overseeing policy administration within their jurisdiction. The cabinet principle holds that when conflicts arise between departments over jurisdictional or budgetary matters, the Cabinet will resolve them. The actual working of the government is more fluid than the formal rules in the Basic Law. The allocation of ministries is a major issue in building a multiparty coalition after each election. Cabinet members also display great independence on policy despite the formal restrictions of the Basic Law. Ministers are appointed because of their expertise in a policy area. In practice, ministers often identify more with their role as department head than with their role as agent of the chancellor; their political success is judged by their representation of department interests. The Cabinet thus serves as a clearinghouse for the business of the federal government. Specific ministers present policy proposals originating in their departments in the hope of gaining government endorsement. The chancellor defines a government program that reflects a consensus of the Cabinet and relies on negotiations and compromise within the Cabinet to maintain this consensus. The Federal President The Basic Law defines the office of federal president (Bundespräsident) as a mostly ceremonial post. The president's official duties involve greeting visiting heads of state, attending official government functions, visiting foreign nations, and similar tasks.11 To insulate the office from electoral politics, the president is selected by a Federal Convention composed of all Bundestag deputies and an equal number of representatives chosen by the state legislatures. The president is supposed to remain above partisan politics once elected. The president's limited political role does not mean that an incumbent is uninvolved in the policy cess, jhe president appoints government and military officials, signs treaties and laws, and has the power of pardon. In these instances, however, the chancellor must countersign the actions. The president also nominates a chancellor to the Bundestag and can dissolve parliament if a government bill loses a no-confidence vote. In both instances, the Basic Law limits the president's ability to act independently. Potentially more significant is the constitutional ambiguity over whether the president must honor certain government requests. The legal precedent is unclear on whether the president has the constitutional right to veto legislation, to refuse the chancellor's recommendation for Cabinet appointments, or even to reject a request to dissolve the Bundestag. Analysts see these ambiguities as a safety valve built into the Basic Law's elaborate system of checks and balances. The office of the federal president has political importance that goes beyond the articles of the Basic Law. An active, dynamic president can influence the political climate through speeches and public activities. The president is the one political figure who can rightly claim to be above politics and who can work to extend the vision of the nation beyond its everyday concerns. Joachim Gauck was elected president in 2012 after a scandal prompted the former president to leave office. Gauck marks a break with the past; he is a former Lutheran pastor and was an outspoken critic of the GDR regime before its collapse. He is concerned with human rights issues and is willing to speak to the conscience of the nation. 'The Judicial System The ordinary courts, which hear criminal cases and most legal disputes, are integrated into a unitary system. The states administer the courts at the local and state levels. The highest ordinary court, the Federal Court of Justice, is at the national level. All courts apply the same national legal codes. A second set of administrative courts hears cases in specialized areas. One court deals with administrative complaints against government agencies, one handles tax matters, another resolves claims involving social programs, and one deals with labor-management disputes. Like the rest of the judicial system, these specialized courts exist at both the state and the federal levels. The Basic Law created a third element of the judiciary: the independent Constitutional Court. This court reviews the constitutionality of legislation, mediates disputes between levels of government, and protects the constitutional and democratic order,12 This is an innovation for the German legal system because it places one law, the Basic Law, above all others. This also implies limits on the decision-making power of the parliament and the judicial interpretations of lower court judges. Because of the importance of the Constitutional Court, its sixteen members are selected for twelve-year terms in equal numbers by the Bundestag and Bundesrat. The Constitutional Court provides another check on Lhe potential excesses of government and gives citizens additional protection for their rights. It is the third pillar of German democracy. The Separation of Powers One of the Basic Laws goals was to avoid a concentration of power in the hands of any one actor or institution. The framers wanted to disperse political power so that extremists or antidemocrats could not overturn the system; democracy would require a consensus-building process. Each institution of government has strong powers within its own domain but a limited ability to force its will on other institutions. For instance, the chancellor lacks the authority to dissolve the legislature and call for new elections, something that normally exists in parliamentary systems. Equally important, the Basic Law limits the legislature's control over the chancellor. In a parliamentary system, the legislature typically can remove a chief executive from office by a simple majority vote. During the Weimar Republic, however, extremist parlies wanted to destabilize the democratic system by opposing incumbent chancellors. To address situations where parliament might desire to remove the chancellor, the Basic Law created a constructive no-confidence vote.13 In order for the Bundestag to remove a chancellor, it simultaneously must agree on a successor. This ensures continuity in government and an initial majority in support of a new chancellor. It also makes it more difficult to remove an incumbent. Opponents cannot simply disagree with the government; a majority must agree on an alternative. 284 Politics in Germany The constructive no-confidence vote has been attempted only twice—and has succeeded only once, In 1982, a majority replaced Chancellor Schmidt with a new chancellor, Helmut Kohl. The Constitutional Court is another check on government actions, and it has assumed an important role as the guarantor of citizen rights and the protector of the constitution. The distribution of power and policy responsibilities between the federal and state governments is another moderating force in the political process. Even the strong bicameral legislature ensures that multiple interests must agree before making public policy. The federal system is another way to disperse power so that no one political institution can dominate the political process. This complex structure complicates the governing process compared with a unified system, such as that in Britain, the Netherlands, or Sweden. However, democracy is often a complicated process. This system of shared powers and of checks and balances has enabled German democracy to grow and flourish. Remaking Political Cultures 0 Discuss the differences between the political culture in East and West following unification. Consider what the average German must have thought about politics as World War II was ending. Germany's history was hardly conducive to good democratic citizenship. Under the Kaiser, the government expected people to be subjects, not active participants in the political process; this style nurtured feelings of political intolerance. The interlude of the Weimar Republic did little to change these values. The polarization, fragmentation, and outright violence of the Weimar Republic taught people to avoid politics, not to be active participants. Moreover, democracy eventually failed, and national socialism arose in its place. The Thud Reich then raised another generation under an intolerant, authoritarian system. Because of this historical legacy, there were widespread fears that West Germany lacked a democratic political culture, thereby making it vulnerable to the same problems that undermined the Weimar Republic. Postwar opinion polls in the West presented a negative image of public opinion that was probably equally applicable to the East.14 West Germans were politically detached, accepting c authority, and intolerant in their political views A significant minority was unrepentant Nazis, sympathy for many elements of the Nazi ideology was widespread, and anti-Semitic feelings remained commonplace. Perhaps even more amazing than the Economic Miracle was the transformation of West Germany's political culture in little more than a generation. The government undertook a massive political reeducation program, The schools, the media, and political organizations were mobilized behind the effort. The citizenry itself also was changing—older generations raised under authoritarian regimes were gradually being replaced by younger generations socialized during the postwar democratic era. The successes of a growing economy and a relatively smoothly functioning political system also changed the publics perceptions of politics. These efforts created a new political culture more consistent with the democratic institutions and processes of the Federal Republic. With unification in 1990, Germany confronted another serious cultural question. The Communists had tried to create a rival culture in the GDR that would support their state and its socialist economic system, Indeed, the GDR's efforts at political education were intense and extensive; they aimed at creating a broad "socialist personality"13 Young people were taught a collective identity with their peers, a love for the GDR and its socialist brethren, acceptance of the Socialist Unity Party, and a Marxist-Leninist understanding of history and society. German unification meant the blending of these two different political cultures, and at first, the consequences of this mixture were uncertain. Without scientific social science research in the GDR, it was unclear if Easterners had internalized the governments propaganda. At the same time, the revolutionary political events leading to German unification may have reshaped even long-held political beliefs. What does a Communist think after attending communism's funeral? Unification thus created a new question: Could the FRG assimilate 16 million new citizens with potentially different beliefs about how politics and society should function? The following sections discuss the key elements of German political culture and how they have changed over time. 296 Politics in Germany Different New Politics groups have distinct issue interests and their own organizations, but they are also part of a common movement unified by their shared interest in the quality of the environment, the protection of human rights, and international peace. They draw their members from the same social base; young, better-educated, middle-class citizens. These groups also are more likely to use unconventional political tactics, such as protests and demonstrations. New Politics groups do not wield the influence of established interest groups, although their combined membership now exceeds the formal membership in the political parties. These groups are important and contentious actors in the political process. Party Government_ Jj Explain the factors that strengthen the role of political parties in the German system. Political parties in Germany deserve special emphasis because they are such important actors in the political process, as much as or more than in other European democracies. Some observers describe the political system as government for the parties, by the parties, and of the parties. The Basic Law is unusual because it specifically refers to political parties (the U.S. Constitution does not). Because the German Empire and the Third Reich suppressed political parties, the Basic Law guarantees their legitimacy and their right to exist if they accept the principles of democratic government. Parties are also designated as the primary institutions of representative democracy. They act as intermediaries between the public and the government and are a means for citizen policy input. The Basic Law further assigns an educational function to the parties, directing them to "take part in forming the political will of the people." In other words, the parties should take the lead and not just respond to public opinion. The parties3 centrality in the political process appears in several ways. There are no direct primaries that would allow the public to select party representatives in Bundestag elections. Instead, a small group of official party members or a committee appointed by the membership nominates the district candidates. State party conventions select the party-list candidates. Thus, the leadership can select list candidates and order them on the list. This power can be used to T reward faithful party supporters and discipline partyB mavericks; placement near the top of a party list virtu I ally ensures election, and low placement carries littleB chance of a Bundestag seat. Political parties also dominate the election pro 1 cess. Most voters view the candidates merely as partyl representatives rather than as autonomous political figures. Even the district candidates are elected pri- I marily because of their party ties. Bundestag, state and European election campaigns are financed by the government; the parties receive public funds for each vote they get. The government provides free televi- I sion time for a limited number of campaign advertisements, and these are allocated to the parties, not to the individual candidates. Government funding for the parties also continues between elections to help them perform their informational and educational functions as prescribed in the Basic Law. Once an election is completed, the parties then shift to forming a government. Since no party has a majority, a group of parties with a majority of the votes must agree to form a coalition government. Often, such agreements are made before the election, but thev sometimes wait until the votes are counted. Within the Bundestag, the parties are also cen-tral actors. The Bundestag is organized around party groups (Fraktionen), rather than individual deputies. The important legislative posts and committee assignments are restricted to members of a party Fraktion, The size of a Fraktion determines its representation on legislative committees, its share of committee chairs, and its participation in the executive bodies of the legislature. Government funds for legislative and administrative support are distributed to the Fraktion, not to the deputies. Because of these factors, the cohesion of parties within the Bundestag is exceptionally high. Parties caucus before major legislation to decide the party position, and most legislative votes follow strict party lines. This is partially a consequence of a parliamentary system and partially a sign of the parties' pervasive influence throughout the process. As a result of these many factors, political parties play a large role in structuring the political process in Germany. Parties are more distinctive in their policy positions, more unified in their views, and more decisive in their actions. Representative democracy works largely through and by political parties as the means to connect voters to the decisions of government. ■Tie Party System IflHS List the benefits and limitations of having many parties represented in the Bundestag. following World War II, the Western Allies created a new democratic, competitive party system in the West The Allies licensed a diverse set of parties that were free of Nazi ties and committed to demo- cratic procedures. The Basic Law requires that parties support the constitutional order and democratic system of the FRG. Because of these provisions, the FRG developed a strong system of competitive party politics that is a mainstay of the democratic order. Early elections focused on the competition between the conservative Christian Democrats and the leftist Social Democrats, with the smaller parties typically holding the balance of power. From a two-and-a-half party system in the 1970s, the number of parties has grown as new political issues arose and unification reshaped the electoral landscape. Now Germany has a robust multiparty system competing for the voters' support, Dalton 297 The Political Parties The creation of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in postwar West Germany signified a sharp break with the tradition of German political parties. The CDU was founded by a mixed group of Catholics and Protestants, businesspeople and trade unionists, conservatives and liberals. Rather than representing narrow special interests, the party wanted to appeal to a broad segment of society in order to gain government power. The party sought to reconstruct West Germany along Christian and humanitarian lines. Konrad Adenauer, the first party leader, developed the CDU into a conservative-oriented catchall party (Volkspartei)—a. sharp contrast to the fragmented ideological parties of Weimar. This strategy succeeded; within a single decade, the CDU emerged as the largest party, capturing 40 to 50 percent of the popular vote and continues to be the major conservative party in Germany (see Figure 10.5). The CDU operates in all states except Bavaria, where it allies itself with the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU), whose political philosophy is somewhat 1949 1953 1957 1961 1965 1969 1972 1976 1980 1983 1987 1990 1994 1998 2002*2005 2009 2013 Linke □ CDU/CSU ■ FDP □ Others □ SPD ■ Greens □ Shares of the Party Vote The multiparty system has the CDU/CSU and SPD as the two largest parties, joined by a changing set of smaller parties. "1990-2013 percentages combine results from Western and Eastern Germany. 298 Politics in Germany more conservative. These two parties generally function as one (CDU/CSU) in national politics, forming a single parliamentary group in the Bundestag and campaigning together in national elections. The postwar Social Democratic Party (SPD) in West Germany was constructed along the lines of the SPD in the Weimar Republic—a socialist party primarily representing the interests of unions and the working class. The SPD's initial image of the nation's future was radically different from that of the Christian Democrats. The Social Democrats initially espoused strict Marxist doctrine and consistently opposed Adenauer's western-oriented foreign policy. Over time the party moderated its position on both domestic and foreign policies. This new orientation allowed it to gain new voter support from moderates and the middle class—and eventually participate in the national government. Among the many smaller parties at the formation of the German party system, the Free Democratic Party (FDP) was the most significant. The FDP was initially a strong advocate of private enterprise and drew its support from the Protestant middle class and farmers. It has often held enough Bundestag seats to have a pivotal role in forming a government coalition. This has given the FDP a larger political role than its small size would suggest. Its economic policies make the FDP a natural ally of the CDU/CSU in economic terms. Its liberal foreign and social programs often position it closer to the SPD. The Greens (Die Grünen) are literally a party of a different color.36 It was created in 1980, drawing together a loose association of local environmental groups. The party raised a broad set of New Politics issues that the established parties were not addressing; opposing nuclear energy, reshaping military policies, ensuring environmental protection, and supporting women's rights and multiculturalism. The Greens initially differed so markedly from the established parties that one Green leader described them as the "antiparty party." The party system further changed as a consequence of German unification in 1990. When the GDR collapsed, the ruling communist party (Socialist Unity Party, SED) collapsed along with the East German regime. SED membership plummeted, and local party units abolished themselves. The omnipotent party suddenly seemed impotent. To save the party from complete dissolution and to compete in the upcoming democratic elections, the party changed its name to the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS). The party became a representative for citizens in the East, especially those who suffered economically or socially as a consequence of unification. In 2005, the party joined forces with leftists in the West and, in 2007, rebranded itself as Die Linke (The Left). Finally, in 2013, a new party appeared on the electoral stage. The Alternative for Germany (AfD) is critical of Germany's relationship with the European Union and many of the policies implemented by the EU. Its anti-EU rhetoric resonated among many voters, and it almost won the 5 percent of the vote that would have given it seats in parliament. Even without winning seats, its vote share probably cost the CDL7 CSU-FDP government its reelection. If it endures, the AfD may provide a rallying point for those critical of die government and its European policies. Electoral History The CDU/CSUs voting strength in the 1950s allowed the party to control the government, first under the chancellorship of Adenauer and then under Ludwig Erhard, as shown in Table 10.1. The Federal Republic thus took shape under the policy direction of the Christian Democrats, who shaped its domestic policies and international ties, hi each election, the number of smaller parties declined, and the CDU/CSU seemed to gain in strength. The SPD's poor performance in early elections generated internal pressures for the party to broaden its electoral appeal. At the 1959 Godesberg party conference, the party renounced its Marxist economic policies and generally moved toward the center on domestic and foreign policies. The party continued to represent working-class interests, but by shedding its ideological banner, the SPD hoped to attract new support from the middle class. The SPD became a progressive catchall party that competed with the Christian Democrats. An SPD breakthrough finally came in 1966 with the formation of the Grand Coalition when the governing CDU/CSU lost the support of its coalition partner, the FDP. By sharing government control with the CDU/CSU, the SPD decreased public uneasiness about the party's integrity and ability to govern. Political support for the party also grew as the SPD played an active part in resolving the nation's problems. Following the 1969 election, a new SPD-FDP government formed with Willy Brandt (SPD) as chancellor. After enacting an ambitious range of new policies, Dalton 299 TABLE 10.1 Composition of Coalition Governments A listing of government parties and chancellors of the Federal Republic. |oate Formed Source of Change Coalition Partners" Chancellor J September 1949 Election CDU/CSU FDP. DP Adenauer (CDU) October 1953 Election CDU/CSU, FDP. DP, G Adenauer (CDU) October 1957 Election CDU/CSU, DP Adenauer (CDU) November 1961 Election CDU/CSU, FDP Adenauer (CDU) October 1963 Chancellor retirement CDU/CSU, FDP Erhard (CDU) October 1965 Election CDU/CSU, FDP Erhard (CDU) December 1966 Coalition change CDU/CSU, SPD Kiesinger (CDU) October 1969 Election SPD, FDP Brandt (SPD) December 1972 Election SPD, FDP Brandt (SPD) May 1974 Chancellor retirement SPD, FDP Schmidt (SPD) December 1976 Election SPD, FDP Schmidt (SPD) November 1980 Election SPD, FDP Schmidt (SPD) October 1982 Constructive no-confidence vote CDU/CSU, FDP Kohl (CDU) March 1983 Election CDU/CSU, FDP Kohl (CDU) January 1987 Election CDU/CSU, FDP Kohl (CDU) December 1990 Election CDU/CSU, FDP Kohl (CDU) October 1994 Election CDU/CSU, FDP Kohl (CDU) September 1998 Election SPD, Greens Schröder (SPD) September 2002 Election SPD, Greens Schröder (SPD) September 2005 Election CDU/CSU, SPD Merkel (CDU/CSU) September 2009 Election CDU/CSU, FDP Merkel (CDU/CSU) September 2013 Election CDU/CSU. SPD Merkel (CDU/CSU) ^DU: Christian Democratic Union; CSU: Christian Social Union; DP: German Party; FDP: Free Democratic Party; G: All-German Bloc Federation of Expellees and Displaced Persons; SPD: Social Democratic Party. a period of economic recession led to Brandt's replacement by Helmut Schmidt in 1974. The SPD retained government control in the 1976 and 1980 elections, but these were trying times for the party. The early 1980s were tough times for the SPD-level government because of a weakening economic situation. In 1982, the Christian Democrats and the Free Democrats formed a new conservative government through the first successful constructive no-confidence vote, which elected Helmut Kohl as chancellor. Public support for Kohl's policies returned the governing coalition to power following the 1983 and 1987 elections. Once again in opposition, the SPD faced an identity crisis. It tried to appeal in one election to centrist voters and in the next election to leftist voters—but neither strategy succeeded. The party sensed the need to change and modernize, but it could not decide which direction of change was better. Moreover, a new party challenger entered the arena. The Green Party won its first Bundestag seats in 1983, becoming the first new party to enter parliament since the 1950s. The Greens campaigned for an alternative view of politics, while adding a bit of color and spontaneity to the normally staid procedures of the political system. The typical dress for Green deputies was jeans and a sweater, rather than the traditional business attire of the established politicians. The party's loose and open internal structure stood in sharp contrast to the hierarchic and bureaucratized structure of the other parties. Despite initial concerns about the Greens' impact on the political system, most analysts now agree that the party brought necessary attention to political viewpoints that previously were overlooked. 300 Politics in Germany Dalton 301 The collapse of the GDR in 1989 provided a historic opportunity for the nation, and redirected attention away from the mounting shortfalls of the Kohl administration. While others looked on the events with wonder or uncertainty, Kohl embraced the idea of closer tics between the two Germanics. Thus, when the March 1990 GDR election became a referendum in support of German unification, the Christian Democrats were assured of victory because of their early commitment to unification. Kohl was victorious in the 1990 Bundestag elections. Perhaps no one (except maybe the Communists) was more surprised than the SPD by the course of events in the GDR in 1989 and 1990. The SPD had been normalizing relations with the SED, only to see the SED ousted by the citizenry. The SPD and its chancellor candidate, Oscar Lafontaine, stood by quietly as Kohl spoke of a single German Vaterland to crowds of applauding East Germans. The SPD's poor performance in the 1990 elections reflected its inability either to lead or to follow the course of the unification. Similarly, to stress their opposition to western dominance of the East, the western Greens rejected an electoral alliance with the Eastern Greens in 1990. The eastern Greens won enough votes to enter the new Bundestag, but the western Greens failed to win any seats and dropped out of the Bundestag. The Party of Democratic Socialism campaigned in these postunification elections as the representative of those who opposed the economic and social course of German unity. In the 1990 Bundestag elections, the PDS won 11 percent of the eastern vote but only 2 percent of the national vote. The PDS won Bundestag seats in the 1994 and 1998 elections, but failed to surmount the electoral threshold in 2002. Meanwhile, Kohl's government struggled with the policy problems produced by unification. Germany made real gains in improving conditions in the East and building a stable new society. However, the reality fell far short of Kohl's optimistic election pronouncements. Taxes increased, social service budgets were drained, and the East improved slowly. The governing CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost seats in the 1994 elections, but Kohl retained a slim majority in alliance with the Free Democrats. By the 1998 elections, the accumulation of sixteen years of governing and the challenges of unification had taken their toll on the party and Helmut Kohl. The Social Democrats selected the moderate Gerhard Schröder as their chancellor candidate to challenge Kohl. The SPD vote share increased, and the party formed a coalition government with the Green Party. Kohl and the CDU/CSU fared poorly in the election, especially in the eastern Länder. The CDU/CSU loss was a rebuke to Kohl, and he resigned the party leadership. Schroder's government pursued a middle course, balancing the centrist and leftist views existing within the coalition. For instance, the government allowed German troops to play an active role in Kosovo and Afghanistan, while mandating the phasing out of nuclear power. During the 2002 election, Schröder opposed U.S. policy toward Iraq to win support from leftist voters. The CDU/CSU chose Edmund Stoiber, the head of the CSU, as its chancellor candidate in 2002. The CDU/CSU gained the same vote share as the Social Democrats and nearly as many seats in the Bundestag (see Figure 10.6). However, an SPD-led coalition retained control of the government. Majority □ PDS Q Greens ■ SPD □ FDP ■ GDU/CSU □ Linke 2009 2013 FIGURE 1 0.6 The Distribution of Bundestag Seats in 2009 and 2013 The 2013 election produced a stalemate between left and right, producing a new grand coalition. 1 In government, the Green Party struggled to balance its unconventional policies with the new responsibilities of governing—and steadily gave up its unconventional style. For instance, the party supported military intervention in Kosovo, despite its pacifist traditions, and it supported tax reform that lowered the highest rates in exchange for a new environmental tax. In the mid-2000s, the economy was struggling under the SPD-Green administration, partly because of systemic problems and partly because of the accumulated costs of German umfication. The government was criticized by some for doing too much to reform the economy and by others for not doing enough. As the economy stagnated and public dissatisfaction mounted, Schroder gambled and called for early elections in 2005. The CDU/CSU selecLed Angela Merkel as its chancellor candidate (see Box 10,3). The election ended as a dead heat between the CDU/CSU and the SPD. After weeks of negotiation, the CDU/CSU agreed to form a Grand Coalition with its major rival, the Social Democrats (minus Gerhard Schroder). This was similar to the U.S. Democrats and Republicans sharing control of the government—a very odd set of political bedfellows. Government positions and Cabinet posts were split between the two parties. The differences in political philosophies between the two parties led to limited policy change. The 2005 elections also produced a change in party alignments. Lafontaine, a former SPD chancellor candidate, orchestrated a coalition of leftist interests in the West and the PDS in the East. This new party drew the support of western leftists who were disenchanted by Schroder's government and PDS voters from the East. They nearly doubled the PDS vote over the previous election and gained more than fifty Bundestag seats. In 2007, the two parties formally merged under the label Die Linke.i? The 2008 recession strongly influenced voters' perceptions of the governing parties. Many leftists criticized the party for its economic reforms under Schroder and its collaboration with the CDU/CSU. In contrast, Merkel's skill as a political leader appeared when the global recession impacted Germany. She cautiously developed stimulus packages that stabilized the economy and protected jobs. She also successfully deflected much of the economic blame to international forces and her coalition partner, the SPD. The SPD lacked a clear message as to why voters should support it in the 2009 elections, and consequently experienced the lowest vote total in the history of the ERG. Many of these liberal votes went to Die Linke or the Greens. The conservative mood in 2009 propelled the FDP to its best showing in the history of the FRG and a share of the governing coalition with the CDU/CSU, and Merkel continued as chancellor for this new coalition. The continuing economic challenges of Europe and an unstable international environment provided the context for the 2013 elections. The party's chancellor candidate, Peer Steinbriick, ran an ineffectual campaign that did not convince voters that the SPD offered a viable alternative to Merkel. By a two-to-one margin, the public wanted Merkel to continue as chancellor, but they were divided on which party to support to achieve this aim. Merkel and the CDU/CSU emerged from the election as the largest party, with 41.5 percent of the vote and nearly half the seats in parliament. This was the second highest seat share in party history. However, when the FDP failed to win any Bundestag seats, this ended the incumbent governing coalition and created complex choices for an alternative coalition government. What followed was a protracted period of coalition negotiations under threats of a new election if the situation was not resolved. Eventually the CDU/CSU and SPD agreed to renew their earlier grand coalition. In a sense, the election did not decide Germany's future policy course became the two main rival parties are both part of the government. Merkel's challenge as the chancellor of the grand coalition will be to find common programs to address the nation's needs that both parties will accept, which will be even more difficult than the 2005-09 grand coalition because contemporary policy problems are greater. The Role of Elections When German parties compete in elections, they work within an unusual electoral system. The Federal Republic had two goals in mind when it designed the electoral system. One was to create a proportional representation (PR) system that allocates legislative scats based on a party's percentage of the popular vote, If a parly receives 10 percent of die popular vote, it should receive 10 percent of the Bundestag seats. Another goal was to create a system of single-member districts as in Britain and the United States. It was thought that district elections would avoid the fragmentation of the Weimar parly system and ensure some accountability between a district and its representative, 302 Politics in Germany To satisfy both objectives, the FRG created a mixed electoral system. On one part of the ballot, citizens vote for a candidate to represent their district. The candidate with the most votes in each district is elected to parliament. On a second part of the ballot, voters select a party. These second votes are added nationwide to determine each party's share of the popular vote, which determines its total representation in the Bundestag. Each party receives additional seats so that its percentage of the combined candidate and party seats equals its percentage of the second votes. These seats are distributed to candidates according to lists prepared by the state parties. Half of the Bundestag members are elected as district representatives and half as party representatives.38 An exception to this PR system is the 5 percent clause, which requires that a party win at least 5 percent of the national vote (or three district seats) to share in the distribution of party-list seats.39 The law aims to withhold representation from the type of small extremist parties that plagued the Weimar Republic. In practice, however, the 5 percent clause restricts all minor parties and lessens the number of parties in the Bundestag. This mixed system has several political consequences. The party-list system gives party leaders substantial influence on who will be elected to parliament by the placement of people on the list. The PR system also ensures fair representation for the smaller parties. The Greens, for example, won only one direct candidate mandate in 2013, yet it received sixty-two additional Bundestag seats based on its national share of the vote. In contrast, Britain's district-only system discriminates against small parties; in 2010, the British Liberal Democrats won 23 percent of the national vote but less than 9 percent of the parliamentary seats. The German two-vote system also affects campaign strategies. Although most voters cast both their ballots for the same party, the smaller parties encourage supporters of the larger parties to "lend" their second votes to the smaller party. Because of its mixed features, the German system is sometimes described as the ideal compromise in building an electoral system.40 The New Partners Sigmar Gabriel (SPD), Angela Merkel (CDU), and Horst Seehofer (CSU) lead the governing parties in 2013. The Electoral Connection Democratic elections are about making policy choices regarding a future government, and Germans have a rich set of parties and policy programs from which to choose, Think of how the United States would be different if there were some communists and environmentalists as well as members of the two major parties elected to the House of Representatives. One of the Dalton 303 essential functions of political parties in a democracy is interest representation, and this is especially clear in the case of German elections. The voting patterns of social groups reflect the ideological and policy differences among parties. Although social differences in voting have gradually narrowed, voting patterns in 2013 reflect the traditional social divisions in German society and politics (see Table 10.2).41 TABLE 10.2 Electoral Coalitions in 2013 Voting patterns show the conservative social base of the CDU/CSU and the liberal base of the SPD, Greens, and Die Linke. CDU/CSU SPD Greens Linke FDP AfD Other 1 Election Result 41.5 25.7 8.4 8.6 4.8 4.7 6.1 Region West 42 27 9 6 5 4 6 East 39 17 5 23 3 6 7 Employment status Employed 40 26 10 8 5 5 7 Unemployed 22 25 10 21 2 7 13 Retired 48 29 5 9 4 4 1 Occupation Self-employed 48 15 10 7 10 6 4 Salaried 41 26 10 8 5 5 5 employees Civil servants 44 25 13 5 6 5 2 Blue-collar worker 38 30 5 11 3 5 8 Education Primary education 46 30 4 7 3 3 7 Secondary 43 25 6 10 4 6 6 schooling Abitur 39 24 12 8 5 5 7 University degree 37 23 15 9 7 5 4 Age Under 30 34 24 11 8 5 6 12 30-44 years 41 22 10 8 5 5 9 45-59 years 39 27 10 9 5 5 5 60 and elder 49 28 5 8 5 4 1 Gender Men 39 27 8 8 4 6 7 Women 44 24 10 8 5 4 6 ^ote: Some percentages may not total 100 because of rounding, ource: Regional data are from election statistics; social group information is from 2013 Bundestagswahl exit poll, Forschungsgruppe Wahlen ř 304 Politics in Germany The CDU/CSU primarily draw their voters from the conservative sectors of society, with greater support from older people, retirees, and the middle class, especially the self-employed. Other studies show that Catholics and those who attend church give disproportionate support to the party. The SPDs voter base contrasts with that of the CDU/CSU: A disproportionate share of SPD votes comes from blue-collar workers, although middle-class citizens provide most of the party's voters. In some ways, the SPD has suffered because its traditional voter base—blue-collar workers—has declined in size and it has not established a new political identity that draws a distinct voter clientele. The Greens' electorate is heavily drawn from groups that support New Politics movements: the middle class, the better educated, and urban voters. Despite the party turning thirty years old in 2010, it still appeals to the young, especially university-educated youth, Die Linke also has a distinct voter base. This is first an East-oriented party, with a majority of its total vote in 2013 coming from the East. The party's leftist roots also appeal- in its appeal to the blue-collar workers and the unemployed. It is a party for those frustrated with the economic and political path Germany has followed since unification. The FDP voters include a high percentage of the middle class, both white-collar employees and the self-employed. While the Greens attract liberal, educated youth, the FDP attracts a disproportionate share of young, better-educated conservatives. But squeezed on the left and right by other parties, the FDP's lack of a clear identity contributed to their failings in 2013. The new contender in 2013 was the Alternative for Democracy (AfD). The party's criticism of the European Union's policies and the costs of Germany's contribution to the EU were the basis of its appeal to voters. This position resonated among retirees on fixed income, Easterners, and some youth. The AfD voter base suggests it drew support away from parties on both the lefL and right, The social group differences between the larger parties have generally narrowed over time, as fewer voters make their decisions based on class, religious, or other cues. Instead, more voters are deciding based on their issue opinions or candidate evaluations. Yet the ideology and clientele networks of the parties still reflect these traditional group bases, so they have a persisting influence on the parties. The Policymaking Process 1 Jj] Describe the primary actors in the federal policymaking process. The policymaking process may begin with any part of society—an interest group, a political leader, an individual person, or a government official. These actors interact in creating public policy, making it difficult to trace the true origin of any policy idea, Moreover, once a new policy is proposed, other interest groups and political actors become active in amending, supporting, or opposing the policy. The pattern of interaction among policy actors varies across policy issues. One set of groups is most active on labor issues, and these groups use the methods of influence that are most successful for their cause. A very different set of groups may try to affect defense policy and use far different methods of influence. This variety makes it difficult to describe policymaking as a single process, although the institutional framework for enacting policy is relatively uniform in all policy areas. The growing importance of the EU also changes the policymaking process for its member states.42 Now policies made in Brussels often take precedence over German legislation. Laws passed by the German government must conform to EU standards in many areas. The European Court of Justice has the power to overturn laws passed by the German government. Thus, policymaking is no longer a solely national process. This section describes the various stages of the policy process and clarifies the balance of power among the institutions of the German government. Policy Initiation Most issues reach the policy agenda through the executive branch. One reason for this is that the Cabinet and the ministries manage the affairs of government. They are responsible for preparing the budget, formulating revenue proposals, administering existing policies, and conducting the other routine activities of government. The nature of a parliamentary democracy further strengthens the policymaking influence of the chancellor and the Cabinet. The chancellor is the primary policy spokesperson for the government and for a majority of the Bundestag deputies. In speeches, interviews, and formal policy declarations, the chancellor sets the policy agenda for the government. It is the responsibility of the chancellor and Cabinet to propose new legislation to implement the government's policy promises. Interest groups realize the importance of the executive branch, and they generally work with the federal ministries—rather than Bundestag deputies—when they seek new legislation. The executive branch's predominance means that the Cabinet proposes about two-thirds of the legislation considered by the Bundestag. Thirty members of the Bundestag may jointly introduce a bill, but only about 20 percent of legislative proposals begin in this manner. Most, oi the Bundestag's own proposals involve private-member bills or minor issues. State governments also can propose legislation in the Bundesrat, but they do so infrequently. The Cabinet generally follows consensual decision making in setting the government's policy program. Ministers seldom propose legislation that is not expected to receive Cabinet support. The chancellor has a crucial role in ensuring this consensus. The chancellor's office coordinates the legislative proposals drafted by the various ministries. If the chancellor feels that a bill conflicts with the government's stated objectives, he or she may ask that the proposal be withdrawn or returned to the ministry for restudy and redrafting. If a conflict on policy arises between two ministries, the chancellor may mediate the dispute. Alternatively, interministerial negotiations may resolve the differences. Only in extreme cases is the chancellor unable to resolve such problems; when such stalemates occur, policy conflicts are referred to the full Cabinet. The chancellor also plays a major role in Cabinet deliberations. The chancellor is a fulcrum, balancing conflicting interests to reach a compromise that the government as a whole can support. This leadership position gives the chancellor substantial influence in negotiations with Cabinet members. Very seldom does a majority of the Cabinet oppose the chancellor. When the chancellor and Cabinet agree on a legislative proposal, they have a dominant position in the legislative process. Because the Cabinet also represents the majority in the Bundestag, most of its initiatives are eventually enacted into law. In die fifteenth Bundestag (2002-2005), almost 90 percent of the government s proposals became law; in contrast, about 40 percent of the proposals introduced by Bundestag members became law. The government's legislative position is further strengthened by Basic Law's fiscal limit on the Bundestag's authority. The parliament can revise or Dalton 305 amend most legislative proposals. However, it cannot alter the spending or taxation levels of legislation proposed by the Cabinet. Parliament cannot even reallocate expenditures in the budget without the approval of the finance minister and the Cabinet. Legislating Policy When the Cabinet approves a legislative proposal, it is sent to the Bundesrat for review (see Figure 10.7). After receiving the Bundesrat's comments, the Cabinet formally transmits the government's proposal to the Bundestag. The bill receives a first reading, which places it on the chamber s agenda and assigns it to the appropriate committee. Much of the Bundestag's work takes place in these specialized committees. The list of committees generally follows the organization of the federal ministries, such as transportation, defense, labor, or agriculture. Committees have real potential for reviewing and amending their content. Committees evaluate proposals, consult with interest groups, and then submit a revised proposal to the full Bundestag. Research staffs are small, but committees also use investigative hearings. Government and interest group representatives testify on pending legislation, and committee members often have expertise in their designated policy area. Most committees hold their meetings behind closed doors. The committee system thus provides an opportunity for frank discussions of proposals and negotiations among the parties before legislation reaches the floor of the Bundestag. When a committee reports a bill, the full Bundestag examines it and discusses any proposed revisions. At this point in the process, however, political positions already are well established. Leaders in the governing parties have taken part in developing the legislation. The parties have caucused to decide their official position. Major revisions during the second and third readings are infrequent; the government generally gets passage of its proposals as reported out of committee. Bundestag debate on the merits of government proposals is thus mostly symbolic. The successful parties explain the merits of the new legislation and advertise their efforts to their supporters, The opposition parties place their objections in the public record. Although these debates seldom influence the outcome of a vote, they are still an important part of the Bundestag's information function. 306 Politics in Germany Federal Government Bundestag C Cabinet^ Q 30 Deputies \y ^Majority of State Governments r (^Cabinet review and comment^) * —-—*■ (^Bundesrat review and comment^ First reading T" immittee study^j j_ 2nd and 3rd readings Accept Study/Vote C Joint Mediation Committee Accept 1 /Pass compromise/N compromise/-cm~r0^~\