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Ethnographic Content Analysis
Article  in  Qualitative Sociology · March 1987
DOI: 10.1007/BF00988269
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REFLECTIONS
Ethnographic Content Analysis
David L. Altheide
Arizona State University
ABS TRACT. An ethnographic approach to document analysis is offered based on principles
of qualitative data collection and analysis. It is proposed that numeric as well as
narrative data be collected when studying such documents as TV new and movies. Ethnographic
content analysis is briefly contrasted with conventional modes of quantitative
content analysis to illustrate the usefulness of constant comparison for discovering emergent
patterns, emphases and themes in an analysis of TV news coverage of the Iranian hostage
situation. It is suggested that an ethnographic perspective can help delineate patterns of
human action when document analysis is conceptualized as fieldwork.
It has been claimed that all research directly or indirectly involves
participant observation in the selection of a topic, method of study, data
collection, analysis and interpretation (cf. Cicourel, 1964; Johnson, 1975;
Hammersley and Atkinson, 1983). While it may seem evident that any
sustained inquiry is constituted through a complex and reflexive interaction
process, it is also apparent that some research methods, e.g., ethnography,
embrace this process; while others, e.g., survey research and
content analysis, disavow it. In what follows, I suggest that several
aspects of an ethnographic research approach can be applied to content
analysis to produce ethnographic content analysis (ECA), which may be
defined as the reflexive analysis of documents (cf. Plummer, 1983). ECA
has been less widely recognized as a distinctive method, although various
facets of this approach are apparent in document analyses by historians,
literary scholars, and social scientists (cf. Plummer, 1983; Glaser and
Strauss, 1967). However, to my knowledge, the method for
accomplishing such “grounding” with documents has not been set forth
_________________________________________________________
This draft has benefitted from comments and suggestions by Robert Emerson, Shulamit
Reinharz, and three anonymous reviewers. An earlier draft of this paper was presented
at the Annual Meeting of the Pacific Sociological Association, Albuquerque, NM, April
17—20, 1985. Address requests for reprints to: School of Justice Studies, Arizona State
University, Tempe, AZ 85287.
Qualitative Sociology, 10(1), Spring 1987 65 © 1987 Human Sciences Press
66 QUALITATIVE SOCIOLOGY
(cf. Starosta, 1984). A brief comparison of this approach with conventional
content analysis will be proceeded with examples of the use of
ECA in several research projects.
Ethnography in Context
In general, ethnography refers to the description of people and their
culture (cf. Schwartz and Jacobs, 1979). In this sense, the subject
matter—human beings engaged in meaningful behavior—guide the mode
of inquiry and orientation of the investigator. However, if the meaning of
an activity remains paramount, ethnography can also be considered a
methodological orientation independently of a specific subject matter.
Products of social interaction, for example, can also be studied reflexively,
looking at one feature in the context of what is understood about
other features, allowing for the constant comparison suggested by Glaser
and Strauss (1967).
An Overview of Content Analysis
Ethnographic content analysis (ECA) may be contrasted with conventional,
or more quantitative content analysis (QCA), in approach to data
collection, data analysis and interpretation. Table 1 provides an overview
of these approaches on several dimensions.
Quantitative Content Analysis (QCA)
Originating in positivistic assumptions about objectivity, QCA provides
a way of obtaining data to measure the frequency and variety of
messages (cf. Berelson, 1966). QCA analysis has been used to determine
the “objective” content of written and electronic documents, e.g., TV cartoons
(cf. McCormack, 1982). As summarized by Starosta (1984:185),
Content analysis translates frequency of occurrence of certain symbols into
summary judgments and comparisons of content of the discourse...
whatever “means” will presumably take up space and/or time; hence, the
greater that space and/or time, the greater the meaning’s significance.
Units of space most commonly are seen as countable, and therefore, mea
Reflections: Ethnographic Content Analysis 67
TABLE 1
Quantitative (QCA) and Ethnographic (ECA) Content Analysis
QCA ECA
Research Goal Verification Discovery; Verification
Reflexive Research Seldom Always
design
Emphasis Reliability Validity
Progression from Data Serial Reflexive; Circular
Co1lection, Analysis,
Interpretation
Primary Researcher Data Analysis and All Phases
Involvement Interpretation
Sample Random or Purposive and
Stratified Theoretical
Pre-Structured All Some
Categories
Training Required to Little Substantial
Collect Data
Type of Data Numbers Numbers; Narrative
Data Entry Points Once Multiple
Narrative Description Seldom Always
and Comments
Concepts Emerge Seldom Always
During Research
Data Analysis Statistical Textual; Statistical
Data Presentation Tables Tables and Text
surable. And, even though early proponents of QCA made it clear that
imputation of the speaker’s (writer’s) motive was unwarranted, the
method has been used to relate messages to the source’s intent (Berel-
3on, 1966).
68 QUALITATIVE SOCIOLOGY
QCA is used to verify or confirm hypothesized relationships. Indeed,
QCA protocols are usually constructed on the basis of operational definitions
of concepts which yield enumerative data for purposes of measurement
(cf. Krippendorf, 1980). Research designs were organized
serially, moving from category construction to sampling, data collection,
data analysis and interpretation. As this mode of document analysis was
influenced by electronic data processing formats, the researcher’s role was
reduced to setting up the protocol, and then analyzing and interpreting the
data. Data collection and organization (coding) was carried out by novices
hired and quickly “trained” to find, record, and count the “mentions” for
each unit of analysis. Measures of “intercoder reliability” were undertaken
to show that identical judgmental criteria were used in their selection and
enumeration. The upshot of this procedure was that reliability produced
validity. Indeed, this rationale has led to the institutionalization of
intercoder reliability scores in most content analysis studies.
Ethnographic Content Analysis (ECA)
Ethnographic content analysis is used to document and understand
the communication of meaning, as well as to verify theoretical relationships.
Its distinctive characteristic is the reflexive and highly interactive
nature of the investigator, concepts, data collection and analysis.
Unlike QCA in which the protocol is the instrument, in ECA the investigator
is continually central, although protocols may be used in later
phases of the research. Like all ethnographic research, the meaning of
a message is assumed to be reflected in various modes of information
exchange, format, rhythm and style, e.g., aural and visual style, as well
as in the context of the report itself, and other nuances.
ECA consists of reflexive movement between concept development,
sampling, data collection, data coding, data analysis, and interpretation.
The aim is to be systematic and analytic, but not rigid. Although
categories and “variables” initially guide the study, others are allowed
and expected to emerge throughout the study. Thus, ECA is embedded
in constant discovery and constant comparison of relevant situations,
settings, styles, images, meanings and nuances (cf. Glaser and Strauss,
1967). To this end, ECA draws on and collects numerical and narrative
data, rather than forcing the latter into predefined categories of the former
as is done in QCA. ECA is oriented to check, supplement, and supplant
prior theoretical claims by simultaneously obtaining categorical
and unique data for every case studied in order to develop analytical
constructs appropriate for several investigations (cf. Schwartz and
Reflections: Ethnographic Content Analysis 69
Jacobs, 1979). Further, data are often coded conceptually so that one item
may be relevant for several purposes. In short, while items and topics can
still be counted and put in emergent categories, ECA also provides good
descriptive information.
An Example of an ECA Study
Ethnographers approach a topic with a wealth of information and understanding
about human behavior. Previous work on TV news provided a
foundation in news procedures and perspectives which could be reflexively
incorporated in a study of TV news coverage. The relevance of reflexive
observation can be illustrated by a study of network news coverage of the
Iranian hostage crisis, which involved 52 Americans who were held for
444 days (November 4, 1979—January 24, 1981) (cf. Altheide, 1981,
1982, 1985a). This was the first study of its kind since previously there had
not been an extended crisis that was so heavily televised. My task was to
describe the news coverage in a theoretically informed manner which
would provide data for further conceptual refinement. Theoretical and
saturation sampling were combined. Ultimately, I viewed 925 news reports
about this highly publicized series of events.
The major focus of the study was to examine the role of formats in TV
news coverage of an international crisis. Formats are organizational
devices to facilitate coordination of the news process. Format refers to the
rules and procedures for defining, recognizing, selecting, organizing, and
presenting information as news. They are a link to, and a probe of the
external environment (cf. Altheide, 1985b). TV news formats include short
reports with visual and aural information, presented in a narrative form
with a beginning, middle, and end. Particular attention was paid to the
nature, extent and source of visual imagery, and how it was used for
thematic emphasis (cf. Epstein, 1973; Altheide, 1976; Tuchman, 1978;
Bennett, 1983).
While it is possible to adapt almost any event to the narrative format,
events with certain characteristics are more likely to be selected for
coverage because they can readily be shaped into such a format (cf.
Altheide and Snow, 1979). These characteristics include: accessibility,
visual quality, drama and action, perceived audience relevance, and encapsulation
and thematic unity. The general dimensions of each of these
characteristics can be briefly stated:
Accessibility refers to how easily newsworkers can learn about an
event, obtain information about it, get to a site where it occurs, and/or
obtain visuals.
70 QUALITATIVE SOCIOLOGY
Visual quality is the extent and clarity of film, tape or other visual
depictions of the significant action.
Drama and action refer to the graphic, visual and aural portrayal of
some movement which is sued to illustrate the event.
Encapsulation and thematic unity refer to the ease with which an event
can be (1) briefly stated and summarized, and (2) joined to a similar event
or a series of reports over a period of time, or even within the same
newscast.
Finally, audience relevance is the interest newsworkers perceive an
item to have for a mass audience. Of course, the extent of the audience’s
interest is also a feature of the way the other format criteria are brought to
bear on an event.
Together, these format considerations direct as well as reflect news
messages. However, the selection of a sample and the data collection
procedures must be theoretically informed by this perspective.
Sampling and Data Collection
Prior to systematically selecting newscasts which would represent adequately
the more than 14 months of daily coverage, all available news
reports pertaining to Iran on the network evening newscasts during the first
nine days of the embassy takeover (November 4—12, 1979) were viewed
and analyzed. This preliminary analysis made it clear that a simple random
sample or stratified sample would systematically distort an understanding
of news coverage of this event. This is because coverage was in groups of
days, such as concentrations around holidays and the tendency to broadcast
a certain feature of the ordeal over a period of several days.
A few brief examples illustrate what was gained from viewing news
content reflexively rather than statically. If the QCA approach to sampling
and data collection had been followed, important thematic pat-terms would
have been lost. Major reports about various facets of the hostage situation
occurred in mini-series, often over a period of several days. The
significance and message of one report would be lost when removed from
the context of other reports. For example, while the families of hostages
were featured in about 12 percent of the total sample of 925 news reports,
they were involved in 37 percent of all hostage related reports during the
hostages’ first Christmas, and 25 percent of reports about the second
Christmas. The upshot is that the hostages’ families played more of a role
at certain times, and this role had a great deal to do with the format of TV
news.
Reflections: Ethnographic Content Analysis 71
The final sample was a saturation sample of approximately 112 days
and 26 hours of compiled news reports. Since a simple random sample
would rarely select two or three days in succession, it would obscure the
fact that networks frequently stretch a series of reports over several days.
The solution was to combine two units of analysis: (1) each network report
pertaining to Iran (which may have included more than one topic)
presented in a newscast; and (2) several consecutive newscasts or
“clusters.” Thus, the sample consisted of seventeen “clusters” consisting of
5—9 consecutive newscasts per network. In addition, care was taken to
proportionately represent all 14 months, as well as weeks 1—4 of the
various months. I also checked news records from the Vanderbilt
University Television News Archive to determine if the networks were
similar in the amount and emphasis of their coverage (Altheide, 1982).
This check indicated that they were.
The original protocol was constructed to provide both numeric and narrative
(descriptive) data on the following topics: network; presenter; length
of report; origin of report; news sources; names and status of individuals
presented or interviewed; their dress, appearance, and facility with
English; what was filmed; and the correspondence between film, speech
and overall emphasis. The narrative portion was particularly helpful for
developing a framework for dealing with visuals.
With the exception of identifying materials, (e.g., network, date, time),
the news broadcasts were viewed without predefined and rigid categories
for defining what was relevant. At the same time, prior research and
familiarity with news procedures provided me with tools to use in
observations and analysis. My general procedure was to view a few
reports, assess the message(s) in terms of news techniques, and then note
general categories for this report, and for reexamining several previous
reports. Then I checked the quality and quantity of information recorded in
terms of what was being omitted and what segments or time blocks were
not important for the present focus. This continuously refined exploration
and comparison became a substantively informed sampling procedure and
topical guide to data collection. The topics that emerged in this way were
as follows:
Hostages: Any report which focused on the hostages’ status, location,
health, etc.
Families: Any report which focused on the hostage families’ status,
health, reaction, plans, etc.
Shah of Iran: Any report which focused on the context of the Shah’s
rule, including political alliances and enemies, as well as his status, health,
location, and statements.
72 QUALITATIVE SOCIOLOGY
Iran: Any report which focused on Iranian government action, plans,
reactions, statements, or elections.
Iran (internal problems): Any report which pertained to economic,
civil, criminal, and demonstration problems, underlying internal revolts.
Iran (external problems): Any report which concerned economic
sanctions or military threats such as the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan,
and Iran’s war with Iraq. U.S.A.:
Any report which concerned U.S. government actions, statements,
reactions, proposals, or criticisms.
International: Any report which concerned international statements,
actions, reactions, proposals, involvements, or sanctions, including the
actions by the United Nations and the World Court.
Iranian Students: Reports about Iranian students in the United
States, reactions to U.S. policy, support of the Iranian government,
demonstrations, civil and criminal actions, etc.
The progression from data collection to interpretation was intended to
be reflexive rather than serial. While there was an effort to verify the
findings of some prior research which suggested that news organizations
employ stereotypical angles to encapsulate an event (cf. Epstein, 1973;
Batscha, 1975), that focus alone would have precluded important emergent
understandings about the interaction between formats. One product of an
emergent orientation to the data was a set of insights about the source of
reports. Previous research revealed that newsworkers often incorporate
“file” film and “old” reports into new ones (cf. Altheide, 1976) so that any
update or overview of a report is usually tied to what has gone before. In
this sense, TV news often reports on itself. The news sources and visual
opportunities fluctuated during the hostage ordeal so that new visuals of
hostages and their captors became quite scarce. The networks’ problem
then was to look elsewhere, but where they looked also led to different
topics, e.g., family members, emphases, and conclusions. An atheoretical
sample would have missed these systematic clusters which show very
clearly that the substance of reports could be predicted by the origin of
reports (cf. Altheide, 1985b:77ff).
The fact that the origin of reports and visuals contributed to the
thematic emphasis did not emerge until well into the study. ECA offers an
approach for systematically studying the use of visuals and text as features
of formats (cf. Lang and Lang, 1968; Adams and Schreibman, 1978;
Tuchman, 1978). My procedure was to describe the visuals in terms of
“what was shown,” “who was shown,” and “what they were doing.”
Rereading my descriptions and relating these to certain events (e.g., the
hostages’ Christmas) led me to return to previous tapes and add additional
data to the open-ended protocols. In turn, since I began to under-
Reflections: Ethnographic Content Analysis 73
stand that the “file tape” was used more often with reports originating from
certain locations, I saw the pattern between these sources and certain
topics and aspects of the hostage situation. For example, visuals— usually
file film—of crowds chanting anti-American slogans were routinely used
when a reporter in London would conclude a summary of the day’s
nondevelopments.
Moving reflexively between data collection, analysis and reconceptualization
increased my understanding of the relevance of TV news formats,
sources, and thematic emphasis. While hostage families had been a part of
the story from the beginning, they became relatively more prominent over
time. A key factor in the visual focus on families was their portrayal of
grief, anguish, frustration and anger. Hostage families were often willing
to be interviewed on camera, and several invited reporters into their homes
for days at a time. Because they were also available for coverage from the
network affiliate stations throughout the United States, they received a
disproportionate amount of the coverage originating from U.S.A./Other
(not New York or Washington, D.C.). Moreover, the hostage families also
received a good deal of coverage from Washington/New York because
many of the family members formed a quasi-organization, centered in
Washington, D.C. The articulate spokespersons, who made public
speeches, were adept at reaching the centers of government and the news
media.
This availability, in combination with visual news format, contributed
to the hostages’ families becoming the visual signature for emotion, fear,
and administration inaction. Furthermore, hostages’ families received more
coverage than other facets of the event (e.g., Iranian government) which
clearly were necessary for a broader understanding. Reports about the
hostages would be joined with a report about the hostages’ families,
especially certain family members who became quite familiar to TV audiences.
Because the hostages’ families were seen routinely on the evefling
newscasts and ABC’s Nightline, they became the visual link to the
hostage ordeal.
If the hostages’ families were symbolic of the American perspective,
visuals of Iranian crowds chanting anti-American slogans emerged as the
symbol of the adversaries. For example, there were 87 film reports (9.4
percent of total reports) about Iranians, primarily in street demonstrations
and crowd scenes. Iranians in the United States were similarly presented:
31 of 64 reports featured them in crowd activities, including broadcasts of
some of the most brutal confrontations since the Civil Rights movement.
The way this film defined events can be illustrated with a 2:40 report by
CBS reporter Liz Trotta in an interview with an Iranian official who was
complaining about problems in media
74 QUALITATIVE SOCIOLOGY
presentations of cultural differences. While one of the aims of the report
was to depict other aspects of life in Iran, only about :20 of “non-hostage”
daily life was actually presented.
The visual emphasis further compounded an already strange encounter
with adversaries embedded in a different culture, with a different world
view and a different religion. Media personnel were not unaware of this
tendency to heighten dissimilarities. The push to deliver exciting film and
to maintain the “story” on the embassy contributed to a distorted view of
Iran that precluded understanding of the context in which the hostage
situation emerged and persisted. On January 16, 1980, the following
exchange took place between an anchorperson and a reporter in Iran.
Anchor: What is happening there? Do Americans really understand that is happening
there?
Reporter: I think . . . that the impression we convey from the scenes in front of the
embassy, all the fist shakers yelling “Death to Carter, Death to America,” we
conveyed a picture of a nation in the grip of madness, and yet just a few blocks
away from the embassy gates people are going about their lives in a normal fashion.
Mothers are taking their babies to the park. Businesses are opened. Tehran is pretty
much working as normal. (1/16/80; NBC Special Report: “Crisis in Iran: 1 Year
After the Shah, Day 75”).
The excerpt suggests that reflexive appraisal of documents such as TV
newscasts are done by newscasters themselves. The aim of ECA is to place
documents in context just as members do, in order to theoretically relate
products to their organizational production.
Conclusion
A rationale for an ethnographic and reflexive approach to documents is
similar to the rationale of ethnographic research in general. Sampling
procedures are informed by theory while constant comparison and discovery
are used to delineate specific categories as well as narrative
description. Situations, settings, styles, images, meanings and nuances are
key topics in the analysis of news documents. I have found that structured
data collection based on a protocol combined with ethnographic field notes
supports a theoretically informed account of media content.
Structured protocols used alone hide critical questions and issues
which may become apparent only later. If ethnographic materials are
included, it is usually possible to return to the data when other questions
ERRATA
Table 2 of David Altheide’s article in this issue was inadvertently
omitted at the time of printing. This table, show below, should
have appeared on page 75.
TABLE 2
Time Statement Speaker Film
:15 There are about 150 foreign newsmen Liz Journalists and
in Iran now. They come from all over the Trotta cameras
world to cover this major story, and are
permitted to work after they are accredit
ed by the ministry of national guidance.
For the moat part, journalists here have
been accorded the freedom of movement Ghotbzadeh and
they enjoy in Western countries. But now journalists
:18 that freedom is threatened by an an- walking
nouncement from the government that
Western journalists may be expelled from
Iran in the near future.
Our revolution has created a vast cultural Sadegh Sadegh sitting
gap. From what West understands life behind desk
:18 should be, and we’re trying to close this
gap and this is where the media can help
a great deal...
Indeed, there is a culture gap. The very Trotta
nature and ritual of Islam is an intel- film of crowds,
lectual confrontation for the West. self-flaggelation,
And the new religious militancy in- praying in mass
:12 spired by the revolution has only heightened
the challenge.
As with most stories, ~there are negative Trotta crowd, chanting
aspects in the telling of the Iran story: and waving
bloody challenges to the Khomeini knives, weapons
government in __________________
Provence; the mistrust and defiance people running
of the new regime in _~__._ Province; man holding a gun
:22 a serious threat to Ayatollah Khomeini. close-up of man
From a official point of view, the peering through
Western press focuses too closely on wrap around
these apects. face; man on roof
with a gun; crowd
When I have an American reporter from Sadegh
one of the major television stations coming behind his desk
from Rome, and he says, my God, I thought
the whole country was falling apart.
I was even afraid of how lam going to get
:26 from the airport to the hotel, and then I
came and I saw everything cairn and quiet.
I was surprised. That reflects the kind of
negative reporting, or reporting out of con.
text . . . In the midst of these political Trotta vendor; autos;
and religious clashes, there is a normalcy woman making
in the city of Tehran. The legendary traffic purchase from
jams are still a game of nerve and skill; street vendor;
the businessman and housewives main- beets cooking;
thin the daily life; street vendors cook people walking;
:20 their hot red beets in the markets. crowd; burning
But against this background one must weigh flag; chanting
the headlines: Afghans attack the Soviet crowd
embassy in Tehran; Armenians attack chains on embassy
the Turkish embassy in Tehran; Afghans gate; camera
attack the Afghanistan embassy in Tehran; pointed at
:21 And above all, Americans still captive in the embassy
US embassy. Liz Trotta, CBS News, Tehran.
_________________________________________________________________________________
76 QUALITATIVE SOCIOLOGY
and inquiries arise. For this reason, I have been able to use “old” data sets
to answer new questions.
My recent attempts to integrate findings from studies of the mass media
(especially TV news) with the nature of media in general in social life. I
have examined non-mass media institutions, settings and practices to
develop a conceptual about the effect of mass media on a wide range of
activities. These concepts clarify the influence of temporal and
spatial features of what appear,, at first glance, to be nonmediated occasions.
This approach yielded “format” as a common concept in studies of
mass media and other types of mediation.
I have looked for instances of mediation in situations which may not be
associated conventionally with media principles and theory. In recent
years this has led me into settings and issues involving social definitions
and applications of “justice.” The settings I have examined include TV
coverage of courtroom activity, the use of “keyboards” and other
terminals by police officers and other criminal justice agents
(Altheide, 1985c), and TV viewers’ requests for assistance from an
action line “troubleshooter.” In brief, ethnography offers a perspective
for analysis of human action in the field and in documents; the key is to
reconceptualize the latter as the former and vice versa.
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