THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
Part Two is based on an important assumption, one that has influenced the
design of the remainder ofthis book: the best way to learn to do ethnography
is by doing it. Each step contains the following elements:
Objectives: A brief statement of the learning goals at each particular stage in
the ethnographic process.
Concepts: A discussion of the basic concepts necessary to achieving the
learning goals at each particular stage.
Tasks: A specific set of tasks, which when completed enable one to achieve
the objectives.
It is no accident that the title of each step is an activity-"Locating a Social
Situation," "Doing Participant Observation," "Making an Ethnographic
Record," and so on. These activities, steps in the larger Developmental
Research Process, lead to an original ethnographic description.
I cannot emphasize too strongly that each successive step depends on
reading the preceding step and doing the tasks identified in that step. If you
read the remainder of this book in the same way as the first part, it will tend
to result in a distorted understanding of participant observation. In short,
each step in Part Two is designed to be done as well as read.
Finally, I want to remind the reader that Part Two focuses exclusively on
doing participant observation. This focus will enable the reader to acquire a
higher degree of mastery than is possible when using multiple research
techniques. Depending on available time and background, one can easily
combine the tasks that follow with ethnographic interviewing and observing
in more than one social situation.
It is well to keep in mind from the beginning of a research project that the
end result will be a written cultural description, an ethnography. An ethnographer
may describe only a small segment of the culture in a brief article or
paper for a course in ethnographic research. On the other hand, the ethnographer
may end up writing a book or several books to describe the culture.
In Step Twelve, I discuss some strategies for writing an ethnography. One
of the most important ones is to begin writing early. If the ethnographer
waits until after all the data are collected to begin writing, it will be too late to
follow the leads that writing creates. Another reason to begin writing early is
to simplify the task. Most people contemplate the task of writing a thirtypage
report as formidable; writing ten three-page reports seems much less
difficult.
In order to facilitate the writing task and make it part of the research
process, I have made a list of brief topics, listed separately in Appendix Bat
the end of the book, that an ethnographer can write about while conducting
research. Each writing task is designed to fit in with the particular stage of
research. I envision a few pages written in rough draft form. Then, when you
sit down to write the final ethnography, the task will be simplified as you
revise these brief papers. It may be useful to read Step Twelve and review
the writing tasks in Appendix B before starting the D.R.S. steps.
38
OBJECTIVES
1. To understand the role of social situations in beginning participant
observation.
2. To identify the criteria for selecting the best social situation for
participant observation.
3. To locate several possible social situations for doing ethnographic
research.
Ethnographers have done participant observation in such a
variety of settings that there appears to be little in common
among research sites. From a remote tribal village in India
(McCurdy 1971) to an Eskimo hunting group in northern
Alaska (Nelson 1969), from a self-service restaurant in
Helsinki, Finland (Kruse 1975), to a bus in Tulsa, Oklahoma
(Nash 1975), ethnographers have conducted participant
observation. Their search for the cultures people use to
order their lives has taken them to fishing boats and city
zoos, tribal hunting bands and high-rise apartment complexes,
airport waiting rooms and large mental hospitals,
nomadic tribes of the Sahara Desert and street corners in
Washington D.C.
This enormous diversity of research sites can obscure an
important common feature in all settings. Wherever the
ethnographer may go and whatever the size ofthe social unit
(a street corner, a village, a town, a city), all participant
observation takes place in social situations. The first step in
doing ethnography by means of participant observation is to
locate a social situation. By understanding this concept and
its role in the research project, you can easily find interesting
and workable places for conducting your research. In
this step we will examine the nature of social situations and
several important criteria for making the best initial selec-
tion.
SOCIAL SITUATIONS
Every social situation can be identified by three primary
elements: a place, actors, and activities. In doing participant
observation you will locate yourself in some place; you
will watch actors of one sort or another and become involved
with them; you will observe and participate in acr-
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39
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
tivities. These primary elements do not exhaust the social and cultural
meaning of social situations, but they do serve as a springboard into understanding
them. Most important, by focusing on a single social situation you
will greatly simplify the task of beginning your ethnographic research. It will
help to think of social situations in terms of the following figure:
Place
Place
Any physical setting can become the basis for a social situation as long as
it has people present and engaged in activities. A street where people cross,
a bank window where people line up and transact business, an ocean pier
where people loiter and fish, a bus door through which people enter and exit
the bus, and a grocery-store check-out counter where groceries are rung up,
paid for, and bagged are all social situations. Each ofthese places offers rich
opportunities for participant observation.
The ethnographer begins with a single, identifiable place for participant
observation. However, it is often useful to think of a social situation as a
kind ofplace. For example, one beginning ethnographer began observing on
a specific bus that ran along Grand Avenue in St. Paul, Minnesota. However,
it soon became clear that she could not do all her research on that
specific bus, so she treated all the" Grand Avenue busses" as a single kind
of place. She could have enlarged this category to "city busses" and treated
them all as a kind of place, a social situation with various actors and
activities. When Nelson (1969:228-45) studied Eskimo hunting, he treated
many different locations for hunting seals as a single kind of place: breathing
holes. He did not do all his observing at a single breathing hole since this
would have greatly limited his discoveries. As he observed at a variety of
breathing holes, he saw Eskimo hunters engaged in a complex set of activities.
Another distinct kind of place, "the ice edge," is the basis for
another kind of seal hunting and another distinct social situation. In your
research you may observe at a single, specific location or at a single,
identifiable kind of place with several locations; in either case you will be
doing participant observation in a physical place, which is a primary element
of any social situation.
40
LOCATING A SOCIAL SITUATION
Actors
Every social situation includes people who are considered particular kinds
of actors. A businessman, a widow, and a child line up at a supermarket
check-out counter. All become customers (a kind of actor) for the brief
period of time they are in this social situation. At a busy intersection people
become street crossers; on a bus they become bus riders and a bus driver; at
seal holes and at the edge of the sea ice they become hunters. In Brady's
Bar, where my colleague and I did ethnographic research, the people became
one or another kind of customer, employee, or manager (Spradley and
Mann 1975). As you search for a social situation for doing participant
observation, you will need to keep in mind this second basic element, the
kinds of actors people become.
When we first enter a social situation it is often difficult to know what kind
of actors are present. All the investigator sees are people; with repeated
observations one begins to notice the differences in clothing, behavior,
demeanor, terms of identity, and other features that people use to identify
the various actors in the situation. For example, when Northrop (1978)
began observing people running on an indoor track, they all appeared to be
"people who were running." Later, several distinct types ofactors emerged,
including newcomers, visitors, regulars, track team members, and longdistance
runners. In selecting a social situation it isn't necessary to distinguish
various types ofactors; one only needs to know that people are present
who are actors because they are engaging in some kind of activity, even if it
is merely loitering.
Activities
The third primary element in every social situation is the activities that
take place. At first, the ethnographer may see only a stream of behavior,
hundreds of acts that all seem distinct. With repeated observations individual
acts begin to fall into recognizable patterns of activity like hunting,
sprinting, ordering drinks, selecting a seat on the bus, and bagging groceries
at the supermarket check-out counter.
Sometimes sets of activities are linked together into larger patterns called
events. Taking inventory in a supermarket, holding a track meet at a college,
taking a hunting trip, holding a revival meeting in a church, and graduating
from high school are all events made up of many different activities. Actually,
the line between an activity and an event is often difficult to clearlY.
identify. When the ethnographer begins research it may be impossible to
know whether different activities constitute an event. Events often occur in
many different social situations: a wedding, for example, may involve the
rehearsal, the wedding breakfast, the marriage ceremony, the reception,
and the chase. As the actors involved in a wedding move from place to place
41
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
and do many different things, an ethnographer from another culture would
not know these activities were all linked together into a larger event called a
"wedding." It is best to begin participant observation by observing and
recording activities (the smaller units of behavior) in a social situation; as
work proceeds, the structure of events will become clear.
Related Social Situations
It is usually best to begin ethnography by locating a single social situation.
However, you may decide to begin with several closely related social situations.
Or, once your research is under way, you may want to expand it to
include several. In either case it is useful to identify three main ways social
situations can be related.
1. Clusters of Social Situations. Even the simplest social situation which
you thought involved a single location may turn out to include a cluster of
social situations. Let's say you decide to become a participant observer at a
nearby playground that covers half a city block. You can observe all the
actors and activities from a single observation post. On a brief visit it
appears to be a social situation: you observe a group of children playing on
the swings.and climbing bars; their parents are helping them or sitting on a
bench beside the play area. But on subsequent visits and with more observations
you discover that you are really studying a cluster of closely related
social situations that include (1) the swings, (2) the bench where parents sit,
(3) the sidewalk that bisects the park and is used for walking and skating, and
(4) the embankment at the far end where teenagers congregate to talk and
smoke. A cluster of social situations, as in this example, is linked by
physical proximity (see Figure 7). The four situations at the playground
can all be observed from a single place; they are connected in space. At
Brady's Bar, although it was a small establishment, we discovered a cluster
of social situations including the main bar, the waitress stations, the tables,
and the telephone (Spradley and Mann 1975).
Sometimes the places included in a cluster of social situations may appear
quite arbitrary. For example, in observing at the playground you may also be
able to see automobiles and bicycles on the street, a man mowing his lawn at
a distant house, and two telephone linemen repairing wires about fifty yards
south of the playground. Should all of these actors and activities be included
in a related cluster of social situations? Eventually you will want to try and
decide on the basis of what the people in the playground think are related.
For purposes of research, and especially for getting started in participant
observation, it is not necessary to solve this problem. You can select a single
social situation, expand your observations to take in a few that appear
related, and leave others until later or simply exclude them from your
research if they prove to be unimportant to the people you are studying.
42
/
/
/
Place:
Playground
FIGURE 7. A Cluster of Social Situations
LOCATING A SOCIAL SITUATION
/
/
/
2. A Network of Social Situations. In addition to social situations linked
together by physical proximity, others are connected because the same
people are actors in different situations. In complex societies people move
about from place to place, interacting with a wide range of other people. A
student may participate in the following social situations in the course of a
single morning: family breakfast, bus stop, chemistry laboratory, library
study hall, and restaurant. Although these constitute a network of social
situations for this particular student, the great variety of people make it
difficult to do participant observation at all these places.
As ethnographers, we are interested in those networks of social situations
where the same group ofpeople share in the activities. Consider the following
example. David Gordon set out to study a religious movement in
Chicago called the "Jesus People" (1974). For a period of eight months he
43
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
engaged in participant observation to discover the patterns of culture common
to this group. He observed in one social situation they called "Bible
studies," but the Jesus People were involved in a network of social situations,
all of which eventually became sites for Gordon's research. These
included Bible studies, revival meetings, street witnessing, marches, speaking
engagements in churches and schools, and appearances on radio and
television talk shows. This was not merely a single person moving through
different situations, but an organized group of people who shared a network
of social situations. We can represent a set of linked social situations that
form a network by the diagram in Figure 8.
3. Social Situations with Similar Activities. Social situations can become
linked for the investigator in a third way: through the similarity in activities.
Actors:
The Jesus People
FIGURE 8. A Network of Social Situations
44
LOCATING A SOCIAL SITUATION
As your research progresses, you may want to expand it by identifying a
single kind of activity (for example, swimming, waiting in line, buying used
cars), then finding other places to observe similar activities. For instance, if
you studied swimming, you could conduct observations in backyard swimming
pools, rivers, lakes, and public pools, all the time focusing on this one
kind of activity.
We can contrast activities in a single social situation with an activity in
several social situations by looking briefly at two studies that focused on
cultural rules for standing in line. Ferry (1978) selected a single social
situation, the credit department of a large department store. He stationed
himselfat a convenient place where several lines would develop, with people
seeking to cash checks or take care of other credit matters. Mann (1973), on
the other hand, studied the same phenomenon but in many different places.
He observed lines at theaters, football games, and other places where tickets
were scarce. He also drew information from newspaper reports about long
lines of people waiting for scarce tickets. Although the places and actors
varied, his research focused on similar activities (see Figure 9).
To summarize: all social situations involve the three primary elements of
place, actors, and activities. By keeping this in mind, the beginning ethnographer
can easily locate one or more social situations for research. From the
start you will probably see how your single social situation is linked to
others. In time you may decide to include other social situations in your
research project. Some will be related by physical proximity, forming a
cluster of social situations. Others will be related by the same group of
people who move from one place to another; then you may want to study a
network of social situations. Finally, you may decide to focus on a single
activity in a social situation and then extend your research by finding other
places where similar activities occur.
SELECTION CRITERIA
Participant observation can serve many different purposes. Each investigator
will have different reasons for selecting a particular setting for research.
Wolcott (1967), for example, selected a Kwakiutl village and its
school because of his interest in cross-cultural education. Walum (1974)
selected a number of doors on a college campus where men and women
entered buildings; she wanted to examine male and female interaction. The
following criteria are designed with the beginning ethnographer in mind. If
you follow these guidelines for selecting a research project, you will increase
your chances for a successful study and also for learning the skills required
for doing participant observation.
45
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
Activity:
Waiting in line
FIGURE 9. Social Situations and Similar Activities
Simplicity
I have already identified this criterion by suggesting that you select a
single social situation. All participant observation is done in settings that fall
somewhere along a continuum from the simplest social situation to the most
complex clusters and networks of social situations. Consider the two projects
identified in the previous paragraph: a Kwakiutl village and a set of
doors on a college campus. Blackfish Village in British Columbia, where
Wolcott did his participant observation, had a population of 125 children and
adults, which represented only about thirteen families. However, his research
took him to hundreds of different social situations-in the school,
along village paths in the woods, in homes, on boats, along the waterfront,
and in many other places. It took more than a year of intensive research to
46
LOCATING A SOCIAL SITUATION
discover the culture of this tiny but complex native American village.
Walum, on the other hand, studied a single type of social situation: doors
through which people passed. Her study is no less sophisticated but only
more limited in scope. Each study involved participant observation, but
Wolcott's in a Kwakiutl village required a great deal more time, more
involvement, and the use of many different strategies for collecting data.
The great advantage to the beginner of doing participant observation in
simple settings is that one can learn to do ethnography in the course of
actually doing original research. As you consider social situations that lie
along the continuum from simple to complex, select one that lies closer to
the simple end of the continuum. Later, with more experience, you will find
it easier to navigate in more complex social settings.
Accessibility
Social situations offer varying degrees of accessibility. You can enter
some settings easily, participate freely in the activities, and record your
observations. Others offer easy access the first time and then become
difficult or impossible to enter again. Consider several different social situations
in a bank.
You could do participant observation at the entrance to a bank, at the lines
in front of the tellers' windows, inside the employee restrooms, or inside the
bank vault. Research at all these places would be interesting and useful in
understanding the bank culture. However, there are striking differences in
the degree of access to these social situations. The bank entrance offers the
greatest accessibility for participant observation. If you studied the lines
inside, you could easily enter, wait in line, cash a check, then leave. But
repeated observations and participation would be more difficult. If you
waited in line several times each day, sooner or later someone might become
suspicious. Either at the entrance or in the lines you would probably want to
inform the bank officials of your study and gain their permission. If you
decided to observe in the employee restroom, even with permission your
access would greatly decrease. And the bank vault could prove to be
completely inaccessible. It would offer a unique challenge for research, but
even with permission, much of your time would involve waiting to get into
the vault and your activities would arouse considerable suspicion among the
vault's users.
Consider some other social situations with varied degrees of access.
Family dinners are less accessible than street corners. Corporation board
meetings are less accessible than local playgrounds. Hospital operating
rooms are less accessible than school lunchrooms. City jails are less accessible
than city council meetings. All these settings offer significant opportunities
for doing ethnography, but those that are less accessible present the
beginning ethnographer with unnecessary complications for learning to do
47
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
research. If you select an operating room rather than a school lunchroom,
for example, you will probably spend weeks learning valuable lessons about
gaining access. However, you may have little chance to practice observing,
recording, analyzing, and writing up your ethnographic data. As you consider
your own interests and the remaining criteria, keep in mind that the
greater the accessibility of a social situation, the better your opportunities
for learning to do ethnography. Later, after having gained experience, you
can undertake more challenging situations.
Unobtrusiveness
When anthropologists study in small, non-Western communities, they
stand out like a giant sunflower in a field of daisies. Colin Turnbull, for
example, a white anthropologist who towers well over six feet could not
downplay his presence among Mrican pygmies. He could not blend unnoticed
into the crowd or participate in activities. One reason anthropological
fieldwork requires many months of fulltime involvement is that the
ethnographer must deal with all the responses to his or her presence. In
doing participant observation for a short period, and with the goal oflearning
fieldwork skills, a low profile has distinct advantages.
Some settings offer much better possibilities for remaining unobtrusive
than others. Public places like busses, restaurants, busy sidewalks, shopping
malls, football games, airports, and libraries help to reduce the ethnographer's
visibility. Hagstrom (1978) studied the process of becoming a regular
at a small neighborhood restaurant. She remained unobtrusive by assuming
the role of customer. She would enter the restaurant several mornings
each week and sit in an out-of-the-way booth, where, almost unnoticed, she
could drink coffee and write fieldnotes for more than an hour. Estenson
(1978), on the other hand, could not remain so obscure in her study of
picketers at an abortion clinic. At first she tried to observe from across a
wide, busy street but could not see the details of behavior. When she moved
closer, the picketers noticed her watching them and wondered whether she
was "one of them." Finally, to reduce her visibility, she moved inside the
clinic itself and made her observations through a large window. Although
she was able to conduct the research in an effective manner, many of the
difficulties arose from her high visibility.
Participant observation almost always means some degree of unobtrusiveness.
You may even seek the challenge that comes with a social situation
where you will be highly visible. Rather than seeking to eliminate all obtrusiveness
and concealing your presence completely, it is probably best to
weigh carefully the extent to which a social situation will call attention to
your activities. As a beginning ethnographer, you will increase the chances
for successful research by selecting a setting that does not call direct attention
to your activities.
48
LOCATING A SOCIAL SITUATION
Permissibleness
In every society some social situations cannot be studied without permission
from someone. Deciding whether to seek permission, locating the
persons who can grant permission, explaining the nature of your research,
and finally gaining permission can become time-consuming activities. If the
beginning ethnographer can circumvent some of these difficulties, it will
facilitate both the research process and the learning of participant observation
skills. We can consider three types of social situations from the
perspective of acquiring permission for research.
Infree-entry social situations, the ethnographer can do research without
seeking permission. Edgerton (1978), for example, did ethnographic research
on a large ocean beach in Southern California. Thousands of people
congregated on this beach each day during the summer and he simply
became an anonymous participant and observed what happened. Although
he obtained permission for individual interviews, much of his data was
gathered by participant observation. He observed, for example, the way
people claimed a small territory for personal use, spread out their beach
towels, and protected their belongings. It would have been virtually impossible
to gain permission from all the people he watched. Nash (1975) did not
need permission to ride the city bus in Tulsa, Oklahoma. Furthermore, it
would have been impossible and unnecessary to ask all riders for permission
to make observations. Many, if not all, public places offer free entry. In
selecting a social situation for learning to do participant observation, those
that offer free entry will help pave the way to a successful research project.
Limited-entry social situations require permission from one or more persons
before conducting research. Private offices, barber shops, an alcoholism
treatment center, hospital emergency room, and a private home
represent limited-entry situations. Even public places like a school will
usually require the permission of at least the principal and the teacher in
whose classroom you make observations. In some schools you may even
need to get the permission of each child's parents. Limited-entry social
situations can become excellent places to do your first field study, provided
the permission-gaining process goes smoothly. Verin (1978), for example,
studied a classroom where deaf children were "mainstreamed" with hearing
children. She approached the school principal and a teacher in one class;
permission came easily and quickly. During her research she had the support
and interest of the teacher; she sat in the back of the room and recorded
what took place. Rather than eliminating limited-entry social situations from
your list of possibilities, try to estimate the time and work involved in
gaining permission. A phone call to the right person can help you decide
whether you can gain permission easily or whether it will involve numerous
delays. Seeking permission, if it doesn't become complicated and time
consuming, can enrich the fieldwork learning experience.
49
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
Restricted-entry social situations, the third type, have a high probability
that permission will be extremely difficult or impossible to acquire. Groups
engaged in criminal activities, street gangs, secret societies, and closed
meetings in churches or corporations all have restrictions that make participant
observation difficult. If you had many months to gain the trust and
confidence of members, you still might study any of these groups. Soloway
and Walters (1977), for example, studied active heroin addicts, and Keiser
(1969) did participant observation among the Vice Lords, a street gang.
However, the difficulties in such situations mean that gaining permission can
take weeks and even months of patient work. Once you have made a list of
interesting social situations to study, it is best for the beginning fieldworker
to cross off those that will present restricted entry problems.
Frequently Recurring Activities
In order to discover the cultural rules for behavior, you will need to
observe a large sample of similar activities repeated over and over. If you
select an isolated suburban intersection in order to study the cultural rules
for crossing streets, you will observe far fewer instances of this activity than
at a busy intersection downtown. An important criterion, then, for selecting
a social situation is the frequency of recurrent activities. Ehrman (1978)
studied waiting behavior at a busy airport and easily found hundreds of
people waiting for an airplane departure. Had she decided instead to study
sleeping behavior in public, an activity that did occur in the airport, the
relative infrequency of sleeping would have limited her research. The goal is
to select a social situation in which some activities frequently recur.
The frequency with which the same activities are repeated depends, in
part, on the time selected for observation. Ifyou go to a local supermarket to
observe the check-out counters at 9:15 each morning, you may discover little
activity. However, if you go during the peak rush period between five and
six each evening, you will see the same activities repeated again and again.
Beginning ethnographers often make the mistake of searching for social
situations with a great variety of activities. Unless some are recurrent and
acted out repeatedly, the situation will not serve your research purposes
adequately. Because it is often difficult to anticipate the activities you will
observe in a social situation, you may have to apply this criterion after your
research is under way. You cannot observe everything; in deciding what to
focus on, try to select those activities that recur with a relatively high
frequency. Tolzmann (1978) studied an urban arcade located between a
number of stores in a large city. At first she wanted to observe the dangers
people encountered in this impersonal, public place. However, it soon
became evident .that she could not actually observe many instances of
dangerous threats; they simply did not occur often enough. So she shifted her
focus to those activities intended to maximize safety and reduce intrusion of
50
LOCATING A SOCIAL SITUATION
personal space. Immediately she found numerous instances of such activities.
The steps in the D.R.S. Method, as I have emphasized earlier, have
a dual goal: to learn to do ethnography while at the same time actually
conducting original research. You will achieve this dual purpose more readily
if you carefully select a social situation in which activities are frequently
repeated.
Participation
Ethnographers do not merely make observations, they also participate.
Participation allows you to experience activities directly, to get the feel of
what events are like, and to record your own perceptions. At the same time,
the ethnographer can hardly ever become a complete participant in a social
situation. In Step Two we will examine different degrees and forms of
participation; at this point in selecting a social situation, you should look for
ones that offer the best opportunities for participation.
Consider the possibilities for participation in two contrasting social situations.
First, if you studied the tacit rules for behavior in a library you could
easily participate by looking for books, sitting at tables, checking out books,
and returning books. This personal involvement would enable you to test
observations about what other people did in the library and to explore the
culture more fully than you could do by observation alone. On the other
hand, if you studied the behavior ofa surgical team in an operating room ofa
hospital, you would undoubtedly have to remain a spectator. Although you
could gather important data, even as a spectator you would not know the
feelings and perceptions of a participant. Ethnographers frequently encounter
situations that hold little opportunity for participation; they must
then depend on observation alone and ethnographic interviews (see Spradley
1979). For example, in tribal societies the ethnographer probably won't get
married, give birth to children, or go through a puberty rite, but will observe
such events. In these cases, collecting data always depends on extensive
ethnographic interviews.
As you consider possible social situations for research, try to imagine how
you would participate. In the Seattle criminal court where I studied arraignment
and sentencing of skid row men, I participated as a spectator, an
accepted role in that court. In our research on cocktail waitresses, Mann
(1976) became a full participant, taking employment as a cocktail waitress at
Brady's Bar. Maisel (1974) studied a flea market where people bought and
sold used goods. He participated by buying, browsing, and selling. Hayano
(1978) studied the culture of a large urban poker parlor; he became a
participant by playing poker. Singwi (1976) studied the cultural rules in a
small restaurant through the role of waitress, while Hagstrom (1978) did a
similar study but participated in the role of customer. The best social
situations for learning to do ethnography offer ample opportunity to partici-
51
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
pate in a natural way, and also allow you on occasion to act as an observer
only, taking notes and watching others' activities. Kruft found this balance
in studying a blood bank (1978). As a participant she went frequently to give
plasma, to find out what one experiences as a blood donor. On most occasions
it was necessary for her to wait her turn to give blood, during which
time she was able to observe and take fieldnotes.
I have identified five criteria to be used in selecting a social situation for
doing participant observation: (1) simplicity, (2) accessibility, (3) unobtrusiveness,
(4) permissibleness, and (5) frequently recurring activities. Although
these criteria cannot all be met to the highest degree in a single social
situation, they are offered here as guidelines for making an initial choice.
You will want to balance them against personal interest, time constraints,
and theoretical concerns. As your skills at doing participant observation
improve, some of the criteria will become less important. But the beginning
ethnographer will acquire ethnographic skills more easily iffieldwork is done
in a social situation selected on the basis of the five criteria.
Tasks
1.1 Make a list of at least fifty social situations In which one could engage In
participant observation.
1.2 Identify the five or six best situations In terms of your own Interests and
the five selection criteria discussed.
52
OBJECTIVES
1. To become familiar with the role of participant observer.
2. To understand the different types of participation possible in
ethnographic research.
3. To undertake a practice field observation.
Doing participant observation has many things in common
with what everyone does in newly encountered social situations.
I recall the day I was inducted into the United States
Army. I reported to the induction center feeling like a
stranger among all the other draftees and military personnel.
As I took the oath of allegiance, underwent a physical
exam, listened to orientation lectures, and left for Fort Ord,
California, I frequently felt at a loss as to how to conduct
myself. Because I could not participate with the ease of
someone who had done prior service, I adapted by watching
carefully what other people said and did. During the early
weeks of basic training I continued to act much like a
participant observer, trying to learn how to behave as a
private in the Army. When walking about Fort Ord, I would
watch other people to see if they saluted passing cars or
people who looked like officers. Taking my cue from them, I
would imitate their actions. Slowly I learned the culture of
Army life, felt less like a stranger, and became an ordinary
participant who gave little thought to the social situations I
encountered.
If you select an unfamiliar social situation you can build
on this common experience. Because you feel like a stranger,
because you don't know the tacit rules for behavior, you
will fall naturally into the role of participant observer. In
this step we want to examine the differences between the
ordinary participant in a social situation and the role you
will assume for research purposes, the participant observer.
ORDINARY PARTICIPANT VERSUS PARTICIPANT
OBSERVER
All human beings act as ordinary participants in many
social situations. Once we learn the cultural rules, they become
tacit and we hardly think about what we are doing.
Consider, for instance, the ordinary participant who has
crossed busy intersections thousands of times. This per-
53
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
son approaches the street without thinking about the cultural rules for
crossing. Watching the traffic, slowing to step off the curb, staying within the
white lines, and weaving skillfully among the crowd of people coming from
the other side, the ordinary participant's thoughts may be a million miles
away. A participant observer, on the other hand, studying this common
social situation, would seem, to all outward appearances, like an ordinary
participant. The unseen differences would mostly remain hidden inside the
investigator's head. Let us consider six major differences between the ordinary
participant and the participant observer, differences you will need to
become aware of each time you visit the setting of your research.
Dual Purpose
The participant observer comes to a social situation with two purposes: (1)
to engage in activities appropriate to the situation and (2) to observe the
activities, people, and physical aspects of the situation. The ordinary participant
comes to that same situation with only one purpose: to engage in the
appropriate activities. In the process of carrying out these actions, this
person does not normally want to watch and record everything else that
occurs, describe all the actors present, or make note of the physical setting.
Let's consider a common social situation, that of purchasing a soft drink
from a vending machine. At Macalester College, "Coke machines," as they
are called, stand at convenient places in many of the buildings on campus. I
have frequently stopped to purchase a soft drink; one can see other faculty,
students, and staff buying from these machines most any day. As an ordinary
participant, I approach a Coke machine with a single purpose: to
purchase a soft drink. Like most people, I am not interested in what steps I
go through to operate the machine. I know them so well I act without
thinking, putting my money in the slot, pushing the proper button, and taking
a can of Coke or Seven-Up from the dispenser tray. If I have to wait for
someone else to finish using the machine, I don't watch what they are doing
in order to understand more fully their actions. I know what they are doing; I
may look at the way they have dressed, or try to remember their name if I
have heard it before. I act with the limited goals of an ordinary participant in
this social situation.
The participant observer does not take this single-minded approach. Monsey
(1978) undertook an ethnographic study of the way people interact with
machines, especially vending machines. As a participant observer she made
frequent purchases from Coke machines. To all outward appearances, she
did what others did, but she approached each vending machine with an
additional purpose: to watch her own actions, the behavior of others, and
everything she could see in this social situation. When she had to wait her
turn, she focused on how people interacted with the machine, the steps they
went through to make their purchases, their reactions when the machines did
54
DOING PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION
not make proper change. Like all participant observers she operated with
two purposes in mind at the same time.
Explicit Awareness
The complexity of social life requires that the ordinary participant exclude
much from conscious awareness. If you go into a bank and find yourself
waiting in line, you will ignore most of what goes on around you. You will
not watch how far apart each person in line stands from the others, though
you may notice the person behind you who stands too close. You will not try
to pay attention to how quickly each person moves, how they stand, how
they handle their belongings, the color of the carpet, the paths taken to leave
the bank, or the hundreds of other things going on around you. To be sure,
you might notice what the person in front of you says to the teller or when
one line moves more quickly than the others, but most of what goes on
around you will remain outside your awareness.
If human beings actively tried to remember and catalog all the activities,
all the objects, all the information they could perceive, and ifthey did this all
the time, they would experience what some scholars have called overload.
Overload "refers to a system's inability to process inputs from the environment
because there are too many inputs for the system to cope with"
(Milgram 1970: 1461). We all adapt to the potential threat of overload by
paying less attention to information we do not need or want. This blocking
occurs so frequently and so continuously that we could hardly survive
without it.
We have all had experiences like the following that make us aware of how
much we block out in the ordinary course of activities. John walks down the
hallway on his way to class. He stops and purchases a Coke from the
machine, continues to the end of the hallway, and enters the classroom. A
friend sees him with the Coke and infers that John probably purchased it
from the Coke machine down the hall. "Is that machine still out of Tab?"
the friend asks. "I didn't notice," says John. Someone nearby says, "Did
you notice if the print shop was open across the hall?" Again, John pleads
ignorance. He probably "saw" the sign indicating the machine was still out
of Tab as well as the print-shop door which stood wide open. But, like most
of us would have done, he excluded them from explicit awareness.
The participant observer, in contrast, seeks to become explicitly aware of
things usually blocked out to avoid overload. Increasing your awareness
does not come easily, for you must overcome years ofselective inattention,
tuning out, not seeing, and not hearing. Monsey (1978), in her research on
vending machines and their customers, had to force herself to pay attention
to information she normally excluded. How did people open their soft
drinks? What kind of noises did the machine make? How many people were
in the hallway? How did people respond to notes taped to the machine? How
55
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
did they respond to lights that indicated ''sold out,'' to the presence of other
people waiting for them to finish making a purchase, and to the many other
details of activity at the Coke machine itself? Participant observation requires
the ethnographer to increase his or her awareness, to raise the level of
attention, to tune in things usually tuned out.
Wide-Angle Lens
All human beings use their perceptual skills to gather information about
social situations. We are all observers, even when acting as ordinary participants.
But what we watch and listen for remains limited to our immediate
purpose of accomplishing some activity. Not only does the participant
observer have a heightened sense of awareness, but he or she must also
approach social life with a wide-angle lens, taking in a much broader spectrum
of information.
Let's go back to the Coke machine in the hallway. Every person who uses
a Coke machine must make some observations. You have to find out if it will
take nickels or dimes or quarters; you need to find the slot in which to insert
coins. You will have to look the machine over to discover where it dispenses
its contents. You will have to listen to hear when the cans or bottles drop out
of the machine. You will need to see if someone else is at the machine,
requiring you to wait your turn. Observations such as these are part of all
human activities.
As a participant observer studying the tacit cultural rules for using and
interacting with vending machines, you would make much broader observations.
Monsey (1978) observed all the people in the hallway. Watching those
who approached the vending machines, she observed how they approached
them and how they left them. She wrote down seeming trivia about all the
sounds the machines made which communicated information to users who
took those sounds for granted. She wrote down what people said to the
machines, and watched them hitting and kicking them when the machines
didn't deliver. She tried to describe the atmosphere around vending machines.
Many of the things she observed an ordinaryparticipant would have
considered "unnecessary trivia," but, for the participant observer, a wide
observational focus leads to some of the most important data.
The Insider/Outsider Experience
The ordinary participant in a social situation usually experiences it in an
immediate, subjective manner. We see some of what goes on around us; we
experience our own movements; we move through a sequence of activities
as subjects, as the ones engaging in the activities. In short, we are insiders.
Our experience of participating in a social situation takes on meaning and
coherence from the fact that we are inside the situation, part of it.
56
DOING PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION
The participant observer, on the other hand, will experience being both
insider and outsider simultaneously. Consider people playing poker. Ordinary
participants are part of the game. As outsiders, they act as subjects.
Hayano (1978) decided to become a participant observer in poker parlors in
Gardena, California. On an average weekend, six poker parlors draw several
thousand people; Hayano played many thousands of hours of poker,
listened to people talk, and observed their strategies for managing the game.
As in insider he shuffled cards, dealt hands, made bids, bluffed, and both
won and lost hands. As an insider he felt some of the same emotions during
the course of the game that the ordinary participants felt. At the same time
he experienced being an outsider, one who viewed the game and himself as
objects. He had the uncommon experience of being a poker player and
simultaneously observing himself and others behaving as poker players. He
was part of the scene, yet outside the scene.
Although not unique to ethnographers doing research, this experience is
much more common to those who do participant observation. You probably
won't have this simultaneous insider/outsider experience all the time. On
some occasions you may suddenly realize you have been acting as a full
participant, without observing as an outsider. At other times you will probably
be able to find an observation post and become a more detached
observer. Doing ethnographic fieldwork involves alternating between the
insider and outsider experience, and having both simultaneously.
Introspection
Many people look within themselves to assess how they feel about particular
experiences. In routine, ordinary activities, such as crossing the
street or purchasing a Coke from a vending machine, we do not become very
introspective. We usually carry out these activities with a minimum of
reference to our inner states. However, when an unexpected event occurs,
such as an auto accident or failing an exam, we engage in more introspec-
tion.
As a participant observer, you will need to increase your introspectiveness.
In a real sense, you will learn to use yourself as a research instrument.
For example, in our research on Brady's Bar (Spradley and Mann 1975),
Mann spent many evenings working as a cocktail waitress, fully experiencing
the entire range of things that other waitresses experienced. Then, after
work, often during debriefing conversations, she would try to find out what
these experiences felt like, how she did things, what it felt like to work as a
cocktail waitress. This kind of introspection of ordinary activities contrasts
sharply with the ordinary participant who has learned to take the experience
for granted. Introspection may not seem "objective," but it is a tool all of us
use to understand new situations and to gain skill at following cultural rules.
57
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
Introspection will greatly enrich the data an ethnographer gathers through
participant observation.
Record Keeping
Finally, unlike most ordinary participants, the participant observer will
keep a detailed record of both objective observations and subjective feelings.
This record can sometimes be made on the spot; at other times you will
record it later, when you have left the social situation. The ordinary participant
almost never records the details of routine activities like crossing
streets, making phone calls, visiting a museum, going to a flea market,
running in a gymnasium, or eating in a restaurant. In the next step we will
discuss the making of an ethnographic record.
The role of participant observer will vary from one social situation to
another, and each investigator has to allow the way he or she works to
evolve. But as your role develops, you will have to maintain a dual purpose:
you will want to seek to participate and to watch yourself and others at the
same time. Make yourself explicitly aware of things that others take for
granted. It will be important to take mental pictures with a wide-angle lens,
looking beyond your immediate focus of activity. You will experience the
feeling of being both an insider and an outsider simultaneously. As you
participate in routine activities, you will need to engage in introspection to
more fully understand your experiences. And finally, you will need to keep a
record of what you see and experience. These six features of the
participant-observer role distinguish it from what you already know as an
ordinary participant.
TYPES OF PARTICIPATION
Any survey of participant observers would reveal great differences in the
style of their research. One important contrast is the degree of their involvement,
both with people and in the activities they observe. We can
explore this variation by examining five types of participation that range
along a continuum of involvement as shown below.
DEGREE OF INVOLVEMENT TYPE OF PARTICIPATION
High Complete
Active
Moderate
Low Passive
-------(No involvement) Nonparticipation
58
DOING PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION
Nonparticipation
Let's begin at the bottom of the scale with the observer who has no
involvement with the people or activities studied. It is entirely possible to
collect data by observation alone. Sometimes this kind of research may be
undertaken by an extremely shy individual who would like to conduct
ethnographic fieldwork but wants to avoid involvement. Sometimes a particular
social situation does not allow for any participation, but still holds
possibilities for research.
Consider the ethnographic study of television programs. Bean (1976) set
out to study the cultural themes in contemporary soap operas. She viewed
various programs and read The Soap Opera Newsletter. She was able to
identify a number of cultural themes and concluded that "soap operas
contain a coherent expression of the principles on which the American
family is based" (1976:97). Watching television offers manv other opportunities
for the nonparticipant to make observations. For example, a slightly
less "staged" type of program that offers ethnographic possibilities is the
football game. By watching numerous televised games, an ethnographer
could discover not only the explicit rules for the game but also the tacit rules
for wearing uniforms, staging half-time performances, communicating nonverbally,
demonstrating affection for other team members, and even how to
behave as a sports newscaster. Children's cartoons, commercial advertisements,
newscasts, and the entire range of programs offer other opportunities
for ethnographic study without involvement.
Passive Participation
The ethnographer engaged in passive participation is present at the scene
of action but does not participate or interact with other people to any great
extent. About all you need to do is find an "observation post" from which to
observe and record what goes on. If the passive participant occupies any
role in the social situation, it will only be that of "bystander," "spectator,"
or "loiterer."
Participant observation in public places often begins with this kind of
detachment. I spent many hours as a spectator in the Seattle Criminal Court
observing drunks, court clerks, other spectators, and the judge. To begin
with no one knew my identity or what I was doing. Later, I became more
active and interviewed the judge, talked with clerks, and developed close
relationships with many of the men who appeared in court on drunk charges
(Spradley 1970).
One can infer a great deal about the cultural rules people follow from the
vantage point of a passive participant. If you stood outside the window of a
hospital nursery and watched the nurses and infants, you would notice
patterns of cultural behavior-ways to hold infants, how long to allow
crying, and patterns for changing and feeding them. In this setting you might
59
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
be required to remain outside the nursery window, but in many situations
one can soon move from passive participant to more involvement.
Consider another example of passive participation. In her study offormal
ballet classes, Hall (1976) received permission to make observations in six
ballet studios. She had taken lessons herself for sixteen years at an earlier
period of her life but decided to observe for ethnographic purposes. She
visited two advanced classes in each of the studios for three weeks, then
settled on observing three classes at one studio for two months. She did not
enter into the class activities but stayed on the sidelines observing and taking
notes. From her earlier experience as an ordinary participant, she moved on
to observe in this passive manner. Later she interviewed ten members of an
advanced class to supplement her observations.
Moderate Participation
Moving up the scale of involvement we come to the style of research
described earlier in this chapter. Moderate participation occurs when the
ethnographer seeks to maintain a balance between being an insider and an
outsider, between participation and observation. Sanders' study of pinball
players (1973) is a good example of moderate participation. He entered the
scene of a West Coast pool hall as a "loiterer" and "game watcher," two
roles that he observed were acceptable in this setting. From the start he kept
careful fieldnotes, recording them after returning from a field trip. In time he
played the machines, even developing particular preferences as regular
players did, but he never achieved the skill or status of a regular.
Active Participation
The active participant seeks to do what other people are doing, not merely
to gain acceptance, but to more fully learn the cultural rules for behavior.
Active participation begins with observations, but as knowledge of what
others do grows, the ethnographer tries to learn the same behavior. Richard
Nelson sought to be an active participant during his research among the
Eskimo. He writes:
The primary method ofdata collection throughout this study is based on observation,
but observation of a special nature. This is not "participant observation" in the
sense that most anthropologists have used the term. It involves much more than
living in a community and participating in its daily life only to the extent that one is
always there to watch what is going on. This kind of observation without actually
becoming involved as a part of the activity or interaction might be termed passive
participation.
The present study utilizes a technique which I prefer to call "active" or "full"
participation. This means that in order to document techniques of hunting and travel,
60
DOING PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION
the ethnographer attempts to learn and master them himself-to participate in them
to the fullest possible extent.
When full participation is used to document a technique such as a method of
hunting, the ethnographer must learn to do it himself with at least the minimum
proficiency necessary for success. In a sense, then, he observes others and learns
from them, but he learns by observing himself as well. (1969:394).
Although active participation is an extremely useful technique, not all
social situations offer the same opportunity as does Eskimo seal hunting.
The ethnographer studying open heart surgery in a hospital or the dancing of
professional ballerinas may have difficulty carrying out the same activities as
those done by the surgeon or the dancer. Most ethnographers can find some
areas in their research where active participation is feasible and even limited
use of this technique will contribute to greater understanding.
Complete Participation
The highest level of involvement for ethnographers probably comes when
they study a situation in which they are already ordinary participants. Nash
(1975) rode the bus each day to the University of Tulsa and decided to do an
ethnography of busriders. He was a complete participant, had learned the
rules for riding the bus, and simply began to make systematic observations
during the course of this daily activity. In another ethnographic study, Nash
(1977) made use of his complete involvement in long-distance running to do
ethnography of bus riders. He was a complete participant, had learned the
hospital came about because, shortly after finishing graduate work, he became
a patient. Becker studied jazz musicians, and writes:
I gathered the material for this study by participant observation, by participating with
musicians in the variety of situations that make up their work and leisure lives. At the
same time I made the study I had played the piano professionally for several years
and was active in musical circles in Chicago (1%3:83-84).
The examples of ethnographers who have turned ordinary situations in
which they are members into research settings could go on and on. Indeed,
in an excellent article, "Varieties of Opportunistic Research," Riemer
(1977) reviews numerous studies based on complete involvement by anthropologists
and sociologists, including home towns, cab driving, bars,
police departments, prisoner-of-war activities, a chiropractic clinic, race
tracks, carnivals, and even the Coast Guard Academy. The beginning
ethnographer may want to follow these examples and search for opportunities
close at hand. I would offer one word of caution: the more you know
about a situation as an ordinary participant, the more difficult it is to study it
as an ethnographer. It is no accident that ethnography was born and devel-
61
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
oped in the study of non-Western cultures. The less familiar you are with a
social situation, the more you are able to see the tacit cultural rules at work.
As you make a final selection of a social situation to study, keep in mind
the possibilities for involvement. The techniques you will learn in the following
steps will serve you well at any degree of involvement, from nonparticipation
to complete participation. Using these techniques you can discover
the cultural knowledge underlying professional wrestling matches on television
or the cultural rules for behavior in a college classroom. And once you
have learned the strategies for asking ethnographic questions, collecting
ethnographic data, and recording and analyzing that data, you can use these
skills to understand the culture of more complex social worlds.
Tasks
2.1 Do participant observation for thirty minutes in any unfamiliar social
situation.
2.2 Record some fleldnotes and identify all problems encountered In assumIng
the role of participant observer.
2.3 Make a reconnaissance trip to one or more social situations you are
considering for your ethnographic research. Make a final selection for
your project.
62
OBJECTIVES
1. To understand the nature of an ethnographic record.
2. To set up a fieldwork notebook.
3. To conduct the first period of participant observation and make
a record of the experience.
The next step in the Developmental Research Sequence is
to learn how to compile a record of research. Even before
participant observation begins, the ethnographer will have
impressions, observations, and decisions to record. By now
you have selected a social situation for investigation and
made an initial reconnaissance trip to that situation. Recording
how you made the selection as well as first impressions
will prove ofgreat value later. In this step we will examine the
nature of an ethnographic record, the kind of information to
record, and practical steps for making it most useful for
analysis and writing.
THE ETHNOGRAPHIC RECORD AND LANGUAGE USE
An ethnographic record consists of fieldnotes, tape recordings,
pictures, artifacts, and anything else that documents
the social situation under study. As Frake has pointed
out, ''A description ofa culture, an ethnography, is produced
from an ethnographic record ofthe events ofa society within
a given period oftime, the 'events ofa society' including, of
course, informants' responses to the ethnographer, his
queries, tests, and apparatus" (1964b: 111).
During my own study of skid row men (Spradley 1970), I
began by doing participant observation in the Seattle Criminal
Court. Several times each week I would drive to the
Public Safety Building in the heart of the business district of
Seattle. I took the elevator to the seventh floor, waited until
court began at 9:00A.M., entered the court, and took a seat as
a spectator. I watched the proceedings for the next hour,
sometimes staying to observe other cases after the last drunk
had been returned to jail. Soon I became a familiar person in
the audience and began to receive nods of recognition from
clerks, the judge, and the alcoholic counselor.
Many different things went into the ethnographic record
during this time. I copied off the name of the court and the
names of the judges and room numbers from the large wall
63
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
directory near the elevator on the first floor of the Public Safety Building. I
drew a map of the courtroom, describing the physical layout as I saw it. I
counted the number of visitors who came to watch the proceedings in court,
trying to describe some of their main characteristics. Here is a short excerpt
from my fieldnotes:
At 9:00A.M. a group of from 20-30 men were marched into the court through a side
door. There were 40-45 people in the audience. The men stood in a double row to the
left front ofthe courtroom. Immediately in front ofthe men were three officials of the
court, probably clerks. To the left ofthe men, in the front center ofthe courtroom, was
thejudge. Judge Noe was not on duty so thejudge protem was Lieme Puai. Directly in
front ofthejudge was another clerk and the bailiff. As the men entered the room, their
names were called offin a loud; official voice by the clerk nearest the judge. Each man
stood atsemiattention. Many hadtheir hands clasped behind them. They all came from
the city jail. They were all dressed very poorly, many unshaven. The group was a
mixture of Negro, Indian, Eskimo, Caucasian, and other races.
The judge charged the group. "You men have been charged with public drunkenness
or begging, which is in violation with the ordinances of the City of Seattle. The
possible penalty: $500 fine and/or 180 days in jail. You have the right to an attorney.
You may plead guilty or not guilty. If you want a trial you must pay for your own attorney.
If you wish continuance, please indicate. If you plead guilty you forfeit your
right to appeal to the Supreme Court. Please return to the docket. When you are
called in you will enter a plea of guilty or not guilty. If you wish to make a statement
you may do so."
Each man in court came out. His name was read off and then the clerk who was
reading the sentences indicated to the man again that he had been charged with public
drunkenness and asked what he would plead. Nearly every man said only one word:
"Guilty." In the second group that came out, time from the entry to the courtroom
as individuals until sentence was passed involved the following number of seconds on
eight of the men where a time was taken: 25, 12, 20, 14, 34, 10, 35, 18. There were
several men assisting in getting the men into the courtroom.rapidly. One of these, I
assume, was ajail attendant.
During the next year I took fieldnotes in court~ recorded my own reactions
to the process, collected information from the court records, took pictures
of men on skid row, and recorded casual conversations with drunks,
police officers, judges, clerks, and alcoholism treatment counselors. I tape
recorded numerous interviews. I collected newspaper clippings, police department
reports, and bulletin board notices posted at the alcoholism treatment
center. And always, I made notes about my experiences actually doing
the research. This record became the basis for writing an ethnography of
tramp culture (Spradley 1970).
The major part of any ethnographic record consists of written fieldnotes.
And the moment you begin writing down what you see and hear, you automatically
encode things in language. This may seem a rather straightforward
matter, but the language used in fieldnotes has numerous long-range conse-
64
MAKING AN ETHNOGRAPHIC RECORD
quences for your research. When anthropologists do ethnographic research
in non-Western societies, they encounter striking language differences. In
studying a Highland New Guinea tribe, for example, the first task is to learn
the native language. Fieldnotes soon become filled with native terms, and it
is easy to distinguish the ethnographer's language in the fieldnotes from the
language ofthe people being studied.
When doing ethnography in your own society, however, it is easy to overlook
language differences and thereby lose important clues to cultural meaning.
The central question faced by every ethnographer when taking
fieldnotes is what language shall be used in making an ethnographic record?
Consider, for a moment, the language variations that became part of my
ethnographic record studying tramps:
1. The investigator's native language. Many of my fieldnotes were written
in the ordinary language I use in everyday situations. Obviously, this included
meanings drawn from as far back as my childhood.
2. The language of social science. Other entries in my fieldnotes came
from the more abstract language of social science that I have learned as a
professional anthropologist.
3. The language of tramps. I recorded what tramps said in court during
informal conversations at the treatment center and also during interviews.
4. Courtroom languages. A specialized way of talking was used by the
city attorney, court clerks, and the judge who presided over the daily arraignment
and sentencing. It also included the testimony ofpolice officers in
a language that usually reflected their culture outside the courtroom.
5. The languages of the alcoholism treatment center. The staff at the
center came from three distinct cultural scenes: social work, law enforcement,
and Alcoholics Anonymous. In order to carry out their tasks, staff
members frequently translated their meanings into terms the others could
understand. However, their distinct language usages emerged in almost
every conversation. For example, a social worker would refer to tramps as
"patients," a guard from the Sheriff's Department would call them "inmates,"
and an alcoholic counselor would call them "alcoholics." Each
term conveyed a distinct meaning with enormous implications for the tramps
assigned to the treatment center.
Although this research situation may appear linguistically complex, even
in the simplest situations, ethnographers must deal with their own language
and that of informants. More important, they must deal with their own tendency
to translate and simplify. I want to suggest three principles for you to
keep in mind when making an ethnographic record: (a) the language identification
principle, (b) the verbatim principle, and (c) the concrete principle.
These principles have a single purpose, to create a more accurate ethno-
65
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
graphic record and one that will facilitate ethnographic analysis. Let us look
at each briefly.
The Language Identification Principle
This principle can be simply stated: identify the language used for each
fieldnote entry. Whenever you write something down in your fieldnotes, because
it is necessary to select a language, some method ofidentification must
be used. This might involve setting things off in parentheses, quotation
marks, or brackets. It must include identification of the speaker. The goal is
to have an ethnographic record that reflects the same differences in language
usages as the actualfield situation.
When I first began fieldwork on skid row, I failed to follow the language
identification principle. My record of events was recorded in what I call an
"amalgamated language," which included a mixture of terms and usages
picked up from tramps, from the languages in the courtroom, from the
treatment center staff, and still others drawn from my own enculturation
(Figure 10). From long discussions with other ethnographers, I have found
that this is not an uncommon experience. Ethnographers tend to fall back on
creating an amalgamated language, taking the things spoken by others and
rephrasing them into a composite picture ofthe cultural scene.
The use of an amalgamated language for recording fieldnotes has the apparent
virtue of simplification. However, when the ethnographer returns to
these notes to make a more careful analysis of cultural meanings, it becomes
difficult if not impossible to do. Cultural meanings have become distorted
during the process of making an ethnographic record.
LANGUAGE DIFFERENCES
IN THE FIELD SITUATION
--Tramps - - -Social
workers
Ethnographer
Police officers
Alcoholic counselors
Judges
----
Court clerk --
City attorney - -- - - - -
Guards--
..... LANGUAGE
USED IN
THE FIELDNOTES
--------
Amalgamated language:
ethnographer's language
with unidentified mixture
of usages from others
---------
FIGURE 10. Creating an Amalgamated Language
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MAKING AN ETHNOGRAPHIC RECORD
The Verbatim Principle
In addition to identifying the various language usages in the field situation,
the ethnographer must make a verbatim record of what people say. This
obvious principle of getting things down word-for-word is frequently violated.
Whether recording things people say in natural contexts or in more
formal ethnographic interviews, the investigator's tendency to translate
continues to operate. When I began research with tramps I did not realize
the importance of the verbatim principle and freely summarized, restated,
and condensed what informants said without realizing it.
Consider the following example.
Informant's actual statement: "I made the bucket ih Seattle one time for
pooling; I asked a guy how much he was holding on ajug and he turned out
to be a ragpicker and he pinched me.''
Fieldnote entry: "I talked to Joe about his experience of being arrested on
skid row when he wasn't drunk."
At the time, this condensed entry appeared sufficient; I certainly did not feel
it was a distortion of what Joe said. I didn't fully understand all his words but
I thought I knew roughly what they meant. However, this entry lost some of
the most important clues to the informant's culture, clues that came from
such folk terms as pooling (a complex routine for contributing to a fund for
purchasing something), the bucket (city jail), ragpicker (a certain kind of
policeman), and pinched (arrested). Joe's phrases were leads to further
questions;. my summary was not. As my research progressed, I became
aware that the words informants spoke held one key to their culture and so I
began to make a verbatim record.
It may seem wiser, under the pressure of an interview situation or in some
natural context, to make a quick and more complete summary rather than a
partial verbatim record. Such is not the case. In the previous example it
would have been more valuable to make a partial, but verbatim record such
as the following:
"made the bucket"
"holding on ajug"
"a ragpicker ... pinched me"
These scattered phrases could then have been used to generate ethnographic
questions; the summary could not.
Both native terms and observer terms will find their way into the
fieldnotes. The important thing is to carefully distinguish them. The native
terms must be recorded verbatim. Failure to take these first steps along the
path to discovering the inner meaning of another culture will lead to a false
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
confidence that we have found out what the natives know. We may never
even realize that our picture is seriously distorted and incomplete.
The Concrete Principle
This principle states, when describing observations, use concrete language.
In studying a head start program for preschool children, Dixon recorded
the following concrete description:
Walking back from the park, Tammy and DeeDee were holding Aleisha's hand, and
began to dig their nails into her hand, she started crying, they let go and she clung to
my hand crying; this was getting a little awkward, I was holding Vivian's coat and her
hand; Audrey was semiwrapped around my leg; and Aleisha on the other hand, and
the coat was slipping but I couldn't get free enough to get it more firmly over my arm.
. . . Vivian then tried digging her nails into my hand to see if it could hurt, luckily
they're short and didn't so I didn't react at all, like I didn't even notice, and she
stopped (1972:207).
Consider how easy it is to use generalities instead of concrete description.
Dixon could have simply said, "The children fought for my attention on the
way home." "The children" instead of Tammy and DeeDee and Aleisha
and Vivian and Audrey. "Fought" instead of digging nails, crying, holding,
clinging, and wrapping around legs. "For my attention" rather than describing
the actions ofeach child and her own reactions.
Writing in concrete language is difficult because most people have had
years of training to condense, summarize, abbreviate, and generalize. We
have learned to avoid writing that is "too wordy." In writing up fieldnotes
we must reverse this deeply ingrained habit ofgeneralization and expand, fill
out, enlarge, and give as much specific detail as possible.
One way to help expand the concrete language of description in taking
fieldnotes is to make lists of verbs and nouns which can be expanded later.
For example, let's say you made observations ofpeople standing in line and
listed these verbs: standing, shifting, looking up, looking down, searching
pockets, wagging head, nodding head, scratching, glaring, raising eyebrows,
backing up, beelining, walking. This would enhance a concrete description
in your fieldnotes. If you observed people walking their dogs in a
park, you could list nouns like chain leash, Leather Leash, dirt path,
sidewalk, curb, asphalt path, leaves, grass, fire plug, tree, stick, purse,
coats, and so on.
In following this principle of using concrete language, the ethnographer
must guard against the tendency to allow the abstract jargon ofsocial science
to creep into descriptive fieldnotes. A major goal of social science is to generalize.
Words like role, hostility, withdrawal, social interaction, ceremony,
actor, social situation, cultural strategy, socialization, giving support,
communicating, and observing are all generalizations. Although you will
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MAKING AN ETHNOGRAPHIC RECORD
want to make generalizations during your research, it is necessary to begin
with concrete facts that you see, hear, taste, smell, and feel. If your
fieldnotes become filled with the abstract jargon of social science, you will
find it difficult to make generalizations from these generalizations. In doing
ethnography every ethnographer must learn to shift back and forth between
the concrete language of description and the more abstract language of generalization.
By maintaining a strict separation, especially when taking
fieldnotes, you will add depth and substance to your study.
KINDS OF FIELDNOTES
There are several different kinds of fieldnotes that make up an ethnographic
record. Every ethnographer develops a system for organizing a file
and field notebook. The following suggested format reflects the organization
I have found most useful.
The Condensed Account
All notes taken during actual field observations represent a condensed
version of what actually occurred. It is humanly impossible to write down
everything that goes on or everything informants say. Condensed accounts
often include phrases, single words, and unconnected sentences. Consider
the experience of one ethnographer who decided to interview a policeman.
After making contact, her informant wanted her to ride in the squad car for a
four-hour shift. In the squad car, she began to make notes of things that occurred,
the places they drove, calls that came over the radio, and many of
the phrases and terms used by her informant. During the four hours she recorded
several pages of condensed notes in her notebook. She left the first
interview with a feeling that she had recorded only a tiny bit of what she had
experienced. Still, this condensed account was of enormous value because it
had been recorded on the spot.
It is advisable to make a condensed account during every period of
fieldwork or immediately afterward. In his study of pinball players, Sanders
writes:
Because it was an unobtrusive study and I could find no way to take notes in the setting
without drawing attention to myself, I waited until I returned home to write up
the findings. It was a five-minute walk from where I lived to the poolhall; thus, there
was a minimum amount that was forgotten or left out. Observation time lasted from
fifteen minutes to an hour and a half, covering all days of the week and all hours that
the establishment was open for business (1973).
Under such conditions, condensed notes may still be the best way to quickly
record key phrases and to identify major events. If you decided not to take
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
notes in the social situation you are observing, try to find a convenient place
nearby where you can at least make condensed notes immediately following
each observation. If you must spend an hour driving from your fieldwork
site, take time to make condensed notes before making that drive. The
sooner you record your observations the more vivid and detailed your
account. The real value of a condensed account comes when it is expanded
after completing an interview or field observation.
The Expanded Account
The second type of fieldnotes represents an expansion of the condensed
version. As soon as possible after each field session (or after making a condensed
account), the ethnographer should fill in details and recall things that
were not recorded on the spot. The key words and phrases jotted down can
serve as useful reminders to create the expanded account. When expanding,
keep in mind the language identification principle, the verbatim principle,
and the concrete principle.
Much of my research among skid row men took place at the alcoholism
treatment center where I mingled informally with informants while they
worked, ate, played cards, and sat around talking. Occasionally, I jotted
down condensed notes on small cards carried in my pocket. After several
hours of listening and watching, I would slip away to a private office and expand
my notes with as many details as I could remember. Like most ethnographers,
I discovered my ability to recall events and conversations increased
rapidly through the discipline of creating expanded accounts from condensed
ones.
On each return visit to a research setting the ethnographer observes activities
that appear similar, if not identical, to what occurred earlier. If you
select a social situation with an eye to recurrent events, the repetition
quickly becomes evident. When making expanded notes it becomes all too
easy to skip over things seen and recorded previously, feeling ''I've already
described that in my fieldnotes." Instead of avoiding repetition, the ethnographer
welcomes it as one of the best clues to the culture. The descriptions
in your fieldnotes should reflect the actual field situation. If events and activities
occur over and over again, you will need to describe them over and
over again.
Repetition, both of field observations and concrete descriptions in your
fieldnotes, is one of the surest ways to overcome what I call the "tip-of-theiceberg
assumption.'' Almost everyone, beginning ethnographer or experienced
fieldworker, experiences the feeling that "not much is going on" in a
new social situation. Especially when doing micro-ethnography, we fall prey
to this assumption. We mistake the tip of the iceberg for the entire mountain
of ice, nine-tenths of which lies hidden beneath the ocean surface. Only
through repeated observations and repeated descriptions in fieldnotes does
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MAKING AN ETHNOGRAPHIC RECORD
the ethnographer begin to see the complexity of a seemingly simple social
situation.
I recall the experience of Frank (1976), a student ethnographer who decided
to study the way other students crossed a street that separates the
main campus of Macalester College from several dormitories and the student
cafeteria. At first, this social situation appeared quite simple, hardly
worth studying. Students stepped off the curb, v alked across the street
while watching for oncoming cars, and stepped up on the opposite curb.
Setting aside the tip-of-the-iceberg assumption, Frank found an observation
post and began making repeated entries, describing in concrete language
what she saw. She crossed the street herself under many different conditions.
Each day it seemed that she was recording the same things. Then,
after a few weeks, some interesting patterns began to emerge and she began
to see things she hadn't noticed at first.
She observed, for example, that crossing the street occurred in several
complex stages, each with sets of cultural rules. Once she identified the
stages, she discovered certain obstacles to carrying out the activities required
of each stage. Then she discovered, from the way people behaved,
that one of the goals was to cross the street without the embarrassment that
comes from things like stumbling, waiting too long, being caught alone in the
middle, or even making all the traffic stop. Crossing the street was indeed a
social situation, a stage on which actors played the roles they had learned.
And several patterns emerged in the way people crossed. She identified four
types: the careful planner, the impatient edger, the lane-by-laner, and the
overcautious pessimist. Through patient and repeated observations she discussed
the tacit cultural rules for a common urban activity, crossing a street.
Had she given in to the assumption that the tip of the iceberg was the entire
iceberg, it would have influenced her observations, fieldnotes, and eventually
the quality ofher research.
A Fieldwork Journal
In addition to fieldnotes that come directly from observing and interviewing
(the condensed account and expanded account), ethnographers should
always keep a journal. Like a diary, this journal will contain a record of experiences,
ideas, fears, mistakes, confusions, breakthroughs, and problems
that arise during fieldwork. A journal represents the personal side of
fieldwork; it includes reactions to informants and the feelings you sense from
others.
Each journal entry should be dated. Rereading your journal at a later time
will reveal how quickly you forget what occurred during the first days and
weeks of fieldwork. Months later, when you begin to write up the study, the
journal becomes an important source of data. Doing ethnography differs
from many other kinds of research in that you, the ethnographer, become a
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
major research instrument. Making an introspective record of fieldwork
enables a person to take into account personal biases and feelings, to
understand their influences on the research.
Analysis and Interpretation
The fourth type offieldnotes provides a link between the ethnographic record
and the final written ethnography. Here is the place to record generalizations,
analyses of cultural meanings, interpretations, and insights into the
culture studied. Most of the tasks in the remaining steps involve detailed
analysis of your fieldnotes and can be recorded in this category offieldnotes.
Analysis and interpretation notes often represent a kind of brainstorming.
Ideas may come from past reading, from some particular theoretical
perspective, from some comment made by an informant, from talking about
your project with a friend. It is important to think of this section in your
fieldwork notebook as a place to "think on paper" about the culture under
consideration.
Tasks
3.1 Set up a fieldwork notebook or file with sections for
a. condensed accounts.
b. expanded accounts.
c. a journal.
d. analysis and interpretation.
3.2 Conduct a period of participant observation and record your experience.
3.3 Select one paragraph of expanded fleldnotes and, using more concrete
language, try to expand it Into several paragraphs.
72
OBJECTIVES
1. To learn to make descriptive observations.
2. To identify the different kinds of descriptive observations.
3. To conduct a period of participant observation for the purpose
of making descriptive observations.
By now your haye conducted at least one session of fieldwork
and made some observations. Every day you spend
in the field from now on will involve making more observations.
At first, many ethnographers feel overwhelmed
with all the things to be observed and recorded. In particular,
you may be wondering," Am I observing the things that
I should be, the things that are important?" Each ethnographer
must discover the answer to that question and the
answer will change during the course offieldwork. The most
useful thing at this point is to gain a better understanding of
observation itself and the various types to use. In this step
we shall examine the first and most important type, descriptive
observation.
You will make descriptive observations whenever you
look at a social situation and try to record as much as possible.
It means approaching the activity in process without
any particular question in mind, but only the general question,
"What is going on here?" In Chapter Three of Part
One, I identified the three major types of observation and
discussed their sequence in fieldwork. As we focus on descriptive
observation in this chapter, keep in mind that you
will learn the other types in this progression:
Descriptive
........ Focused
........ Selective
observations observations observations
Underlying each of these forms of observation is a mode of
inquiry based on asking questions.
THE ETHNOGRAPHIC INQUIRY UNIT
The basic unit of all ethnographic inquiry is the questionobservation.
Neither exists in isolation from the other. We
examined this proposition at some length in our earlier discussion
ofthe ethnographic research cycle. Now, as you are
in the field making observations, you need to keep in mind
that each thing you see and record is influenced by the
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
questions you have in mind. You will gain skill in observing as you gain skill
in asking the right questions.
Let's consider an actual fieldwork case. Several years ago I was assigned
to a grand jury and decided to use the opportunity to conduct ethnographic
fieldwork. I worked unobtrusively, participating as a member of the grand
jury, making notes during meetings when possible, and recording my observations
in more developed form after a day-long session. Here are some of
my fieldnotes made during the first meeting.
I parked near the county courthouse and walked the short distance to the new building.
Streams of people flowed into the lobby and scrambled into the waiting doors of
elevators. "Going up sir?" a young man called to me from one of the eight elevators.
I nodded, stepped in, and waited until he stopped at the eighth floor where I knew the
Marshall County Criminal Court was located.
I followed the hallway until I saw a sign over two large doors: CRIMINAL
COURT. I decided to go in even though there was still five minutes before the appointed
hour of9:00 A.M. I pushed open one of the swinging doors and found myself
in a large courtroom.
There were rows of spectator benches, all made of heavy dark wood, oak or walnut,
to match the paneled walls. The rows of benches went for more than twenty-five
feet until they met a railing that seemed to neatly mark off a large area for "official
business." I went in, sat down in the last row of spectators' benches, and looked
around at the few other people seated at various places in the courtroom. The high
ceiling and heavy dark wood made me feel as if I were in a sacred, almost religious
place. Two people sitting in front of me were talking in hushed tones and I could not
hear what they said. As newcomers came in, they would stop, look around, and then
move very slowly to find a place to sit. At the right of the area behind the railing were
twelve high-back leather chairs behind another railing. A large oak table with massive
chairs all faced toward a high lectern which I took to be the judge's bench. All
this area was empty. I waited.
A few minutes after nine a man walked in with a brisk manner. He looked at the
people scattered around the large courtroom, all of us in the spectators' area, and
said, "Hello. I assume you are all here for the prospective grand jury. Judge Fred
Adams is going to be on the bench and it would be better if you all sat in the jury
box." Slowly people got up and Ijoined them as we moved together toward the front.
How easy for some unknown man to give orders and we all obey. I took a seat in the
front row and soon all twelve chairs were filled; several people sat in the first row of
the spectators area; three men sat in chairs inside the area of "official business." I
wondered ifthis was where we would meet for the next few months or what we would
be called upon to do. I spoke to no one, although I could hear some comments being
made quietly. I took out a tablet and began making fieldnotes. I wondered if the
people around me thought I was writing a letter or what. I was conscious of standing
out in my casual clothes and beard. All the others were dressed neatly; the men in
suits and ties, some in sportcoats. Many dark business suits. They all looked professional.
The women were well dressed in suits, dresses, high heels, make-up. All
looked older than myself. It was as if they had all dressed for some formal occasion. I
felt a little out ofplace, but decided that didn't matter.
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MAKING DESCRIPTIVE OBSERVATIONS
The man who had called us to the jury box began calling out names. "Mrs. Mary
Wendt." "Here." "How about Joseph Walters?" "Here." I wrote down as many
names as I could, but they came so fast I missed some. "James P. Spradley?" he
called out, clearly mispronouncing it. "Is that right?" he asked as I said, "Here." I
nodded, trying not to call attention to the fact of my presence. He continued through
the list, and as a few more people drifted in he read off their names also. Several
people did not answer. No one seemed concerned or at least no one volunteered information
about the missing persons.
I began to overhear people behind me talking. "It's fun to get into something new,"
a lady's voice said. "Yes, I like to have new experiences," came another voice.
"Mine was in the mail when I returned from vacation." I think she was referring to
the letter saying we had been selected for the grand jury. "I can't sleep in. I have insomnia.
I couldn't get to sleep before two A.M. and I woke up at six so I only got four
hours of sleep."
I wasn't sure what we were waiting for, but probably the judge. "I took two
Gelusil this morning," came the voice of a different woman, obviously nervous. A
man down the row rustled a newspaper he was reading. "I didn't know how many
criminal courts there were but I figured the elevator operator would know where I
was supposed to come." This was the first woman's voice. I glanced around. She
was wearing a red dress. "I don't even know how many they send these things to."
"It's twenty-three I think," came the voice of a man who had been listening to their
conversation. "And they hope to get sixteen." There was an obvious air of expectation.
I felt it. We had been chosen-and we didn't know how, or at least I didn't and
some of the others didn't. But to be one of the select persons in this group with an interesting
task; not knowing how long we would meet or what we would do-at the
moment all seemed rather exciting.
The man who was reading our names was joined by a sheriff's officer in full uniform,
gun mounted on his left hip. He walked across the courtroom and stood near a
door near the high judge's bench. The man and the police officer kept looking at each
other, one glanced at his watch, there was an air of expectancy in the jury box also.
You could feel something important was about to happen, but I'm not sure how we
knew.
"Will everyone rise!" The officer shouted his command at the exact instant that
the door opened. ••The court of Fred Adams, honorable judge of Marshall County, is
now in session." [That is an approximation since I couldn't write while standing and
I couldn't remember exactly what he said.] I stood at attention and felt my heart beating
faster than usual. A tall, gray-headed man in full black robe walked slowly in,
turned toward the bench, and went up and sat down. Everyone was completely attentive.
The moment had arrived.
"You may sit down," he said, after sitting down himselfand arranging his robe. "I
want to give you some general instructions. I'm going to appoint one of your number
as foreman. Mr. Stone, will you serve as foreman?" He spoke with authority, not
asking a question, but giving an order. "Yes, your honor." Mr. Stone spoke quickly
and quietly.
This rather lengthy record actually covers less than fifteen minutes of observation.
It is entirely descriptive and one can quite easily see the implied
questions I had in mind.
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
1. What did I do on the first day ofthe grand jury?
2. What is the courtroom like?
3. How did other prospective jurors, thejudge, and other officials act on the
first day?
4. What did people say?
These are all examples of descriptive questions that lead to descriptive observations.
Obviously, I did not record other information that could have
been observed that day, such as the color of each juror's shoes, the color of
each man's tie, or the spacing distances among prospective jurors when they
first took seats in the criminal courtroom. Such specific questions might
emerge later as important. At this stage of any investigation, general descriptions
were the first priority.
When ethnographers work with informants, they can ask descriptive
questions to elicit the informant's observations of social situations. For example,
if I wanted to compare the grand jury I participated on with others, I
could locate informants and begin by asking these same questions: "What
did you do on the first day of the grand jury?" and so on. In a sense, when
you make descriptive observations, you participate in a social situation, then
treat yourselfas an informant. (See Spradley 1979 for a discussion of interviewing
informants.)
Descriptive observations, in response to descriptive questions, will include
a considerable amount of information about the ethnographer. First, it
includes the ethnographer's actions. I described where I went, what I did,
where I sat, how I overheard things, and who I saw. Description of any kind
is always from some point of view. It originates in the sensory organs of
some specific individual. Later I might want to make general statements
about that first day on the grand jury, but for the present it is important to
include my actions. Second, descriptions include the ethnographer's
thoughts and feelings. As an individual I have access to my feelings and my
thoughts. I can say, "I wondered if this is where we would meet ...," and
"Ifelt a little out of place...."
Although there are an endless number of descriptive questions one can
ask, it is helpful to classify them into types that give rise to specific types of
descriptive observations.
KINDS OF DESCRIPTIVE OBSERVATIONS
A descriptive question-observation can occur even when the ethnographer
has very little knowledge of a social situation. Indeed, they are designed
to guide you in research when you are most ignorant of the culture
under consideration. Almost all such observations can be reduced to two
major types: grand tour observations and mini-tour observations.
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MAKING DESCRIPTIVE OBSERVATIONS
Grand Tour Observations
The concept of ''grand tour'' comes from the common experience of having
someone show us around their house, place of business, or school.
Friends come for dinner, and as they stand in the entrance to my home they
say, "My, what a nice place you have." "Would you like to see the rest of
the house?" I ask politely. "Sure, that would be great." And as we begin the
route from one room to another, I comment, "Okay, I'll give you a grand
tour." What follows is an identification of the major features of my home.
I'll point out that the kitchen has been remodeled; I will identify the laundry
room and the study. However, I will not discuss the cost of remodeling the
kitchen or go into detail about all the activities that go on in the laundry room
or study.
Later, on that first day the grand jury began its work, we moved to what
was called "the grand jury room." "Can you describe the grand jury
room?" This question led to a grand tour description which included the features
someone would encounter if they entered the room, walked around in
the room, and investigated the objects in the room.
We can expand the idea of a grand tour to include almost every aspect of
experience in addition to spatial location. Let's take the largest sequence of
events in the grand jury. ''Can you describe the major things that take place
when you are on a grand jury, from the first moment you learn about it until
it is all over?" The following entry offers an abbreviated response to this
question and will give you a grand tour ofthese events over time.
Serving on the grand jury begins when you receive a letter that informs you that
you have been selected and must appear on a certain date. This is followed by aperiod
of waiting, and for most jurors wondering what will be entailed. Some make
phone calls to the Marshall County Courthouse to find out more information or to try
and be excused from duty.
The next major event takes place when the prospective jurors appear in a courtroom
and receive instructions about the legal duties of a grand jury. The judge read
this to us from the statute book and then we were sworn in. We had to take an oath
that we would perform our duty and abide by the laws.
This was followed on the same day by the first meeting in the grand jury room. At
this meeting the Marshall County prosecuting attorney explained what the group was
supposed to do, how he would bring cases, and maybe some witnesses, and then we
had to vote as to whether there was enough evidence to have a regular case. We
heard a couple of cases that first day. Actually, the day was broken up into hearing
cases presented, discussing the cases, taking coffee breaks, taking a lunch break,
then hearing more cases, and finally leaving.
After monthly meetings for three months, another event took place when we went
out to investigate thejails. The grandjury has the authority to see ifthe jails are being
run according to the law and that no prisoners' rights are being violated. We divided
up into smaller groups and visited the jails. Then there was the last meeting, and
some weeks later each juror received a check for gasoline and salary of six dollars per
day.
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
Like all grand tour observations, this one provides only the most general
features ofthese events. It gives an overview ofwhat occurred.
In an earlier step we identified three major features of all social situations:
place, actor, and activities, each of which provides a possible grand tour description.
For example, in the grand jury setting I tried to describe the various
actors involved. Among these were thejudge, county attorney, assistant
county attorney, bailiff, witnesses, defendants, jurors, and on one occasion
an interpreter. There were numerous witnesses and jurors, thus offering
room for a grand tour description of all the different types within each of
these categories.
In addition to these three features of social situations, we can now identify
six more that will help you in formulating initial grand tour questions and
making the observations. This will give a total of nine major dimensions of
every social situation.
1. Space: the physical place or places
2. Actor: the people involved
3. Activity: a set ofrelated acts people do
4. Object: the physical things that are present
5. Act: single actions that people do
6. Event: a set of related activities that people carry out
7. Time: the sequencing that takes place over time
8. Goal: the things people are trying to accomplish
9. Feeling: the emotions felt and expressed
In a most general sense, these dimensions can serve as guides for the participant
observer. Consider the dimension of time, for example. I have already
sketched in an overview of the sequence of events from the perspective
of a grand juror. In addition, each meeting lasted most of a single day
and the events were scheduled over time in a particular way. Every social
situation includes this temporal dimension and by focusing on this dimension,
new observations emerge. In the grand jury, cases heard at the beginning
of the day frequently moved slower than cases heard toward the end of
the day. This difference in tempo could be described not only for cases but
for other activities as well.
After making numerous notes on the meetings and the specifics of cases, I
realized that the dimension offeeling had been largely ignored. The question,
"What are all the different feelings people have during grand jury meetings?"
could lead to new and important grand tour observations. "What are
all the goals people seem to be trying to achieve?" was equally revealing
when one considered all the different people who participated in the grand
jury process. These nine dimensions are not equally important for every social
situation, but they do provide the beginning ethnographer with an excellent
guide for making grand tour observations.
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MAKING DESCRIPTIVE OBSERVATIONS
Mini-tour Observations
Almost all participant observation begins with grand tour observations.
The descriptions entered in your fieldnotes offer almost unlimited opportunities
for investigating smaller aspects of experience. Because grand tour
observations lead to such rich descriptions of a social situation, the ethnographer
must guard against the feeling, "I've described everything in this social
situation." Every grand tour observation is like a large room with numerous
doors into smaller rooms, each door to be opened by a mini-tour
question-observation.
The form taken by mini-tour questions is identical to the questions that
lead to grand tour observations except that mini-tour questions deal with a
much smaller unit of experience. In asking yourself either type of question,
you will always begin with phrases like the following:
I. What are all the ... (places, acts, events, feelings, and the like)
2. Can you describe in detail the ... (objects, times, goals, and the like)
3. Can you tell me about all the ... (people, activities, and the like)
The second part of each question that leads to a mini-tour observation draws
on specific information already discovered. Let's go back to the grand jury
and see how to make mini-tour observations.
Earlier in this chapter I presented a grand tour of the major events that occurred
over time on the grand jury, from the first moment a juror received
notification until the last contact with the Marshall County Court. Here are
some questions that guided me in making mini-tour observations:
1. Can you describe the period of waiting for the first meeting of the grand
jury, what goes through your mind, what people do, and how they feel?
2. Can you describe in detail the first time the prospective jurors met in the
criminal courtroom and received instructions from the judge?
3. Can you tell me all about a single case from the moment it is introduced
by the prosecuting attorney until it is completely over?
4. What goes on during the coffee break? What are all the things people do
in the order they do them?
5. Can you tell me in detail what happens during the time before the grand
jury meetings begin, from the moment the first person arrives until the
last one comes in and the meeting begins?
Here is the beginning of a lengthy fieldnote entry in response to the minitour
question about a single case.
There was an air of anticipation, a few minutes during which the members of the
grandjury sat in silence and the prosecuting attorney searched through his files. Then
79
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
he said, "I've got two cases to present this morning. I'll have to rush. We have ten
witnesses." He spoke fast and conveyed a strong impression that we would have to
move quickly throughout the morning.
"This is a case of felonious theft by retention. It means retaining property of at
least $2500, retail market value on the date of the offense. Here is a summary of the
case. One day in July a van was broken into and a revolver was stolen. Then later
there was another robbery of stereo equipment from a stereo store. The police, making
an investigation of a house, recovered the revolver, three Pioneer receivers, one
Teac tape deck, two JBL speakers. There were three people in the house at the time,
and the police found the prints ofone of them on some ofthe stereo equipment.''
The prosecuting attorney spoke rapidly, and when he came to this point he looked
up at a clerical assistant and motioned to him. He got up and left the grandjury room.
I looked at the people on the grand jury and they were now whispering to each other,
all looked very interested.
"We now have our first witness," the prosecuting attorney said as the clerk returned
with a middle-aged man dressed in a blue business suit. The clerk pointed to a
chair, the man sat down, the clerk asked him to raise his hand and proceeded to administer
an oath: ''Do you swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God?"" I do."
"What is your name?" the prosecuting attorney asked. "Bob Johnson." "Would
you spell your name and give your address?" "B-0-B J-0-H-N-S-0-N, 42 East
Alder, Center City."
"On July 14 did you report a theft?"
"Yes, a .38 Colt was stolen from my van. I had purchased it in February of 1972,
paid $118 for it. At the time I worked for the Center City Police Department and I
have a permit to carry the revolver."
"As ofJuly l0, do you have any opinion about the retail value ofthe .38 Colt?"
''Yes. About $140 because it had gone up about $20 more than the purchase price.''
The prosecuting attorney turned abruptly to the grand jury and asked: "Any
questions?" He paused for a total of three seconds, turned to the witness, and said,
"Okay" and the clerk quickly ushered him out of the grand jury room.
You can see from this partial example how mini-tour observations lead to
an enormous number of detailed descriptions. Your goal in making this kind
of observation is to take what sometimes appears as a trivial event, such as a
coffee break, and record it in concrete detail.
DESCRIPTIVE QUESTION MATRIX
The number of questions you can formulate to lead you to grand tour and
mini-tour observations is almost limitless. By selecting each of the nine
dimensions ofsocial situations in turn, you can describe most features ofany
social situation. As you consider these dimensions such as space, actors,
feelings, and goals, you will discover that your questions tend to lead you to
the way these dimensions are interrelated. For example, you might begin
80
MAKING DESCRIPTIVE OBSERVATIONS
with a grand tour question like, "What are the major events in this social
situation?" Then you might ask, "Who are all the actors in this social
situation?" Then it would be possible to ask several mini-tour questions that
relate these two dimensions such as:
1. Which actors participate in which events?
2. In what ways do events change relationships among actors?
As a guide to asking grand tour and mini-tour questions I have found it
useful to prepare a matrix with each ofthe nine dimensions listed along both
axes of the matrix. With such a matrix you can formulate descriptive questions
for all-the relationships possible among the nine dimensions of social
situations. I have prepared a sample matrix which includes nine grand tour
questions in the set of diagonal boxes and a great many mini-tour questions
in all the other boxes of the matrix. The exact form of these questions will
change from one social situation to another, but they can be used as a guide
for checking your own thoroughness. It should be kept in mind that each
social situation is different; each will emphasize some dimensions more than
others. For example, in studying the grand jury I had very few objects to
describe. Much of my time was spent observing one particular kind of
activity: speaking. In another fieldwork project in a factory that produced
equipment for tanneries, much of the description involved objects. This
descriptive question matrix is offered as a guide to making descriptive
observations. Each person who uses it will have to adapt it to the social
situation under investigation. You will find yourself asking more questions
from one part of the matrix than from others. However, by checking against
this type of matrix you can avoid the problem of overlooking important
ethnographic data.
In this step we have discussed the first type of observation made by
ethnographers doing fieldwork. Although you will move to other types in the
future, you will continue to make descriptive observations during part of
every fieldwork period.
In commencing fieldwork the ethnographer is like a map-maker who sets
foot on an uncharted island. Because the terrain is unknown, the map-maker
cannot set out to locate deposits ofiron ore, lakes, volcanoes, and landslides
caused by earthquakes. At the start of the investigation one does not even
know if these physical features exist. Instead of beginning with preconceived
ideas about what to find, the map-maker sets out to describe what can
be observed. Whatever the individual encounters goes into the record book.
Certainly this kind of investigator will overlook some important features of
the landscape, but later, after a preliminary survey map has been drawn, it
will be possible to come back to the island to discover and include more details.
In much the same way, the ethnographer begins with descriptive observations
stimulated by grand tour questions. At almost the same time, with
81
Descriptive Question Matrix
SPACE OBJECT ACT ACTIVITY
Can you de- What are all the What are all the What are all the
SPACE scribe in detail ways space is ways space is ways space is
all the places? organized by organized by organized by
objects? acts? activities?
Where are ob- Can you de- What are all the What are all the
OBJECT jects located? scribe in detail ways objects ways objects
all the objects? are used in are used in acacts?
tivities?
Where do acts How do acts in- Can you de- How are acts a
ACT occur? corporate the scribe in detail part of acuse
of objects? all the acts? tivities?
What are all the What are all the What are all the Can you deACTIVITY
places activities ways activities ways activities scribe in detail
occur? incorporate ob- incorporate all theacjects?
acts? tivities?
What are all the What are all the What are all the What are all the
EVENT places events ways events in- ways events in- ways events inoccur?
corporate ob- corporate acts? corporate acjects?
tivities?
Where do time What are all the How do acts fall HowdoacTIME
periods occur? ways time af- into time peri- tivities fall into
facts objects? ods? time periods?
Wheredoac- What are all the What are all the How are actors
ACTOR tors place ways actors use ways actors use involved in acthemselves?
objects? acts? tivities?
Where are goal What are all the What are all the What activities
GOAL sought and ways goals in- ways goals in- are goal seekachieved?
volve use of ob- volve acts? ing or linked to
jects? goals?
Where do the What feelings What are all the What are all the
FEELING various feeling lead to the use ways feelings ways feelings
states occur? ofwhatob- affect acts? affect acjects?
tivities?
82
EVENT TIME ACTOR GOAL FEELING
What are all the What spatial What are all the What are all the What places are
ways space is changes occur ways space is ways space is associated with
organized by overtime? used by actors? related to feelings?
events? goals?
What are all the How are objects What are all the How are objects What are all the
ways that ob- used at differ- ways objects used in seeking ways objects
jects are used in enttimes? are used by ac- goals? evoke feelings?
events? tors?
How are acts a How do acts What are the What are all the What are all the
part of events? vary overtime? ways acts are ways acts are ways acts are
performed by related to linked to feelactors?
goals? ings?
What are all the Howdoac- What are all the What are all the Howdoacways
activities tivities vary at ways activities ways activities tivities involve
are part of different times? involve actors? involve goals? feelings?
events?
Can you de- How do events How do events How are events How do events
scribe in detail occur over involve the var- related to involve feelall
the events? time? Is there ious actors? goals? ings?
any sequenc-
ing?
How do events Can you de- When are all the How are goals When are feelfall
into time scribe in detail times actors are related to time ings evoked?
periods? all the time pe- "on stage"? periods?
riods?
How are actors How do actors Can you de- Which actors What are the
involved in change over scribe in detail are linked to feelings experievents?
time or at dif- all the actors? which goals? enced byacferent
times? tors?
What are all the Which goals are How do the var- Can you de- What are all the
ways events are scheduled for ious goals at- scribe in detail ways goals
linked to goals? which times? feet the various all the goals? evoke feelings?
actors?
What are all the How are feel- What are all the What are the Can you deways
feelings ings related to ways feelings ways feelings scribe in detail
affect events? various time involve actors? influence all the feelings?
periods? goals?
83
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
mini-tour questions in mind, the ethnographer will observe and record the
details of social life. As time goes on, each ethnographer will come back to
events and activities observed earlier and try to describe them in more de-
tail.
Once a map-maker or geographer has an initial description ofan uncharted
island, he or she might want to begin looking for specific relationships between
land features. It might be possible to formulate some hypotheses to be
tested by later observations. But before this can occur, the geographer will
have to sit down with the maps and analyze them in great detail. In similar
fashion, before you can go on to making focused and selected observations,
you will need to analyze the data you have collected from making descriptive
observations. In the next two steps we will examine ways you can analyze
the data you have collected.
Tasks
4.1 Write out a series of questions that will lead to both grand tour observations
and mini-tour observations. Review earlier fieldnotes to do so.
4.2 With these questions in mind, conduct a period of participant observation
in which you make both grand tour observations and mini-tour observa-
tions.
4.3 Write up an expanded account of these descriptive observations.
84
OBJECTIVES
1. To understand the nature of ethnographic analysis.
2. To understand the nature of cultural domains.
3. To identify the steps in making a domain analysis.
4. To carry out a systematic domain analysis on all fieldnote
descriptions collected to date.
By now you have collected and recorded many pages of
descriptive observations in your fieldnotes. With grand tour
and mini-tour questions in mind you could probably go on
making more observations for many weeks. In fact, it would
be possible to make only descriptive observations, describing
in more and more detail the social situation you have
selected. Some beginning ethnographers who work without
guidance continue to collect descriptive observations until
they decide it is time to write up their ethnographic report.
Although many good ethnographies have been done this
way, it is both time consuming and ineffective. In order to
discover the cultural patterns of any social situation, you
must undertake an intensive analysis of your data before
proceeding further. You will recall our earlier discussion of
the ethnographic research cycle which went from asking
questions to collecting data to making an ethnographic record
to analyzing ethnographic data. Only when you have
completed the cycle will you be ready to return to the first
step ofasking more questions and then collecting more data.
In this step we will examine the nature of ethnographic
analysis and discuss in detail the first type: domain analysis.
ETHNOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS
Analysis of any kind involves a way of thinking. It refers
to the systematic examination of something to determine its
parts, the relationship among parts, and their relationship to
the whole. Analysis is a search for patterns. In the social
situation you are studying you have observed behavior and
artifacts. As you have recorded what people do and say,
you have been able to make inferences about what they
know. But, in order to move on and describe the cultural
behavior, the cultural artifacts, and the cultural knowledge,
you must discover the patterns that exist in your data. In a
general sense, all your ethnographic analysis will involve
searching through your fieldnotes to discover cultural pat-
terns.
85
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
Cultural Patterns and Social Situations
There is an important difference between the concept of culture and the
concept of social situation. Social situation refers to the stream of behavior
(activities) carried out by people (actors) in a particular location (place). As
an ethnographer you are directly exposed to a social situation. You watch
people crossing streets, lining up at bank windows, taking care of children at
a day-care center, or engage in discussions in a grand jury room. A social
situation is observable and something in which you can participate.
Culture, on the other hand, refers to the patterns of behavior, artifacts,
and knowledge that people have learned or created. Culture is an organization
of things, the meaning given by people to objects, places, and activities.
Every human society is culturally constituted. As outsiders, ethnographers
participate, observe, and ask questions to discover the cultural meanings
known to insiders. Analysis of your fieldnotes is the first step in going
beyond mere descriptions of behavior and things to discovering the cultural
meaning of that behavior and all the things you see.
Consider the following line drawing of a social situation.
A description of this situation might read as follows. Two individuals are
seated on wooden objects. They are facing each other; between them is a
larger wooden platform on four legs. The wooden platform comes to the
level of their chests; on the platform are several objects. The individuals
incline their heads slightly toward the objects directly in front of them.
Occasionally they move their hands, manipulating all or part of each object
in front of them. Their feet rest on the floor, but occasionally they shift their
feet from one position to another. Each individual is clothed. Sometimes
their eyes are focused on each other or on more distant objects.
This description, made by a complete outsider, does not give many clues
as to the meaning of this social situation, and it includes almost no cultural
information. For example, through more participant observation and inquiry,
an ethnographer might discover this social situation was culturally
constituted in any of the following forms:
86
MAKING A DOMAIN ANALYSIS
1. A religious bible study undertaken by two persons.
2. A job interview.
3. A psychological test.
4. A restaurant table, where two people are reading a menu.
5. A seance using holy books.
6. A place where two persons are preparing for a chess match.
You can probably think of other possibilities. Let's now culturally define
this social situation by the following diagram:
SOCIAL SITUATION CULTURAL MEANING
~n~
Place: library
Actors: students
Activity: studying
Objects: chair, table, books, etc.
Goals: study for mid-term exam
The stream ofbehavior represented in the line drawing has taken on meaning
and organization. It has been defined. Culture is "the definition of the situa-
tion."
Now, it should be obvious that in your fieldnotes you have not been a
completely ignorant outsider. You have already recorded many cultural
meanings discovered through participant observation or known beforehand.
Indeed, if you studied a library study table, it would be difficult to make and
record descriptive observations without identifying some of the cultural
meanings shown above. However, you cannot take these for granted without
careful analysis and further observations. And ifyou study an unfamiliar
social situation, you will find that much of what you see and hear has little
meaning.
In this step I want to begin showing you how to systematically move from
merely observing a social situation to discovering a cultural_s.cene, two
closely related but significantly different concepts. You first have to discover
the parts or elements of cultural meaning and then find out how they
are organized. We will begin with an important basic unit in every culture,
the cultural domain. Domain analysis is the first type of ethnographic analysis.
In later steps we will consider taxonomic analysis, which involves a
search for the way cultural domains are organized, then componential analysis,
which involves a search for the attributes of terms in each domain. Finally,
we will consider theme analysis, which involves a search for the rela-
87
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
tionships among domains and for how they are linked to the cultural scene as
a whole.
CULTURAL DOMAINS
A cultural domain is a category of cultural meaning that includes other
smaller categories. Consider one type of actor that appeared before the
members of the grand jury: witnesses. Once these people had been defined
as witnesses, we on the grand jury no longer saw them merely as persons,
but as a particular kind of person. "Witness" was a cultural category, a
basic unit of cultural meaning in the context of grand juries. We knew it was
a category of cultural meaning that included other smaller categories because
the prosecuting attorney would say things like, ''Now, we are going to
hear from an expert witness," or "Now we will hear from a defense witness."
"Kinds of witnesses" was one important cultural domain in this
scene.
Consider an example of a cultural domain from another society. The category
''friend'' (kabagayan) in Tausug culture includes eight types offriends.
This Philippine group described by Kiefer (1968) organizes people into the
following types of "friends": ritual friend, close friend, casual friend, opponent,
personal enemy, follower, ally, and neutral. "Kinds of friends" may
be a domain in your culture, but it probably doesn't include all the types
used by the Tausug. Note that they even include personal enemies in the
category of friends, probably because through a special ceremony such
enemies can be transformed into ritual friends.
Basic Elements of Cultural Domains
Cultural domains are categories of meaning. On the grand jury I was able
to observe dozens of different witnesses, all of whom were unique in some
way. However, we treated them all as if they were the same kind of
person-witnesses. A category is an array of different objects that are
treated as if they were equivalent. I will represent this "category" feature of
all domains by the use ofa box:
DOMAIN
Witnesses
Every culture creates hundreds of thousands of categories by taking unique
things and classifying them together. Anything conceivable can be used to
88
MAKING A DOMAIN ANALYSIS
create such cultural categories, including eye blinks, ghosts, automobiles,
dreams, clouds, and secret wishes. Domains, as cultural categories, are
made up of three basic elements: cover term, included terms, and semantic
relationship.
The cover term is the name for a cultural domain. "Witnesses" is the
cover term for a domain from my data on the grand jury. "Friends" is a
cover term for the Tausug domain mentioned earlier.
The included terms are the names for all the smaller categories inside the
domain, such as "personal enemy," "ritual friend," and "opponent" in
Tausug culture.
The third element in all cultural domains is a single semantic relationship,
the linking together of two categories. As we shall see, semantic relationships
are extremely important for discovering cultural domains. We can isolate
one semantic relationship by stating the relationship of ''personal
enemies" and the domain "friend."
A personal enemy (is a kind of) friend. Here we see that two categories
(personal enemy, friend) are linked by the semantic relationship -is a kind
of-. We can now show these three elements in the following diagram:
DOMAIN
FRIEND /
..... Cover term
II\ II\
is a kind of .... Semantic relationship
personal enemy /
ritual friend ..... Included terms
The semantic relationship operates on the general principle of inclusion. Its
function is to define included terms by placing them inside the cultural do-
main.
Kinds of Domains
Any description of cultural domains always involves the use of language.
Cover terms, included terms, and semantic relationships are all words and
phrases that define and give meaning to the objects, events, and activities
you observe. Ifyou can record numerous samples ofthe way people talk you
can use their folk terms to construct cultural domains. For example, in
studying the grand jury I heard the prosecuting attorney say things like "expert
witness," and "defense witness." At other times it becomes necessary
to use your own terms to label what you see. Whenver you introduce words
89
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
not in use by the people you are studying, we will call those analytic terms, a
distinction that gives rise to three different kinds ofdomains.
1. Folk Domains. This domain occurs when all the terms come from the
language used by people in the social situation. In his study of glider pilots,
Rbyski (974) discovered several domains including types ofjlights, gliders,
and maneuvers. The following folk domain is made up entirely of terms used
by glider pilots.
MANEUVER
1[\ ,,
is a kind of
take off land glide
turn skid slip
crab spiral chandelle
sideslip stall basic 8
2. Mixed domains. You may become interested in some domain for which
there are only a few folk terms. Yet your observations clearly show that additional
things exist which need labels. When this is the case you will want to
select appropriate analytic terms to complete the domain. For example, in
her study of runners, Northrop (1978) heard people use terms like "runner,"
"long-distance runner," and "track people." From observation it was clear
that the cover term for the domain of people who used the indoor track was
"runner." However, the other two folk terms did not account for all the
variations in kinds of people who ran. For instance, some people visited the
track only on rare occasions and didn't fit either of the categories. Northrop,
on the basis of many observations and many hours of running herself, developed
a mixed domain to categorize her discoveries.
"RUNNER"
1[\
''is a kind of
"long-distance runner"
"track people"
track team males
track team females
competent regulars
infrequent visitors
newcomers
amateur regulars
90
MAKING A DOMAIN ANALYSIS
3. Analytic domains. Many of the cultural meanings remain tacit and you
must infer them from what people do, what they say, and the artifacts they
make and use. When a consistent pattern of cultural behavior emerges and
you cannot discover any folk terms to label that behavior, you will need to
select your own analytic terms. Consider the following example.
A common scene in most museums is a small group of people moving from
one display to another. The group is often a family composed of one or more
parents and several children. Hanson (1978) wanted to discover the cultural
rules for using museums. She stationed herself in a large display room and
observed group after group of family members coming and going. She also
circulated through the museum taking fieldnotes on the behavior of people
looking at the displays. Almost all the conversation she heard had to do with
the museum artifacts on display. However, she became interested in the behavior
of parents, a topic none of the family groups discussed. She began to
observe every aspect of each group's behavior, how parents led the group of
children, how they talked to the children, how they moved from one
museum display to another, and everything else she could. Soon a number of
patterns began to emerge, cultural patterns that suggested several appropriate
styles parents could assume in leading their children through a museum.
She identified the cover term "parent" and selected analytic terms for the
domain she had discovered.
PARENT
''
,,
is a kind of
teacher separatist lecturer
tutor tour guide babysitter
disciplinarian child neglecter
recreation director discussion leader
As you begin a domain analysis, keep in mind that you can start with either
folk terms or analytic terms. Your goal is to discover the patterns of culture
in a particular social situation. The first step is to identify possible domains.
We now tum to the steps you can go through to make this kind ofanalysis.
STEPS IN MAKING A DOMAIN ANALYSIS
Let's go back to your fieldnotes for a moment. You have page after page
of description, most of it in your own words, but here and there are folk
terms you overheard. The cultural domains will not jump out at you from
your fieldnotes. They are embedded in what you have already recorded.
Your task is to search through the description for cover terms, included
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
terms, and semantic relationships. Once you have found some part of a domain,
you can use that as a tool for discovering more. Your fieldnotes are
filled with an enormous number of cover terms and included terms. One
good way to begin your analysis is to read over your fieldnotes, looking for
names for things, including objects, places, people, and the like. Then, you
can ask whether there are different kinds of these things. For example, at the
beginning of the last step, I presented .some fieldnotes from the first meeting
of the grand jury. Looking over those notes, the following possible cover
terms which are names for things emerged:
1. kinds ofcourthouses 4. kinds of people
2. kinds ofjurors 5. kinds ofinstructions
3. kinds ofjudges 6. kinds offeelings
Another useful way to begin making a domain analysis makes use of the
semantic relationship as a starting point. From a growing body of research, it
appears that the number of semantic relationships in any culture is quite
small, perhaps less than two dozen. In addition, certain semantic relationships
appear to be universal. For instance, all cultures make use of what I
shall call strict inclusion: "an oak (is a kind of) tree." These remarkable
facts make semantic relationships an extremely important tool for ethnographic
analysis. We will begin the steps in making a domain analysis with
semantic relationships. At the same time, keep in mind that finding cultural
domains is both science and art. Children in every society grow up and learn
the domains of their culture without even knowing such a thing as a "domain"
exists. At a young age they become "participant observers," watching
others, listening to th'em, and slowly they learn to classify and code experience
in the same way as adults. The steps in domain analysis presented
below should not become a substitute for your own intuition and ingenuity.
There is another way to think about searching for domains that may be
helpful. Perhaps you have seen a picture of a tree in which the artist has
hidden several faces or animal figures. When you first look at the picture all
you see is a tree. In fact, you might never guess that other figures were
hidden among the branches and leaves without someone telling you. Then,
knowing hidden faces are present you begin your search. It still appears to
you like a tree and nothing more. Then suddenly you "see" a face or animal
figure where before you had seen only leaves. Now your search takes on
more interest; another one appears, then another. After such discoveries it
becomes difficult to view the tree without also seeing the faces hidden in the
drawing. Discovering cultural domains works in much the same way. You
have already become familiar with your fieldnotes through writing them
down. Now you will read them over again, this time searching for hidden
domains among the leaves and branches. Once a domain is "discovered"
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MAKING A DOMAIN ANALYSIS
you will find it easier to locate others and soon you will find it difficult to read
your notes without seeing domains in every paragraph.
Step One: Select a single semantic relationship. In my own research and
in working with other ethnographers, I have found the following universal
semantic relationships the most useful for beginning an analysis of cultural
domains. They are based on a number of important investigations into the
universality of such relationships. For each one I will give an example from
my study of the Marshall County Grand Jury.
RELATIONSHIP
1. Strict inclusion
2. Spatial
3. Cause-effect
4. Rationale
5. Location-for-action
6. Function
7. Means-end
8. Sequence
9. Attribution
FORM
X is a kind of Y
X is a place in Y
X is a part of Y
X is a result of Y
X is a reason for
doing Y
X is a place for
doing Y
X is used for Y
X is a way to do Y
X is a step (stage)
in Y
X is an attribution
(characteristic) of Y
EXAMPLE
An expert witness (is a kind of) wit-
ness.
The grand jury room (is a place in)
the county courthouse.
The jury box (is a part of) the criminal
courtroom.
Serving on the grand jury (is a result
of) being selected.
A large number of cases (is a reason
for) going rapidly.
The grand jury room (is a place for)
hearing cases.
Witnesses (are used for) bringing
evidence.
Taking an oath (is a way to) symbolize
the sacredness of jury duty.
Making jail visits (is a stage in)
grand jury activities.
Authority (is an attribute of) the at-
torney.
It is possible to begin with any of these relationships or some other not
listed that is important in your particular cultural scene. The two semantic
relationships I suggest for making a start in domain analysis are strict
inclusion (X is a kind of Y) and means-end (X is a way to Y). The former
relationship focuses your attention on nouns, the latter on verbs. For purposes
of illustration I will begin the analysis with strict inclusion.
Step Two: Prepare a domain analysis worksheet. Some ethnographers
underline cover terms or semantic relationships directly in their fieldnotes or
write in the margins to identify domains. I have found a separate worksheet a
distinct advantage (Figure 11). You will need to go over your fieldnotes
many times before you complete your research. By transferring your analysis
to another sheet of paper, you will keep your fieldnotes from becoming
cluttered with interpretations. A worksheet also helps to visualize the structure
of each domain: cover term, included terms, semantic relationship.
93
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
1. Semantic Relationship: 5fricf Inclu~ion
2. Form: ~ {_is a L,.,d of') Y.
3. Example: An oaK. (i~ a l<i1'7d o.P)_ -1-r~.
Included Terms Semantic Cover Term
Relationship
>
/S A K.JNb OP
)
Structural Questions:
Included Terms Semantic Cover Term
Relationship
>
IS A J(tND t)f:
)
J
Structural questions:
FIGURE 11. Domain Analysis Worksheet
Each domain analysis worksheet requires that you enter certain information
before beginning the search: (1) the semantic relationship selected, (2) a
statement of the form in which it is expressed, and (3) an example from your
own culture of a sentence that has a cover term, an included term, and the
semantic relationship (see Figure 11). The worksheet is divided into empty
domains with blank spaces in which you enter the semantic relationship you
94
MAKING A DOMAIN ANALYSIS
have selected. Then, both cover term and the included terms will be written
in as you identify them from your fieldnotes. Making systematic use of this
kind of worksheet will help to uncover tacit domains embedded in the
sentences you have written down earlier.
Step Three: Select a sample offieldnote entries. To begin with, one need
only select a few paragraphs from the fieldnotes. Even shorter samples will
do, although you will soon need to move on to the rest of your fieldnotes.
Let's consider a selection from fieldnotes taken in a hospital:
Each day on the sixth floor of Fairview Hospital begins about eight when they
bring breakfast to the patients. Two patients are in each room and the doctors visit
about nine in the morning. Many patients feel helpless and they can't control things
for themselves like the temperature in the rooms, getting what they want to eat, and
getting enough sleep. Someone is always taking their temperature, changing an I. V.,
or bringing them food.
Perhaps the biggest problem expressed by patients is finding privacy. With two to a
room one is exposed to the visitors of another patient who may crowd into your
room, sit on your bed, and talk loudly. Loss of privacy seems to occur when other
patients in the room will talk on the phone, sometimes for hours, will play the
television, and will talk with his or her visitors. I observed several ways that patients
try to achieve some small degree of privacy vis-a-vis the other patients as well as
nurses. Some will pull the curtain that separates the two beds. Others will go for a
walk in the hallways. It is possible, at a higher fee, to get a private room. A television
lounge sits to the left of the nurses' station and some patients will sit in the lounge to
escape the invasion of privacy from visitors to the other patient in their room.
Step Four: Search for possible cover terms and included terms that fit the
semantic relationship. This search involves reading, but reading in a particular
manner. Instead of reading the meaning of sentences and focusing on
their content, the ethnographer reads the fieldnotes with an eye for terms
that might fit the semantic relationship. It means reading with a question in
mind: "Which terms could be a kind of something?" or "Could there be
different kinds of those?" Let's review the example above from a study of
patients in a hospital, asking these questions. The following terms emerge as
possible parts of one domain.
Included Terms
.fiNitnq privac.y
corrfrollinq iem(J!ratCJrl!.
9efft'rl9 s /~ p
Semantic Relationship
) is a k.in.J ~f. )
Cover Term
prohlem
95
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
Most of the time, especially when using small samples from your fieldnotes,
only two or three included terms can be found for any domain. Indeed,
sometimes only a single included term can be found. The number ofincluded
terms should not concern you. Your goal at this step is merely to identify
cultural domains. Once you have identified the three basic elements, as in
the example above, you can search for additional domains.
Let's look at another one from the fieldnotes above, still using the same
semantic relationship.
Included Terms Semantic Relationship Cover Term
nurse
aa+ient
'
cJoci-or
> i~ a kllcl o.P ) /li!rson
'
visifor
In this example we have taken a very brief description to use in our
domain analysis. Our goal was to discover one or more domains using a
single semantic relationship. Your task is much larger: you will need to go
through all your fieldnotes with a single semantic relationship in mind. As
you identify one domain, then move on to others, you will undoubtedly
come across additional included terms. Record as many as you can find, but
remember that your major goal is to compile a list of as many domains as
possible.
Step Five: Repeat the search for domains using a different semantic relationship.
For some of the semantic relationships I have identified you will
find many domains; for others there will be relatively few. Let's look at one
more example from the data on hospital patients, thistime using the relationship
of means-end (see page 97).
Some investigators find it useful to prepare their domain analysis worksheets
on 4 x 6 cards, with a single domain for each card. As the list of
included terms grows, it can be extended on the back of the card. As the
stack of cards grows, the cards can be sorted easily into different piles and
arranged to suit different purposes in analysis. Later, when the researcher
begins writing up his or her ethnography, these cards become the source of
organizing the description.
Step Six: Make a list ofall identified domains. The goal ofdomain analysis
is twofold. First, you are trying to identify cultural categories; second, you
96
MAKING A DOMAIN ANALYSIS
1. Semantic relationship: .....!..:.rn~.u:;.~!...n~.:r.::-~te.~n~d__________
2. Form: Y. (i~ a ~~Jay to) Y
3. Example: Reviewing f1cfre<;; U'1 0. wo.y -to) sivdy
Included Terms Semantic Relationship Cover Term
pull til~ cvr'fo.in
go 6:J I. V. lou11e1iZ (i~ a wayto ) ,
----=;.:...==::.......L:..:~~:__ I > 7'_Er-der pr,"va~ t"""om
want to gain an overview of the cultural scene you are studying. At first you
may feel that there are an almost infinite number of cultural domains, that
your task is endless. However, this is not the case. Beginning ethnographers
who have carried out four or five hours of observation usually discover
between twenty-five and two hundred cultural domains. It is not necessary
to be completely exhaustive. With several dozen domains which represent
most of the semantic relationships, you can achieve a good overview of the
cultural scene.
Here is an example of a domain list from Hanson's study of parents and
children in a museum (1978):
1. X is a kind of Y
kinds of groups
kinds of families
kinds of attitudes
kinds of postures
kinds of relationships
kinds of explanations
kinds of questions kids ask
2. X is a way to Y
ways to ask questions
ways to compare things
ways to describe museum artifacts
ways parents try to teach children
ways kids get parents' attention
97
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
ways to listen
ways kids teach each other
ways to have fun
ways to get parents to hurry up
ways to dress
ways to react to other visitors
ways to touch people
ways to ignore parents
ways kids act cool
3. X is a part of Y
parts of an exhibit
parts of the museum
4. X is a reason for Y
reasons for getting mad
reasons to move on to next exhibit
reasons to be bored
reasons for being at the museum
5. X is a stage in Y
stages in moving through the area
stages in looking at each exhibit
6. X is used for Y
things to do with your hands
things to do with your feet
Although this list is incomplete, it gives a general idea about possible areas
for further research. It is a beginning overview of the social situation common
in museums. In most published ethnographic studies, the author does
not provide a complete list of cultural domains. Rather, most ethnographers
select from the larger list to focus on several related domains in the final
description. For example, in his study of flea markets, Maisel (1974) discusses
a limited number of domains including (1) kinds of goods, (2) reasons
people go to flea markets, (3) kinds of flea market action, and (4) kinds of
myths. In the following steps we will discuss how to select domains for more
intensive study, but any selection is premature if you have not first developed
a detailed list of cultural domains.
In this step we have examined the nature of ethnographic analysis and the
procedures for discovering cultural domains. A cultural·domain is an important
unit that exists in every culture. It is a category of cultural meaning that
includes other smaller categories. Domain analysis, when doing participant
observation, includes six interrelated steps:
1. Selecting a single semantic relationship.
98
MAKING A DOMAIN ANALYSIS
2. Preparing a domain analysis worksheet.
3. Selecting a sample ot fieldnote entries.
4. Searching for possible cover terms and included terms that appropriately
fit the semantic relationship.
5. -Repeating the search with other semantic relationships.
6. Making a list of all identified domains.
Domain analysis is not a once-and-for-all procedure. It must be repeated as
new data are collected through participant observation. Every few weeks
throughout a research project, the ethnographer will want to use these
procedures to find new domains.
Tasks
5.1 Conduct a thorough domain analysis following the steps presented In this
step. Base your analysis on all your expanded fieldnotes collected to
date.
5.2 Make a summary list of all domains identified through your analysis and
review It to ascertain possible domains for further research.
5.3 Conduct a period of participant observation In which you make additional
descriptive observations.
99
100
OBJECTIVES
1. To select a tentative focus for participant observation.
2. To learn how structural questions lead to focused observa-
tions.
3. To learn to make focused observations.
4. To conduct a period of participant observation in which you
add focused observations to your activities.
Let us review briefly where the Developmental Research
Sequence has brought us. We began with three preparatory
steps: (1) Selecting a Social Situation; (2) Doing Participant
Observation; and, (3) Making an Ethnographic Record.
With Step Three you had made a selection and actually
started your fieldwork. Step Four examined strategies for
(4) Making Descriptive Observations. Using the fieldnotes
you had collected, we went on to begin ethnographic analysis
by (5) Making a Domain Analysis, which resulted in a
broad overview of the cultural scene with a long list of cultural
domains. Mter making another trip to the field and taking
more fieldnotes, you will probably be able to add to this
list.
Depending on the amount of time spent doing participant
observation and making your analysis, you have probably
become keenly aware of what I shall call cultural complexity,
the fact that even the simplest social situation is imbued
with a large number of cultural meanings. Take, for example,
a flea market. Vendors come to the market early in the
morning, set up their stalls and tables, display their goods,
and then wait for customers. The flea market lasts for five or
six hours, then people leave. On the surface it looks like a
simple social situation. But, as Maisel (1974) discovered,
the phenomenon of a flea market is culturally complex.
Mter interviews with more than seventy persons, many
hours of observations, and after five years of participating in
flea markets, he had not come to a complete understanding
of this cultural scene. In his ethnographic report, Maisel
chose to emphasize data related to "the action" that occurs
at flea markets.
Like_all ethnographers, you will discover that cultural
complexity makes it difficult to describe a cultural scene in a
completely thorough manner. An exhaustive ethnography,
even for a rather limited cultural scene, would take years of
intensive research. All ethnographers, whether studying the
MAKING FOCUSED OBSERVATIONS
total way of life in an Eskimo community or a Bushmen band, or investigating
a limited cultural scene in a large city, must limit their investigation in
some way. Some aspects of the culture will have to be studied more exhaustively
than others. In this step I want to discuss how to limit the scope of
your ethnography while maintaining a holistic viewpoint.
SELECTING AN ETHNOGRAPHIC FOCUS
When Maisel (1974) decided to study "the action" at flea markets, he selected
an ethnographic focus. A focus refers to a single cultural domain or a
few related domains and the relationships of such domains to the rest of the
cultural scene. At first it is difficult to know which domains will cluster together
in such a way as to provide an ethnographic focus. You will have to
make your selection tentative, beginning with a single cultural domain or
several that appear to be related. As your research progresses over the next
few periods ofinvestigation, you may discard or refine this original focus.
Whether to select an ethnographic focus or not is a decision each investigator
must make. You can either carry out a surface investigation, identifying
and partially studying as many cultural domains as possible, or you can
select an ethnographic focus and conduct an in-depth investigation. If you
decide on this second strategy, you will obviously have to neglect many important
features of the cultural scene. After spending many months making a
surface investigation, some investigators will then focus their research after
making one or two preliminary reports. Others will decide ahead oftime on a
specific problem for study, making the choice for an in-depth investigation
before the first trip to the field. For example, Walum (1974) decided beforehand
that her ethnographic focus in observing people going through
doors on a college campus would be on male-female relationships. This same
project could have been done with an alternative ethnographic focus such as
the ways people communicate nonverbally when going through doors.
Ethnographers have long debated the advantages of in-depth and surface
strategies. Those who advocate the in-depth strategy argue that cultural
meaning is complex and if we only skim the surface we will never know how
informants really understand things. It is better, they say, to study a single
domain intensively than many domains superficially.
Those who advocate studying the surface of cultural meanings argue that
we need to see a culture or cultural scene in holistic terms. It is the relationships
among domains that are important; then later, if time allows, we can
come back and examine each domain in exhaustive detail.
In actual practice, most ethnographers adopt a compromise. They study a
few selected domains (an ethnographic focus) in-depth, while still attempting
to gain a surface understanding of the cultural scene as a whole. In order to
accomplish this, we must adopt strategies for both in-depth analysis and a
101
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
more holistic, surface analysis. The steps in the D.R.S. Method are designed
to keep a balanced tension between these two strategies. In the first
five steps you were going in the direction of a broad, surface investigation.
In the next four steps (including this one) you will shift to learning the skills
needed to make an in-depth investigation. Then, in the last three steps we
will again shift back to a broader perspective, trying to see how the ethnographic
focus you select is related to the rest ofthe cultural scene. Those who
have limited time or different goals may use this book effectively and go immediately
to Step Ten: Making a Theme Analysis. These two different
emphases throughout the twelve steps of the D.R.S. Method are shown in
Figure 12.
General Cultural Domains
Before you can make a valid selection for your ethnographic focus, you
must first identify a wide range of possibilities. All ethnographic problem
solving begins by identifying the problem ("I must narrow my investigation"),
identifying the cause ("Culture is complex"), and then listing a
large number ofpossible solutions ("a long list of cultural domains"). If you
have only identified ten or fifteen domains in your cultural scene, you are not
ready to select a focus. You must go back to your fieldnotes or make more
observations to identify many more cultural domains.
One aid in expanding your list of cultural domains comes from considering
what I call certain "general cultural domains," categories of cultural meaning
that occur in almost every social situation. They are stated in such general
terms that they can help you think ofspecific domains to look for in your
fieldnotes. Each domain is still stated with a cover term and semantic relationship;
the included terms must be discovered from your particular cultural
scene. Many of these general cultural domains are based on the nine
dimensions of social situations presented earlier: space, object, act, activity,
event, time, actor, goal,feeling. I will list some general domains but you will
undoubtedly be able to think of more.
1. Strict inclusion: X is a kind of Y
kinds ofacts
kinds of places
kinds of objects
kinds ofactivities
kinds of relationships
2. Spatial: X is a part of Y
parts ofactivities
parts of places
parts ofevents
parts ofobjects
102
kinds oftime
kinds ofactors
kinds offeelings
kinds ofgoals
MAKING FOCUSED OBSERVATIONS
FIGURE 12. Focus In Ethnographic Research
I
I
I
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-
•I
I
I
I
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I
I
I
~
I
I
-1- --
12.
11.
I
Writing the ethnography
+Taking a cultural inventory
~Making a theme analysis
~
9. Making a
componential
analysis
8. Making
selective
observations
~7. Making
a taxonomic
analysis
6. Making
focused
observations
~
/
\
5. Making a domain analysis
~
/
4. Making descriptive observations
~3. Making an ethnographic record
+2. Doing participant observation
1. Selecting a social situation
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
+I
I
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~
I
- I--.J.
--
\
\
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The D.R.S. steps begin with a wide focus, surveying many possible social situations. When one
is selected, the research includes the entire social situation from Steps 3 through 12. However,
there is a dual focus, one narrow, the other broad and holistic. The ethnographer continues to
use the skills learned in Steps 4 and 5 while at the same time focusing observations on selected
cultural domains. Toward the end of the project the focus expands again to make a holistic
description of the cultural scene.
103
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH.SEQUENCE
3. Cause-effect: X is a result of Y
results ofactivities
results ofacts
results ofevents
results offeelings
4. Rationale: X is a reasonfor doing Y
reasons for actions
reasons for carrying out activities
reasons for staging events
reasons for feelings
reasons for using objects
reasons for seeking goals
reasons for arranging space
5. Location for action: X is a placefor doing Y
places for activities
places where people act
places where events are held
places for objects
places for seeking goals
6. Function: X is usedfor Y
uses for objects
uses for events
uses for acts
uses for activities
uses for feelings
uses for places
7. Means-end: Xis a way to do Y
ways to organize space
ways to act
ways to carry out activities
ways to stage events
ways to seek goals
ways to become actors
ways to feel
8. Sequence: X is a step in Y
steps in achieving goals
steps in an act
stages in an event
stages in an activity
stages in becoming an actor
104
MAKING FOCUSED OBSERVATIONS
9. Attribution: X is an attribute of Y (characteristic)
characteristics of objects
characteristics ofplaces
characteristics oftime
characteristics ofactors
characteristics ofactivities
In making use of these general cultural domains, you will have to replace
the general cover terms such as "object" and "actor" with specific types,
each of which will have many included terms. For example, in my study of
the grand jury, I used the general domain "kinds of actors" as a guide to
focusing my attention on domains of this sort. Rather than identifying all the
people involved in the grand jury under this domain, I identified several domains.
These included (1) kinds of witnesses, (2) kinds of grand jurors, and
(3) kinds of officials. The general domain thus led me to three culturally
specific domains. Once you have used these general domains to enlarge your
list ofcultural domains, you are ready to consider selecting a focus.
Criteria for Selecting an Ethnographic Focus
1. Personal Interest. If you are a beginning ethnographer and your goal is
primarily to learn to do participant observation, almost any domain or cluster
of domains can become your focus. Look over the domains you have
identified and ask yourself, "Which ones look most interesting?" Perhaps
you have done previous research or read an article that will suggest something
of interest. If you select a domain for more intensive study and discover
it offers few possibilities, you can discard it and move on to another
you find interesting.
2. Suggestions by Informants. Sometimes the people you are observing
will make suggestions about things they feel are important. You can then
take their advice as the basis for selecting an ethnographic focus. In our
study of a college bar (Spradley and Mann 1975), one of the waitresses suggested,
"If you really want to understand Brady's Bar, you should study the
problems waitresses have with bartenders." This led to a research focus on
domains like "kinds of bartenders," "ways bartenders hassle waitresses,"
and "ways to get along with bartenders." If you listen to what people say,
they often drop hints as to what they feel is important in their worlds. A man
standing in line at a bank may mutter, "Every time I change to a faster line,
it slows up and I have to wait longer." This might give you a clue that studying
domains like "ways to choose a line" and "reasons for changing lines"
might be interesting. Sometimes an informant will refer to something so
often that it stands out as important. For example, the prosecuting attorney
on the grand jury would constantly remind the jurors that ''we have lots of
cases, we must hurry today.'' This emphasis on speeding up the process led
105
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
me to several domains including "ways the attorney speeds things up,"
"ways to keep jurors from asking questions," "ways to hurry witnesses,"
and "things that slow down the process." If you develop a close relationship
with anyone in the social situation you are studying you might ask them,
"What do you feel is most important for me to find out about?"
3. Theoretical Interest. Some cultural domains relate well to social science
theories. Let's say, for example, that you are interested in some theory
of social organization as it applies to schools. You begin observing in a
third-grade class and identify many domains. Several of these will be specifically
related to social organization, including such things as "kinds of
kids," "kinds ofteachers," and "kinds of groups." If you are interested in
the way people manage privacy in public places, you could focus on domains
such as "kinds of intrusions," "ways to avoid people," and "ways to appear
inconspicuous." You may have selected a particular social situation on
the basis of some theoretical interest. Now, as you look for an ethnographic
focus you can use that interest to narrow your research.
4. Strategic Ethnography. In an earlier chapter I discussed ways in which
ethnography can be carried out in the service of human needs. I listed several
major problem areas in our own culture and suggested these could help
guide the ethnographer in selecting a cultural scene for research. These same
criteria can guide you now in selecting a focus for research in a particular
cultural scene. For example, I began studying a city jail (Spradley 1970) because
of reports from informants that it was degrading and actually violated
the rights of prisoners. Once into the study I selected "kinds of inmates,"
and "parts of the bucket" to explore more fully what the prisoners experienced
throughout the jail. Some domains in a culture offer special opportunities
to carry out strategic ethnography.
5. Organizing Domains. Sometimes you will discover a large domain that
seems to organize most of the cultural meaning of a particular scene. Somehow,
it pulls together the relationships among many other domains. For example,
after many months of listening to tramps talk about life in the Seattle
City Jail (the bucket), I saw that one domain seemed to tie all the information
together. I called it "stages in making the bucket" and it became an important
ethnographic focus.
I have found from experience and reviewing the work of hundreds of
ethnographers that domains based on sequence relationships frequently help
to organize a cultural scene. Let's say you are observing shoppers in a
supermarket. As you watch them come in the door, you take a basket and
follow them throughout the store and observe them leaving. Now, there are
hundreds of domains in this cultural scene-kinds of food, ways to select,
patterns of movement, places in the store, and ways customers interact to
106
MAKING FOCUSED OBSERVATIONS
name but a few. You could, however, show the cultural scene in a holistic
manner by focusing on "stages in shopping." This domain would identify
stages like the following:
Stage 1: entering the store
Stage 2: selecting a shopping cart
Stage 3: choosing a direction or route
Stage 4: picking out meat
Stage 5: getting dairy products
Stage 6: buying produce
Stage 7: selecting a check-out line
Stage 8: checking out
Stage 9: transporting groceries
Stage 10: leaving the store
Within this large organizing domain, you might still want to focus your
research even more specifically. For example, you might find that most of
the interaction between customers and employees occurs at the check-out
stand. You might want to focus on two related cultural domains "kinds of
customer-employee relationships" and "kinds of check-out conflicts." Selecting
an organizing domain for your ethnographic focus can be of enormous
help when you finally reach the point of writing your ethnography. The
domain can become the major subpoints in your paper.
FOCUSED OBSERVATIONS
Once you have selected an ethnographic focus you are ready to go back to
your social situation and add focused observations to your repertoire of
fieldwork activities. Although focused observations will increasingly take up
a major part of your time, they will never occupy all the time spent during a
period of participant observation. Figure 13 shows the relationship of observation
time over the course of your research to the three kinds of obser-
vation.
Focused observations are based on the second type of ethnographic
question, one I call a structural question. A structural question makes use of
the semantic relationship of a domain with the cover term. Listed below are
several domains I have used in previous examples along with the appropriate
structural question:
DOMAIN
stages in shopping
kinds of witnesses
STRUCTURAL QUESTION
What are all the stages in shopping?
What are all the kinds ofwitnesses?
107
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
reasons for changing lines
ways to hurry witnesses
parts of the bucket
causes of conflict
What are all the reasons people
change lines?
What are all the ways to hurry wit-
nesses?
What are all the parts of the bucket?
What are all the causes of conflict?
Let's take a specific example of how one might use structural questions in
research. Sugarman spent two months in the summer of 1968 as a full-time
z
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Sequence of Observation Periods
The amount of time spent making observations during your research project can be divided in
terms of the kind of observation. The first two periods in the D.R.S. process are spent preparing
for research. Then begin three periods of descriptive observation. Beginning with this step you
will phase in focused observation, slackening but not eliminating descriptive ones. The seventh
period will usher in selective observation. All continue at the same time.
FIGURE 13. The Relationship of Observation Time to the Three Kinds of Observation
108
MAKING FOCUSED OBSERVATIONS
participant observer in a drug rehabilitation center. In his ethnography
Daytop Village: A Therapeutic Community (1974), he describes many domains
in the culture of this community. One domain he focused on was
called "kinds of social roles" in the encounter group. Once having identified
this as a domain, he could carry out focused observation with the structural
question in mind: "What are all the social roles people play in the encounter
group?" By asking this question over and over again during encounter-group
sessions, he discovered the following included terms that made up this
domain. The result was an analytic domain, one made up of terms created by
the investigator to describe the cultural rules for behavior in the encounter
group. Here are the roles Sugarman identified:
1. chairman 6. reflector
2. prosecutor 7. irritant
3. witness 8. therapist
4. identifier 9. patch-up artist
5. preacher
The major feature of structural questions is that they are repeatable. You
will need to ask them over and over again. One of the best ways to avoid
shallow ethnographic research is to formulate structural questions carefully,
then make focused observations that are based entirely on a single structural
question. Sugarman, for example, could sit through many hours of encounter
group at Daytop Village asking, "Are there any other roles these
group members are playing?" Each new role observed is another answer to
the structural question.
Consider the way structural questions can lead to focused observations in
another setting. Tolzmann (1978) set out to study interaction among strangers
in an urban arcade. The arcade was indoors, and it had benches on which
people could sit. Several passageways led away from the arcade: one to a
large hotel, another to a parking ramp, and another to a downtown street.
Many people walked through the arcade to the parking ramp, but others sat
on the benches, wandered through the small stores that opened on the
arcade, or simply loitered in this general area. At first, through descriptive
observations Tolzmann described this general pattern of activity, trying to
find some specific areas for an ethnographic focus. Through domain analysis
she identified at least the following domains:
1. uses of the arcade
2. kinds of danger signals in the arcade
3. ways to manage danger
4. kinds of people in the arcade
With these domains in mind she formulated structural questions and
109
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
returned to the arcade to make focused observations. "What are all the uses
of the arcade?" led to discovering the following cultural patterns: shop,
wait, getfrom outside, use restroom, eat, talk, use telephone, walk through,
and hustle. A number of people, including elderly women, used the arcade
as a place to go, a kind of "home away from home." These "regulars"
recognized that the arcade held certain dangers, and knowing the danger
signals was one way they could cope with the dangers of this impersonal
urban place. One evidence that dangers existed was the fact that a uniformed
guard patrolled the passageways and the arcade itself. "What are all the
danger signals in the arcade?" became an important structural question
Tolzmann used to make focused observations. Instead of trying to watch
everything that went on in the arcade, she was able to focus on things that
were clear danger signals to the arcade's regular inhabitants. This domain
included such things as crowdedness, emptiness, absence of the guard,
people sitting too close, people talking too loud, and those times when all
shops closed.
It is possible to make focused observations on several domains at the
same time. Tolzmann, for example, could watch for danger signals, ways
people manage danger, and the uses of the arcade all at the same time. It is a
good idea to prepare five or six structural questions before going on to make
focused observations. With these in mind, you can take up an observation
post and look for the answers to your questions. Remember, your goal is not
to find a single answer to a question, such as a single danger signal or way to
deal with danger. Rather, you want to ask the question over and over and
find as many answers as you can.
Let's take one more example of making focused observations. Walum
(1974), in her study of male-female encounters at doors on a college campus,
discovered numerous cultural domains. At one time in the past it was widely
accepted that males could show their courtesy by opening doors for females.
With changing definitions of equality, this door ceremony has begun to
change. But, as Walum discovered, the change has not occurred uniformly
among college students and different patterns emerged from her observations.
She created an analytic domain, "kinds of door openers," and began
to make focused observations to discover the patterns that existed. "What
are all the different kinds of door openers?" She discovered the following:
1. The confused. In this situation, neither male nor female knows what to
do and often stop and bump into each other.
2. The tester. This person opens the door for females, but asks questions
like, "Are you a liberated woman?" Or a woman will ask, "Aren't you
going to open the door?"
3. The humanitarian. This person will try to be sensitive to the needs of
the situation, offering to open the door or letting the other open it.
4. The defender. This person defends the status quo. If female, she waits
110
MAKING FOCUSED OBSERVATIONS
until a male opens the door. If, male, he rushes forward to open it and
prevent a female from usurping his right.
5. The rebel. This person does exactly the opposite of the defender. This
pattern is represented by males who refuse to open doors and women
who refuse to allow males to open doors.
Here are four simple suggestions that may help you plan for making
focused observations:
1. List the domains you have tentatively selected for focused observations.
2. Write out the structural questions to ask yourself as you observe.
3. Identify observation posts that would give you the best opportunity to
make your focused observations.
4. Identify activities in which you might participate to carry out your focused
observations.
In this step we have examined ways to select an ethnographic focus and
then how to carry out observations to study this smaller area of social
behavior. In addition to narrowing the scope of your research, you will be
able to discover the structure of a particular cultural scene. Every scene is
made up of numerous cultural domains, and every domain has many smaller
categories included in them. Focused observation leads to discovering both
the larger and smaller categories that make up a cultural scene.
Tasks
6.1 Enlarge your list of cultural domains by making use ofthe general cultural
domains presented In this step.
6.2 Using this list, select a tentative ethnographic focus of one or more
cultural domains.
6.3 Conduct a focused observation In the field after you have made careful
plans for that observation.
111
112
OBJECTIVES
1. To understand how taxonomies organize cultural domains.
2. To learn how to make a taxonomic analysis.
3. To construct a taxonomy for one or more domains by following
the steps for doing taxonomic analysis.
The ethnographer begins an in-depth investigation by selecting
several cultural domains for careful study. The first
goal is to discover as many members ofa domain as possible.
It means finding out as many different kinds of witnesses
as appear before the grand jury or discovering as many
stages in shopping as possible. Through carefully focused
observations the ethnographer learns to make explicit those
distinctions people are making in everyday life.
Inthis stepwe wantto go evendeeperinourinvestigationof
cultural domains by finding out how they are organized. At
first a domain looks like a large box filled with smaller
categories of behavior. On closer examination, though, you
will discover that many times the contents of this "box" are
systematically organized. You may even discover that the
domain you have examined is part of a much larger domain.
Cultural meaning arises, in part, from the way things are
organized, the way they are related to one another. This
organization can be represented by means of a taxonomy.
TAXONOMY
Like a cultural domain, a taxonomy is a set of categories
organized on the basis of a single semantic relationship.
The major difference between the two is that a taxonomy
shows more of the relationships among the things inside
the cultural domain. Let's take a simple example. I stop
at a drugstore to buy a magazine, and without thinking I
make use of the cultural domain "kinds of magazines."
Looking across the rack I see Saturday Review, Harpers,
Popular Mechanics, T.V. Guide, Superman Comics, Batman,
and Cosmopolitan. I'm not interested in comics; I
don't want a woman's magazine so I skip over Better
Homes and Gardens. I want to buy Time, a newsmagazine.
Then I spot U.S. News and World Report and know that I'm
close. There, hidden from view behind Newsweek is the last
MAKING A TAXONOMIC ANALYSIS
copy of Time. I pick it up, take it to the check-out counter, and pay for it
before leaving the store. Now, all these magazines are members of the
domain "kinds of magazines," but within that domain I have other subcategories
for organizing it in more detail. We can show this difference in the
following diagram:
MAGAZINES
Practical magazines - - - - - Popular Mechanics
T.V. guides - - - - - - - T.V. Guide
Comics ..c::::=::::::=Superman Comics
Batman
Time
News magazines· Newsweek
U.S. News & World Report
A taxonomy, then, differs from a domain in only one respect: it shows the
relationships among all the included terms in a domain. A taxonomy reveals
subsets and the way they are related to the whole.
Consider another example of a taxonomy, this time from an ethnography
of tuna fishermen who work out of San Diego, California. Orbach, an
anthropologist, describes the culture of this group in his book Hunters,
Seamen, and Entrepreneurs (1977). One of the first things he had to learn
through participant observation was the cultural meaning ofthe ship used for
fishing. Orbach identifies a large cultural domain that includes nearly thirty
different spaces or parts of a tunaboat identified as follows:
the stack
skipper's cabin
seine net
skiff
main winch
deck hatch
shark slide
brailing booms
cabins
galley
netpile
anchor winches
rail-mounted winch
below
on deck
up top
platform
well deck
upper engine room
the bow
main deckhouse
main working deck
bridge
crow's nest
shaft alley
main engine room
mast
speedboat deck
deck
113
.....FIGURE14.TaxonomyofPartsofaTunaboat
~
SHAFTALLEY
MAINENG,INEROOM
Craw'snest
MAST
Platform
UPTOPSpeedboatdeck
(upperdeck)
Thestack
Bridge
Skipper'scabin
Seinenet
Netpile
PARTS
Skiff
OFAMainwinch
TUNABOATONDECK
Deckhatch
DECK
(middledeck)
Mainworkingdeck
Sharkslide
Brailingbooms
Cabins
Maindeckhouse
Galley
Anchorwinches
Thebow
Rail-mountedwinch
BELOWWelldeck
(lowerdeck)Upperengineroom
All these terms are included in the domain by a single semantic relationship:
X is a part of Y. Each term represents a part of the tunaboat. However, this
listing does not show us that the anchor winch is part of the bow, or any of
the other internal relationships of the domain. From Orbach's description it
is possible to identify many such relationships and construct a taxonomy to
show how the domain is organized (Figure 14). Although not exhaustive,
this taxonomy does show that numerous relationships occur within the
domain.
This taxonomy reveals an important feature of all taxonomies: they have
different levels. At a minimum, with a cover term and included terms, a
taxonomy has two levels as in this example:
KINDS OF OBSERVATION
Descriptive Focused Selective
observation observation observation
The taxonomy "parts ofa tunaboat" has five different levels, from the top to
the most specific terms at the bottom.
Like domains, taxonomies can be constructed from folk terms, analytic
terms, or a mixture of each. In Sugarman's study of a drug rehabilitation
community, he observed many different activities intended to punish or
reward members and lumped these together into a cultural domain called
"kinds of sanctions." This was not a folk term and neither were the two
major subcategories in the taxonomy: positive sanctions and negative sanctions.
However, most of the other terms were ones used by informants.
They are shown in the following mixed taxonomy (Sugarman 1974).
Sanctions
1. Positive Sanctions
1.1. getting privileges
1.11. possession of clothing
1.12. possession of personal item
1.13. permission to grow sideburns
1.14. permission to go out
1.15. permission to read
1.2 getting promotion
2. Negative Sanctions
2.1. getting a pull-up
2.2. getting a haircut
2.3. having to wear a sign
2.4. carrying a symbol
2.5. getting your head shaved
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
TAXONOMIC ANALYSIS
In Step Five, we defined ethnographic analysis as a search for the parts of
a culture, the relationships among the parts, and their relationships to the
whole. From the cultural scene as a whole we moved to identifying basic
parts of a culture (domains) and the smaller units that make up these
domains (cover terms and included terms). Now we are ready to search for
the relationships among these smaller units, the included terms in the domain.
Later we will examine these relationships in even greater detail
through componential analysis. Then we will be ready to move back tc
studying the relationship of domains to the whole culture or cultural scene.
The experienced ethnographer often combines domain analysis am
taxonomic analysis into a single process because the latter is an extension o_
domain analysis. But, in order to do them, it is best to treat them separately.
By following the procedures outlined below you will find it possible to make
a rigorous analysis of any domain in a cultural scene.
Step One: Select a domain for taxonomic analysis. Begin with a domain
for which you have the most information. You will undoubtedly discover
additional included terms as you make your analysis, but the more you have
to begin with, the easier the analysis. For purposes of illustration, let's take
the ten stages presented earlier for shopping in a supermarket:
Stage 1:
Stage 2:
Stage 3:
Stage 4:
Stage 5:
Stage 6:
Stage 7:
Stage 8:
Stage 9:
Stage 10:
entering the store
selecting a shopping cart
choosing a direction or route
picking out meat
getting dairy products
buying produce
selecting a check-out line
checking out
transporting groceries
leaving the store
This list represents a preliminary one that taxonomic analysis will help to
expand and revise.
Step Two: Look for similarities based on the same semantic relationship.
At this point in the example, we have identified only a single set of
terms that are at the same level in the taxonomy. Now we want to know if
we can usefully divide these terms into two or more subsets. Looking for
similarities is best done with a question that asks: ''Are any of these similar
because they can go together as a single larger stage?" Looking over the
above list, it is easy to see that Stages 4, 5, and 6 might be considered
similar, since they are all steps in "selecting groceries." In fact, once this
116
similarity is recognized, it helps to resolve a problem. Although most people
follow the order of picking out meat, then dairy products, then produce, not
everyone follows it. Some people actually go through the store in the
opposite direction. The order of the ten stages represented what most people
do. It also leaves out many smaller items such as the bakery or health foods.
It now begins to look like grouping these three into a single stage would fit
the observations better:
Stage 4: Selecting Groceries
Stage 4.1 : picking out meat
Stage 4.2: getting dairy products
Stage 4.3: buying frozen goods
Stage 4.4: selecting health foods
Stage 4.5: buying produce
You can now go back to the supermarket and begin watching to see. if there
are any other stages in this larger subcategory of selecting groceries. Although
you have identified five substages, you will need to make a note in
your final ethnography that people do not always follow that order.
As you look over the original list of stages, you recall hearing someone say
to a friend, "I'm going to check out now." They were some distance from
the long lines at the check-out counters and you watched them select a line,
wait in line, and then go through the process of checking out. You now think
it would match your observations better to put Stage 7, selecting a check-out
line, and Stage 8, checking out, together into a single stage. Once you make
that decision, other things come to mind and you now create a new Stage 5
that looks like this:
Stage 5: Checking Out
Stage 5.1: selecting a line
Stage 5.2: waiting in line
Stage 5.3: unloading the cart
Stage 5.4: paying the bill
Stage 5.5: leaving the check-out counter
By looking for similarities you will do more than regroup members of a
domain. Often it leads to discovering more cultural categories and new
insights into the cultural scene you are studying.
Step Three: Look for additional included terms. You will recall that you
discovered the included terms in a domain by asking a structural question
using the cover term. So, for example, for the domain kinds ofwitnesses one
merely asks, "What are all the different kinds of witnesses?" Or, in studying
"stages in shopping" at a supermarket, one asks, "What are all the stages in
shopping?''
117
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
Now, in order to discover additional included terms you will need to apply
a structural question to each included term. Take the stages in shopping, as
revised, and note the numerous structural questions we can ask. "Are there
different stages of entering the store?" "Are there different stages in selecting
a shopping cart?" "Are there different stages in checking out?" "Are
there different stages in paying the bill?" It should be clear that each
question will receive an affirmative answer, and you could easily supply
many of the answers.
Let's look at another example. In Hanson's study (1978) of parents and
children in a museum mentioned earlier, it was relatively easy to identify
"the teacher" as one kind of parent. This type of person, whether mother or
father, was constantly instructing the children as they moved from one
display to another. It was clear that the teacher was a kind of parent. But the
structural question for the domain ("What are all the kinds of parents?")
could also be used for this particular type ("What are all the kinds of
teachers?"). Using this question in focused observations, Hanson discovered
the following types of teachers:
Kinds of Parents
1. The Teacher
1.1 the knowledge sharer
1.2 the lecturer
1.3 the tutor
1.4 the question-answerer
1.5 the discussion leader
2. etc.
You will find that using structural questions in this way is one of the most
powerful devices for expanding your observations of ethnographic detail. It
will keep you from overlooking much important information.
Step Four: Search for larger, more inclusive domains that might include as
a subset the domain you are analyzing. Imagine that you set out to study
the lives of patients in a large state mental hospital as Goffman did (1961).
As a participant observer you spend a great deal of time with patients,
informally taking part in what goes on. After a few weeks you notice that
many patients collect things from wastebaskets and garbage boxes. Some
patients acquire numerous possessions. in this manner, a practice frowned
upon by the staff but seldom forbidden. You identify a cultural domain
called "kinds of scavenging," which has at least the following included
terms:
1. searching through refuse dumps
2. looking for newspapers in wastebaskets
118
3. examining wooden storage boxes
4. searching ashtrays for usable butts
Now you begin to make a taxonomic analysis and search for some larger
domain that might include scavenging as a subset. It strikes you that there
are numerous illegitimate ways to get what one desires, ways to get around
the structure of rules in the institution, so you formulate a cover term for a
larger domain: "working the system." This domain includes scavenging,
food-getting, social association with outsiders, obtaining a workable assignment,
and even hospitalization itself. Like scavenging, each of these
categories has subcategories included in them, but you still can ask whether
"working the system" is part of a larger domain. GotTman (1961) identified a
larger analytic domain which he called "secondary adjustments," the things
patients did to get by in a hospital. He had two general categories: using
make-dos and working the system.
One can begin to search for larger, more inclusive domains by asking a
structural question in reverse: "Is this domain (kinds of trees) a kind of
something else?" or "Is this domain (stages in shopping) a stage in something
else?" Reviewing the "general domains" presented in the last chapter
can give some clues to larger, more inclusive domains.
Step Five: Construct a tentative taxonomy. A taxonomy can be represented
in several ways: a box diagram, a set of lines and nodes, or an
outline. Figure 15 shows these three methods of representation.
Step Six: Make focused observations to check out your analysis. Any
taxonomic analysis will lead to new observations in the field. Let's say you
are studying the stages in shopping in a supermarket. Now that you have
grouped several activities under "Stage 5: Checking Out," you need to go
back and look at the entire sequence of checking out more carefully. Are
there any subparts you missed? You have also asked structural questions
about each of the stages which can lead to new observations. For instance,
the first stage was "entering the store." When you asked yourself, "Are
there different stages in entering a supermarket?" you realized you had
overlooked this entire area of activity. You assumed that people simply
entered the store, but now you're not so sure. During your next visit to the
store you discover that entering can be divided into five stages, each quite
complex and each part of the overall cultural pattern. Your taxonomic
analysis thus leads back to making more focused observations.
Step Seven: Construct a completed taxonomy. At some point it becomes
necessary to stop collecting more data and stop analyzing a taxonomy,
accepting it as relatively complete. It is well to recognize that taxonomies
always approximate the cultural patterns you have observed. There will be
119
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
1. BOX DIAGRAM
Cover Term
A B c
1 2 3
a b
2. LINES AND NODES
Cover Term
A
~1 2 3
1\a b
:3. OUTLINE
Cover Term
A.
B.
c.
D.
1.
2.
3.
1.
2.
3.
FIGURE 15. Types of Taxonomic Diagrams
120
B
a.
b.
D
1 2 3
c D
~2 3
exceptions which you will have to note in your final ethnographic description.
Even when you have worked out a complete folk taxonomy, one
elicited from informants, it will only approximate the cultural knowledge of
these informants. More important, you can go on to make selected observations
and make a componential analysis even though your taxonomy is
incomplete in some way. As stated earlier, ethnography is both science and
art. We seek to discover the cultural patterns people use to make sense out
of their worlds. At the same time we recognize that every ethnographer
solves problems in ways that go beyond the data or on the basis of insufficient
data. Construct a taxonomy to represent each domain you have
analyzed, and go on to the next research strategies.
Tasks
7.1 Conduct a taxonomic analysis on one or more domains, following the
steps presented in this chapter.
7.2 Carry out a period of participant observation using both descriptive
observations and focused observations. Use your focused observations
to check out your taxonomic analysis.
7.3 Prepare a completed taxonomic diagram of one or more domains.
121
122
OBJECTIVES
1. To learn how ethnographic interviews can be used in participant
observation.
2. To understand how contrast questions lead to selected obser-
vations.
3. To learn to make selected observations.
In the last few steps we have moved from the broad surface
of many domains in a cultural scene to an in-depth analysis
of a few domains in an ethnographic focus. By now you
should have completed a taxonomic analysis of at least one
domain. You probably have several other taxonomies in
various stages of development. In addition to making focused
observations, you have continued to make descriptive
observations which have undoubtedly led to a longer list of
cultural domains. You may have shifted from a tentative
ethnographic focus to a different one that is more strategic
for understanding the cultural scene. Such changes in direction
are common in ethnographic research and should not
cause the ethnographer to regret earlier choices. One of the
challenging features of doing ethnography is that one cannot
tell where it will lead ahead of time. New discoveries open
new doors to cultural understanding.
One of the changes that occurs after five or six periods of
field observation in most scenes is that you become recognized
by people in the social situation. You may have had
the opportunity to explain your project; several people may
have observed you taking notes and inquired about your
work. It may only be that you are on a smile-and-nod
recognition basis with people, but you are no longer a complete
stranger. This fact offers opportunities for conducting
ethnographic interviews during participant observation. Although
the primary emphasis of this book is on observation
techniques, some readers may find they cannot pass up the
valuable chance to interview one or more informants. Another
book, The Ethnographic Interview (Spradley 1979),
examines the entire ethnographic research cycle from the
perspective of interviewing. At this point I only want to
suggest ways that will enable you to capitalize on interviewing
opportunities that present themselves during participant
observation.
MAKING SELECTED OBSERVATIONS
INTERVIEWS AND PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION
There are many different forms of interviewing. Ethnographic interviewing
is a special kind that employs questions designed to discover the cultural
meanings people have learned. Such interviews make use of descriptive
questions (discussed in Step Four), structural questions (discussed in Step
Six), and contrast questions (discussed in Step Eight). Participant observers
formulate specific ethnographic questions and then ask themselves these
questions. They come up with answers from fieldnotes or new observations.
Or, in many cases, after several periods of field investigation you may
answer your own ethnographic questions out of your own memory. In a real
sense, you are treating yourself as an informant for a particular cultural
scene.
If you decide to conduct ethnographic interviews, you can simply make
use of the same questions with one or more informants. It is useful to
distinguish between two types of interviews: informal and formal.
Informal Ethnographic Interviews
An informal ethnographic interview occurs whenever you ask someone a
question during the course of participant observation. In my research on the
grand jury I found many opportunities for informal interviews. For example,
I wanted to know all the ''kinds of cases'' that were brought before the grand
jury. I made observations, writing down each type as the weeks went by, but
I knew there were others and so I merely asked the prosecuting attorney,
"What other kinds of cases come before the grand jury?" In fact, there were
many opportunities to ask questions as a member of the grand jury, and I
simply asked ethnographic questions. About the third month it was announced
that one of the duties of the grand jury was to inspect the jails in
Marshall County. It was presented as an optional activity; a few people
might want to visit nearby jails. At this point it was possible during the group
meeting to raise my hand and ask, "What are all the different jails in
Marshall County?" I had identified a cultural domain and conducted an
informal interview. In addition, each coffee break that occurred offered
chances to talk to other jurors. On more than one occasion I would engage
people in conversations and then ask some ethnographic question that was
appropriate to the conversation.
Consider the hypothetical case introduced earlier of studying a supermarket.
As a participant observer you would have many opportunities to ask
ethnographic questions informally. You could pick up a few items for purchase
and then get in a long line to wait. Striking up a conversation with the
next person in line, you might say, "It sure is difficult to find the line that
moves the fastest." This opener could lead to questions about the domain
"ways to select a line." "How do you decide to select a line?" or "What
123
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
kinds of things make a line move fast?" Customers often talk to the checkout
person and you could hold informal interviews each time you go through
the line. For example, you might discover that these employees treated
customers differently. You formulate a tentative domain "kinds of customers"
at the check-out counter, from observation identifying check writers,
food-stamp people, regulars, and children. After you become recognized by
one or more check-out people, you could ask casually as you pay your bill,
"You sure have a lot of different people come through here. Are there
different kinds of customers?" If you have informed the person of your
research project, it might be relatively easy to pick a slow time, purchase a
few groceries, and then stand and talk, asking several informal ethnographic
questions.
Formal Ethnographic Interviews
A formal interview usually occurs at an appointed time and results from a
specific request to hold the interview. If you have developed friendly relationships
with people in the social situation, you may want to ask for such
interviews. "I'd like to get your ideas about what goes on in the supermarket''
might be sufficient for going on to set up an interview. Don't overlook
informants who are previous acquaintances. For example, if you are studying
a supermarket near your campus, there are undoubtedly some students
who have frequented the store. Ask your friends if they ever shop there, and
when you find one, ask for an interview. Or, if you are studying the cultural
rules for riding the bus, ask your friends if they ride the bus often, and when
you find one, ask for an interview.
It is probably best to begin formal interviews with descriptive questions.
''Can you describe to me what you do when you shop at the supermarket,
from the time you enter the store until you leave?" This question could
easily add new categories or clarify relationships in your domain, "stages in
shopping.'' In the same interview you could ask other descriptive questions
as well as both structural questions and contrast questions to be discussed
later in this step. It is a good idea to tape record each interview as well as
taking copious notes. From such an interview you may find folk terms you
will want to use to replace analytic terms in one or more taxonomies.
All informants are participant observers without knowing it. When you
ask them ethnographic questions you tap their knowledge about a particular
cultural scene; you are making use of their informal skills as participant
observers. Your own observations will often go well beyond what informants
may talk about because much of their cultural knowledge is tacit.
However, don't overlook the valuable insights and observations informants
can give you.
124
MAKING SELECTED OBSERVATIONS
CONTRAST QUESTIONS
As discussed in Step Four, the basic unit of all ethnographic inquiry is the
question-observation. In order to make selective observations you will need
to ask contrast questions, which are based on the differences that exist
among the terms in each domain.
By now you have worked carefully with several cultural domains, each
one a large category containing many smaller categories. You have identified
cover terms and included terms, and you have looked for subsets among the
included terms in your taxonomic analysis. All this search for the structure
of cultural meaning has focused on the similarities among things. "What
things are the same because they are all kinds ofwitnesses?" "What things
are alike because they are all stages in shopping?" "What people are alike
because they are all kinds of customers?"
However, the meaning of each cultural domain comes from the differences
as well as the similarities among terms. Now we shift our attention to
asking, "How are all these things different?" This approach is based on the
principle of contrast, which states that cultural meaning is determined, in
part, by how categories inside a domain contrast with one another. Any
question that asks for differences is a contrast question. There are three
types you can use in your research.
Dyadic Contrast Questions
A "dyad" refers to two items, a pair. A dyadic contrast question takes
two members of a domain and asks, "In what ways are these two things
different?''
Consider some examples. Earlier we identified several stages in shopping
in a supermarket. A dyadic contrast question would ask: "What is the
difference between entering the store and checking out?" The answer to this
question can come from your own memory, from fieldnotes, or from making
new selected observations. One difference immediately comes to mind:
checking out always involves interaction between employee and customer,
but entering the store almost never involves such interaction. You have
identified a single difference between these two stages.
In his study of Daytop Village, Sugarman (1974) studied the roles people
assumed during encounter groups. In studying this domain Sugarman developed
nearly a dozen analytic categories, roles such as identifier, preacher,
reflector, and prosecutor. This identification was based on recognition of the
similarities among all these roles. In a search for differences it was necessary
to ask numerous contrast questions: "What is the difference between identifier
and preacher?" "What is the difference between identifier and
reflector?" "What is the difference between preacher and prosecutor?"
When you begin asking dyadic contrast questions you often discover there is
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
much more information to collect in the field. Like all contrast questions,
these always involve terms from the same domain. If you ask for differences
among terms from different domains, the contrast is so large that it is seldom
fruitful for ethnographic purposes.
Triadic Contrast Questions
This type of question uses three terms or categories at the same time. It
takes the following form: "Which two are most alike in some way, but
different from the third?" This kind of question involves looking for similarities
and contrasts at the same time. It is especially useful for uncovering
tacit contrasts that are easily overlooked.
Consider the following example. A colleague and I undertook a study of a
restaurant that I shall call the Golden Nugget Night Club (Spradley and
Schroedl 1972). We were interested in the interaction between employees
and customers and the cultural rules for ordering food. In particular we
wanted to know how people asked for different kinds of meat from the
carver when they went through the food line. The carver's job was to slice
pieces from a large round of roast beef. The amount of fat, the leanness of
the slices, the number of slices, and their thickness were all determined by
the carver in response to specific customer requests. During any evening of
work the carver would engage in more than twenty-four distinct cultural
activities such as punching in, changing clothes, sharpening knives, setting
up the line, trimming the round, serving the roast beef, taking a break, and
watching the chips. These were members ofa domain, "kinds ofactivities of
the carver.'' In our research we asked numerous contrast questions to
discover the differences among all these activities. Here are two triadic
contrast questions and some answers that will give you an idea of their
nature.
1. Of these three, which two are most alike and which one is different:
sharpening knives, setting up the line, taking a break?
Answer: Setting up the line and taking a break are alike because most of
the other employees do both of them also; sharpening knives is different
because only the carver does that.
2. Ofthese three, which two are alike and which one is different: sharpening
knives, serving the roast beef, trimming the round?
Answer: Serving the roast beef and trimming the round are alike because
they happen on the line; sharpening the knives happens in the kitchen.
Card-Sorting Contrast Questions
One of the easiest ways to get at the differences among the things in a
cultural domain is to write them all on small cards and sort them into piles.
126
MAKING SELECTED OBSERVATIONS
As you begin to go through the pile of cards, ask yourself: "Are there any
differences among these things?" When you come to the first thing that
appears different for any reason at all, place it in a new pile. Now you have
two piles, and you can continue to sort the cards until you find one that
doesn't fit either of the piles; then start a third, and so on. This technique for
discovering contrasts works especially well when you have a large domain
with many terms.
Consider the following domain. In my research with tramps I discovered
they often slept outside, in old buildings and in dozens of other places. They
referred to such places as "flops." Although most of my information on
flops came from interviews with informants, I did some participant observation
in places where I could observe tramps "making a flop." Before I
finished examining the domain, "kinds offlops," I had discovered more than
one hundred different types. Writing them on cards I could sort them into
piles or ask an informant to assist me in sorting them. In either case, I began
with a contrast question, "Is the next card different from the last one in
some way?" Here are several piles that emerge from this type of procedure:
1. Requires payment
flop house
flea bag
all-night theater
hotel
2. Doesn't require payment
graveyard
sand house
brick kiln
weedpatch
3. Other requirements besides money
mission flop
the bucket
Card-sorting contrast questions enable you to deal with numerous terms at
the same time. You find out similarities as well as differences.
Dimensions of Contrast
The differences you discover by asking contrast questions are called
dimensions of contrast. In the last example, you saw three dimensions of
contrast that can be rephrased as (1) requires money, (2) doesn't require
money or anything else, (3) doesn't require money but does require something
else. These dimensions of contrast are important facets of cultural
meaning in the domain "kinds of flops."
In the contrast made earlier for "stages in shopping," one dimension of
contrast that emerged was whether customers and employees interacted
during a particular stage. The discovery of any dimension of contrast becomes
the basis for making selective observations. For example, you could
go back to the supermarket with a new question: "What kind of interaction
127
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
occurs between customer and employee during each stage of shopping?'' As
we turn to a discussion of selective observation, keep in mind that the
question-observation unit, though made up of two distinct elements, must
occur as a single, unitary process.
SELECTIVE OBSERVATIONS
It is useful to think ofthe three kinds ofobservation as a funnel. The broad
rim of the funnel consists of descriptive observations in which you want to
catch everything that goes on. These are the foundation of all ethnographic
research and will continue throughout your entire project. Moving down
from the mouth or rim, the funnel narrows sharply. Focused observations
require that you narrow the scope of what you are looking for. But when you
start this more focused type of investigation, you know what you are looking
for-the categories that belong in a particular domain. You want to find all
the "parts of a building" or "kinds of persons" or "stages in an activity."
At the bottom of a funnel there is an extremely narrow, restricted opening.
Selective observations represent the smallest focus through which you will
make observations. They involve going to your social situation and looking
for differences among specific cultural categories. There are at least three
ways to look for these differences.
First, in those cases where you have not discovered any contrasts, you
will want to look for any differences that exist. Let's say that you undertake
a study of directory assistance operators by making numerous phone calls
and asking for information. Soon it becomes apparent that there are several
"kinds of operators." You identify the following types: the impatient
operator, the joker, the question asker, the novice, and the supervisor. In
addition to observations you ask your friends to relate the experiences they
have had with different operators. Now you ask a contrast question of
yourself: "What is the difference between a question asker and a novice?"
You made these categories because you observed some difference, but now
you cannot think of anything that contrasts them. Both ask questions, both
work at about the same speed; you probably picked up some subtle difference
that led you to using these categories. Now you must make focused
observations or talk to informants some more about this specific difference.
Second, when you have discovered one or two differences, you may still
need to discover more. Focused observations are used to extend your list of
differences. We knew that the carver's activities at the Golden Nugget
Night Club were different. Sharpening knives, for example, took place in the
kitchen while trimming the round took place on the line. But what other
differences exist between these two activities? With this contrast question in
mind, focused observations led to at least the following: you could joke with
other employees while sharpening knives, and it was also more fun.
Third, when you have discovered a dimension of contrast that applies to
128
MAKING SELECTED OBSERVATIONS
two or more terms in a domain, you may still need to find out if it applies to
the other members of that domain. An important dimension of contrast for
the domain "kinds of flops" had to do with whether the police would bother
tramps or not. Once I discovered that some flops were defined by this fact
and others were not, I needed to go through the entire list and find out
whether this contrast applied or not.
Selective observations require careful planning. When you first go into the
field to make observations you have only a few general questions. Now you ·
will need to write out many specific contrast questions before you approach
the social situation you are studying. It becomes increasingly necessary to
make notes in the situation that answer each of your questions. And even
with many specific questions in mind, you will want to make additional
selective observations on the basis of a single, general inquiry: "What
differences can I see for the members of this cultural domain?" Obviously it
would be possible to continue searching for differences for a long time. For
some domains you will want to be more exhaustive than others, but don't get
trapped into the impossibility of finding out every possible difference or you
will delay the completion of your project. As we tum to componential
analysis in the next step we will discuss ways to organize the data collected
from selective observations. In addition, this type of analysis will help you
decide when you have collected enough specific information to move on to
searching for themes and writing up your ethnography.
Tasks
8.1 Make a list of people with whom you might conduct Informal or formal
ethnographic interviews. Consider the value of supplementing your participant
observation with ethnographic Interviews.
8.2 Select one or more domains and ask yourself contrast questions to dis·
cover dimensions of contrast. Review your fieldnotes to answer these
questions when needed.
8.3 Conduct a period of field investigation In which you add selective observations
to the other two types used earlier.
129
130
OBJECTIVES
1. To understand the role of componential analysis in the study of
cultural meaning systems.
2. To identify the steps in making a componential analysis.
3. To carry out a systematic componential analysis on one or
more contrast sets.
Let's review briefly where the Developmental Research
Sequence has brought us. First, our goal in ethnography is
to discover the cultural patterns people are using to organize
their behavior, to make and use objects, to arrange space,
and to make sense out of their experience. You began by
selecting a social situation and making undirected observations.
Your first task was to collect samples of behavior,
events, objects, and feelings. Your fieldnotes quickly grew
in volume as a record of the "stream of human behavior"
you observed.
But culture is a complex set of meaningful symbols that
people have learned. This meaning system, whether tacit or
explicit, is not immediately apprehended by the participant
observer. And so you were introduced to a number of
specific strategies for discovering the meaning in a cultural
scene. First, you conducted a domain analysis and followed
it up with focused observations. In doing this you took
several important steps in discovering the pattern, the organization
of cultural behavior, cultural artifacts, and cultural
knowledge. Next, you undertook a taxonomic analysis
and followed it up with more focused observations. Now
you began to see the way several cultural domains were
organized. Then we discussed the premise that cultural
meaning comes not only from patterns based on similarity
but also from patterns based on contrast. And so you narrowed
your research focus even more and used selective
observations to look for contrasts within several cultural
domains.
At this point in the research there is a tendency to feel
overwhelmed with the details of ethnographic fact. We saw
how to organize and represent domains through taxonomic
analysis, a process that helped simplify the data. Now we
are ready to organize and represent all the contrasts you
have discovered. This process, one you actually began in
the last step, is called componential analysis.
MAKING A COMPONENTIAL ANALYSIS
COMPONENTIAL ANALYSIS
Componential analysis is the systematic search for the attributes (components
of meaning) associated with cultural categories. Whenever an ethnographer
discovers contrasts among the members of a domain, these contrasts
are best thought ofas attributes or components of meaning. A "component"
is another term for "unit"; thus, componential analysis is looking for the
units of meaning that people have assigned to their cultural categories.
Let's take a rather small domain, one I make use of every day. At the
college where I teach I receive mail each day in a box with a combination
lock on it. I visit my mailbox almost every day, open the lock, and remove a
stack ofpaper envelopes and small packages. All the things put into that box
are "mail." If someone from a culture without mail looked at the small pile
of paper, he or she would have trouble seeing the differences that I see, for
this pile is always made up of several different "kinds of mail." That cultural
domain has at least the following smaller categories:
1. junk mail
1.1. notices
1.2. advertisements
1.3. solicitations
2. bills
3. magazines
4. journals
5. books
6. newsletters
7. personal letters
These are all similar; they are kinds of mail. But they are also different. Each
has a unique cluster of attributes that I have learned. The cultural meaning
of each of these kinds of mail derives, in part, from these attributes. Two
envelopes may appear identical on the outside, but I can scan the address,
the return address, the stamp, and tell that one is probably a "bill" and the
other a "personal letter." Once opened, I identify other attributes that
clearly distinguishes one from the other.
An attribute is any element of information regularly associated with a
cultural category. "Personal letters" have the attribute of "personal address,"
often using my first name. They also have the attribute ofa signature
from someone I recognize as an individual human being. "Bills," on the
other hand, use neither personal address nor signature inside the envelopes.
They are usually impersonal printed forms. In addition, they have the
attribute of requesting payment for some kind of service or goods. The
amount ofpayment is specified and the form is always money, not favors or
food. All these different kinds of mail have many bits of cultural information
attached to them that make them meaningful. It tells me to discard junk mail
immediately but not personal letters or bills. It tells me how to feel and when
131
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
to act. When I open my mailbox each day I do not stop to think about this
domain or the attributes of each kind of mail. I know them so well that I act
on the tacit cultural meanings without thinking. Through participant observation
in the mail room a competent ethnographer could discover this
domain and the components of meaning (attributes) I associate with each
small category of mail.
The attributes for all the cultural categories in a domain can be represented
in a chart known as a paradigm. This simple device also will make
the work of componential analysis easier and more systematic. Here is an
example of a paradigm which uses three categories of mail.
DIMENSIONS OF CONTRAST
DOMAIN
Signed Action Feeling
junk mail no throw away disgust
personal letters yes read and keep delight
bills no read and pay don't like
Through this paradigm I have shown some of the attributes for these three
cultural categories: whether they are signed, the action I usually take after
receiving each kind, and the feeling I have learned to associate with each
kind of mail. This example paradigm doesn't exhaust the meaning; I present
it only to show the nature of a paradigm. We can take out all this specific
information and make clear the various features of a paradigm.
CULTURAL
DIMENSIONS OF CONTRAST
DOMAIN I II Ill
cultural category attribute1 attribute2 attribute3
cultural category attribute1 attribute2 attribute3
cultural category attribute1 attribute2 attribute3
The first column contains the members of a domain or some subset of a
domain. If we take a single cultural category, the row of spaces opposite it
contains the attributes associated with it. If we shift our attention from a
single cultural category to all three (the entire column), each column of
attributes becomes a dimension of contrast. This is any dimension of meaning
on which some or all the cultural categories contrast. With this analytic
tool you can make a componential analysis on any domain you have discovered
in the cultural scene you are studying. Let's turn now to the specific
steps you can go through to make a componential analysis.
132
MAKING A COMPONENTIAL ANALYSIS
STEPS IN MAKING A COMPONENTIAL ANALYSIS
A componential analysis includes the entire process of searching for
contrasts, sorting them out, grouping some together as dimensions of contrast,
and entering all this information onto a paradigm. It also includes
verifying this information through participant observation or interviews.
Although this may appear to be a complex process, you have already done
much of the work involved.
In order to illustrate the specific steps necessary for making a componential
analysis, I will draw on Starr's (1978) excellent study of ethnic groups in
Lebanon. Lebanon is a country recently tom by strife among ethnic groups,
groups not based on race or skin color but largely on religious affiliation. In
many situations, such as purchasing a newspaper or selecting a taxi, the
ethnic-group status of another person is not important. But in most of life's
important events, ethnic-group membership is crucial. Starr wanted to know
how people define the various ethnic groups and how people in everyday life
were recognized as belonging to one or another group.
As we examine this study as an illustration of componential analysis we
should not overlook another important characteristic. Up to now I have
written about participant observation as if it were always conducted in a
single social situation or a cluster of related social situations in an effort to
simplify the research setting for the beginning ethnographer. By focusing on
a single social situation and studying the cultural meanings in that situation
you have been able to acquire numerous research skills. However, participant
observation is a strategy that can be used in much larger settings. In his
study Starr selected a particular problem and through participant observation
studied the groups in an entire country. Ofcourse, he did not participate
and observe in all the activities that go on in Lebanon. Rather, he selected a
sample of social situations that would yield information about the cues
people use to recognize ethnic identity. He worked primarily in the capital
city, Beirut, doing participant observation in such social situations as
homes, cafes, public markets, shops, offices, pinball parlors, busses, and
other public places. He interviewed informants, both informally and formally
and asked a group of eighty-seven people to write essays on the topic
of inferring the ethnic group of an unknown person. In all this research Starr
focused almost exclusively on a single cultural domain: kinds of ethnic
groups. In presenting the following steps, I do not mean to imply that he
followed them in the precise sequence given below. All ethnography involves
adapting strategies for use in particular situations. The following
sequence will take any beginning ethnographer through componential analysis.
Once understood, you may want to modify the procedures to fit your
style of investigation.
Step One: Select a domain for analysis. For the first try at this kind of
analysis you will find that a domain with less than ten included terms
133
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
simplifies the task. However, select any domain for which you have collected
contrasts. Here is a partial taxonomy of ethnic groups in Lebanon:
Ethnic Groups In Lebanon
1. Arabs
1.1. Moslems
1.11. Sunni
1.12. Shi'ite
1.13. Alawi
1.14. lsmalili
1.2. Druze
1.3. Arab Christians
1.31. Maronites
1.32. Greek Orthodox
1.33. Greek Catholics
1.34. Protestants
1.35. Latins
1.36. Assyrians
1.37. Chaldeans
2. Non-Arab Middle Easterners
1.1. Armenians
1.11. Armenian Apostolic
1.12. Armenian Catholic
1.13. Armenian Protestant
1.2. Jews
1.3. Kurds
1.4. Gypsies
3. Foreigners
1.1. Americans
1.2. French
1.3. Other Europeans
1.4. Black Africans
1.5. Japanese
1.6. lndians/Pakistanis
Step Two: Inventory all contrasts previously discovered. You can begin
with notes made from asking contrast questions and making selective observations.
For example, Starr noted in observations that a Moslem male may
have a religious tattoo that indicates the date of a pilgrimage to Mecca
whereas a Christian male may have a cross inked on his skin. He also noted
that Armenians and Kurds do not speak Arabic as their first language while
most Moslems do. When these groups do speak Arabic, their accents will
show marked differences.
Any statements about any cultural category in the domain you are analyzing
can be used. Write down each contrast on a separate sheet of paper, thus
compiling a list of contrasts. Here are some examples:
1. Kurds have first names that are Arab Islamic, Kurdish, or Nonspecific
134
MAKING A COMPONENTIAL ANALYSIS
Arab; Druze have first names that are Arab Islamic, Druze, or
Nonspecific Arab.
2. Armenian Catholics speak Armenian as a first language; Shunni speak
Arabic as a first language.
3. Greek-Orthodox wear the Greek Cross as jewelry; Greek Catholics wear
the Latin Cross and the St. Mary Medal.
Step Three: Prepare a paradigm worksheet. A paradigm worksheet consists
of an empty paradigm in which you enter the cultural categories of the
domain down the lefthand column. The worksheet should have attribute
spaces large enough for you to write a number of words or short phrases. At
the start of any componential analysis you will want to enter more information
on the paradigm worksheet than will appear when it is completed. On a
large worksheet you can make notes to yourself that show links between the
paradigm and other domains. Figure 16 shows a paradigm worksheet on
which some initial analysis has been done.
Step Four: Identify dimensions of contrast that have binary values. A
dimension of contrast is an idea or concept that has at least two parts. For
example, if you were analyzing the domain "kinds of trees," you would
come up with one dimension of contrast that might be stated ''characterized
by the presence of leaves." This is a dimension of contrast related to trees
and has two values or parts: (1) yes, a tree does have leaves; (2) no, a tree
does not have leaves. This dimension of contrast has two (binary) values.
You can often state this type of contrast dimension in the form of a question:
"Does it have leaves?"
From the last example of contrasts, we can formulate a binary dimension
of contrast: "Does member wear Greek Cross?" This dimension of contrast
can now be entered at the top of one of the columns on the paradigm
worksheet under DIMENSIONS OF CONTRAST. A second binary dimension
might be "Speaks Armenian as first language." As you generate binary
contrast dimensions, be sure to enter the values on your paradigm worksheet
for the cultural categories you have data for. In most cases you can simply
enter a "yes" or "no" or leave the space blank.
Step Five: Combine closely related dimensions of contrast into ones that
have multiple values. The major reason for beginning with dimensions of
contrast that have binary values (as in Figure 16) is their simplicity. However,
almost always, two dimensions of contrast, each with binary values,
will on closer inspection prove to be related. For example, in Figure 16 we
have the following dimensions of contrast: (1) "Speaks Armenian as first
language," (2) "Speaks Kurdish as first language," and (3) "Speaks Arabic
as first language," and under each column I entered "yes" or "no" depending
on applicability. Now we can combine these three columns into a single
135
FIGURE16.ParadigmWorksheet:PartialDomain,"KindsofGroups"
DIMENSIONSOFCONTRAST
DOMAIN
.5fH!.O)esArmenia11.5pe.o.lt.stvl"dt'5h5peaIL5ArabiclA:Jesmem~r
C2~~/rs;fa.s..P:rstas:'.Ptrs;fwear{;;nee./:.
laf'19vaqela119uogelangva.ge&oss?
~Shvnninonoye.~no
~
~5hi'ite.nonoyesno
'Dru=u!nonoyt!.:sno
Vl
MerronifesJ?o/10yesno
<;;;
rveek.Orfhodoxyes..a·~nonoye~
~t;
Csreel.Cafholics~·<:nonoyesno
6A.~syrio.t'J5nonoyesyes
Ill
Apo~follcs~yesnonono·!!
jCa-fholic.~yesnonono
.K.urdsnoyesno(){)
MAKING A COMPONENTIAL ANALYSIS
dimension of contrast which can be titled "First language." Now, rather
than "yes" or "no," we can enter the first language of each group in the
appropriate attribute space. Figure 17 is a second paradigm worksheet on
which this type of combining has been done and on which several new
dimensions of contrast have been added.
Sometimes the amount of information exceeds the space allowed on a
paradigm worksheet. Also, on the final paradigm it may not be convenient to
enter all the attributes possible because of space. One convention in such
cases is to make use of numbers and list the attributes in a separate place. In
Figure 17, one dimension of contrast is the source of a person's first name.
There are numerous possibilities across ethnic groups and within each ethnic
group. The numbered items in the attribute spaces of Figure 17 correspond
to the following sources of first names:
I. Armenian
2. French.
3. Anglo-Saxon
4. Maronite
5. Greek Orthodox
6. Arabic Christian
7. Arab Islamic
8. Druze
9. Shi'ite
10. Kurdish
11. Nonspecific Arab
12. Syriac-Aramaic
As you combine dimensions of contrast you may find it convenient to make
use of this type of numbering system.
Step Six: Prepare contrast questions for missing attributes. Oqe of the
great values ofa paradigm worksheet is that it will quickly reveal the·. kinds of
information you need to collect. It offers a kind ofcheck sheet that will guide
you in preparing questions for future research. Every blank space ~r question
mark can serve as a reminder that you need to search for missing
attributes.
Step Seven: Conduct selective observations to discover missing il(lformation.
In your search for additional ethnographic data, keep in mind that
you may not find everything you want to know. There is nothing wrong with
completing an ethnographic description that includes question marks or
blank spaces in your paradigms. You will have to be the judge, in terms of
the amount of time and interest, whether to pursue every contrast question
until you have discovered an answer for all.
137
FIGURE17.ParadigmWorksheet:PartialDomain,"KindsofGroups"
DIMENSIONSOFCONTRAST
DOMAIN
Prst-!Jiell:fqHeres6J0Ml2.rl'5?tr~f
/an9ua9eorbodySCDtl'"'f>dre-s'!>mnre
~
:5}ll.JhY1IArahic/:5/a:tt?ic::JyrnbolWes-ler117,II~
~Shi'tTeAr1Jbt"c/5/qmic~YmbolIAJ~YJ7,9,II
~
uru2eAt'abic?Wes-k.rn7,'il,II
VI/YJaron,·ies/}ra6icc-o~.e.fcAle'STt!'rn:2,3.~C.,II
'\;:
Or'eelttJrtftociox.llati:JI'cCro5s,e:l-c....(]"~v.Jesierl"3,s,L,lI
~~r;~k.Cr>:fh6/;cAITlbt'cCY-o!.~,efc:VJes-krn2.,3.C.111~<..
~~~yr1an$'Af'Qbic~55,e:lc~~ernt..,11,12
-.::AtJOt;.-lo/;C'Sllr-MenianUJ~sfernII2.,3-~
jCa-1-f...olicsAr"n1ef11anIJedern112,~
l<vrd'!:kvrd,·~h?frctdif,"ono.l1,1D1tl
MAKING A COMPONENTIAL ANALYSIS
Step Eight: Prepare a completed paradigm. The final paradigm can be
used as a chart in your ethnography. Although you will not be able to discuss
every single attribute on the chart, you can discuss important ones and refer
the reader to the chart. It allows you to present a large amount of information
in a concise and orderly manner.
In this chapter I have presented the steps in making a componential
analysis. In the study ofany particular cultural scene you must decide which
domains to examine in this kind of detail. Some ethnographers seek to make
a componential analysis of as many domains as possible, while others limit
this detailed investigation to one or more central domains, describing other
aspects of a cultural scene in more general terms. I think it is advisable to
examine at least two related domains in this intensive manner. We have now
completed a discussion of in-depth ethnographic analysis. In the next step
we will move back to the surface of a cultural domain to try and construct a
more holistic view.
Tasks
9.1 Make a componential analysis of one or more domains, following the
steps presented In this chapter.
9.2 Conduct a period of participant observation making use of all three types
of observation: descriptive, focused, and selective.
139
140
OBJECTIVES
1. To understand the nature of cultural themes in doing ethnographic
research.
2. To identify strategies for making a theme analysis.
3. To carry out a theme analysis on the cultural scene being
studied.
The ethnographer must forever keep in mind that research
proceeds on two levels at the same time. One examines
small details of a culture and at the same time seeks to
chart the broader features of the cultural landscape. An
adequate cultural description will include an in-depth analysis
of selected domains; it will also include an overview of
the cultural scene and statements that convey a sense of the
whole.
Some ethnographers convey a sense of the whole culture
or cultural scene by what I call the inventory approach.
They identify all the different domains in a culture, perhaps
dividing them into categories like "kinship," "material culture,"
and "social relationships." Although a simple listing
of all domains is a necessary part of ethnography, it is not
sufficient. I believe it is important to go beyond such an
inventory to discover the cultural themes that a society's
members have learned and use to connect these domains. In
this step we shall examine the nature of cultural themes and
how they can be used to give us a holistic view of a culture
or cultural scene.
CULTURAL THEMES
The concept of "cultural theme" was first introduced into
social science by anthropologist Morris Opler, who used
it to describe the general features of Apache culture. Opler
proposed that we could better understand the general pattern
of a culture by identifying recurrent themes. He
defined a theme as "a postulate or position, declared or implied,
and usually controlling behavior or stimulating activity,
which is tacitly approved or openly promoted in a
society" (1945: 198). An example of a postulate he found
expressed in many areas of Apache culture is the following:
"Men are physically, mentally, and morally superior
to women." Opler found this tacit premise expressed itself
DISCOVERING CULTURAL THEMES
in the beliefs that women caused family fights, were more easily tempted
sexually, and never assumed leadership roles in Apache society.
The concept of theme has its roots in the general idea that cultures are
more than bits and pieces of custom. Rather, every culture is a complex
pattern. In Patterns of Culture (1934), Benedict was the first to apply this
idea to entire cultures. She examined the details of the Kwakiutl, Pueblo,
and Dobuan cultures in search of general themes that organized these ways
of life into dynamic wholes. For example, she saw the dominant pattern of
Kwakiutl culture as one that emphasized the value of ecstasy, frenzy, and
breaking the boundaries of ordinary existence. This theme, which Benedict
called Dionysian, emerged again and again in dances, rituals, myths, and the
routines of daily life. Although her analysis has been questioned, Benedict's
important contribution was her insight into the nature of cultural patterning.
Every culture, and every cultural scene, is more than a jumble of parts. It
consists of a system of meaning that is integrated into some kind of larger
pattern. Many other anthropologists have sought to capture this larger
pattern with such concepts as values, value-orientations, core values, core
symbols, premises, ethos, eidos, world view, and cognitive orientation.
For purposes of ethnographic research I will define a cultural theme as
any principle recurrent in a number ofdomains, tacit or explicit, and serving
as a relationship among subsystems of cultural meaning.
Cognitive Principle
Cultural themes are elements in the patterns that make up a culture. They
will usually take the form of an assertion such as "men are superior to
women," or "you can't beat a drunk charge." A cognitive principle is
something that people believe and accept as true and valid; it is an assumption
about the nature of their commonly held experience.
The assertions that comprise "what people know" differ in respect to
their generality. One assertion common among the tramps I studied (Spradley
1970) was that "you can't trust a rubber tramp" (one who travels by car).
This is a rather specific assertion, limited in its application to a single
member (rubber tramps) of a single domain (kinds of tramps). Other assertions
apply to a much larger realm of experience. For example, when a
tramp says "You can't beat a drunk charge," he is making an assertion
about a universal experience among tramps (getting arrested on a drunk
charge), an assertion that would occur in many contexts (in and out ofjail),
and one that is related to many domains (ways to beat a drunk charge, kinds
of time, stages in making the bucket, and the like).
Themes are assertions that have a high degree ofgenerality. They apply to
numerous situations and recur in two or more domains. One way themes can
be detected is by examining the dimensions of contrast from several domains.
Among tramps a recurring dimension of contrast had to do with the
141
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
concept of risk. When contrasting all the different kinds of flops, tramps
continually make reference to the risk of sleeping in one or another place.
When a tramp says ''Sleeping under a bridge is a good flop; it's a calljob,'' he
means the risk is low. Cops will probably not spot you there; someone must
call them to tell them you are there. Again, in contrasting the different ways
to hustle in jail, the amount of risk involved with each type emerged as a
dimension of contrast. Likewise, in contrasting all the ways to beat a drunk
charge, the degree of risk assigned to each one was an important dimension
of contrast. When a single idea recurs in more than one domain such as this,
it suggests the possibility of a cultural theme.
Let's take another example, this time from the culture of cocktail waitresses
at Brady's Bar (Spradley and Mann 1975). Several domains were examined
for contrasts, including places in the bar, kinds ofemployees, kinds of
drinks, and kinds of customers. One dimension of contrast that emerged
from making a componential analysis for each of these domains had to do
with gender or sex. Waitresses distinguished the places in the bar in terms of
male space and female space; they distinguished kinds of employees primarily
by their gender; they distinguished drinks on the basis of male and
female; customers also were divided up by male and female attributes. As
we inspected these various domains, it became clear that an important
aspect of cultural meaning was maleness and femaleness. A general principle
or cultural theme emerged: Life in this bar should clearly demarcate male
and female realms. Once we discovered this theme, we began looking for
other specific instances of this general principle. It turned out that even very
small domains like ways to tip and ways to pay for drinks clearly expressed
the theme of gender.
It is important to recognize that cultural themes need not apply to every
part of a culture. Some themes recur within a restricted context or only link
two or three domains. Most ethnographers consider the search for a single,
all-encompassing theme, as Benedict attempted to do, a futile one. It is more
likely that a culture or a particular cultural scene will be integrated around a
set of major themes and minor themes. In beginning to search for themes,
the ethnographer must identify all that appear, no matter how broad their
general application.
Tacit or Explicit
Cultural themes sometimes appear as folk sayings, mottoes, proverbs, or
recurrent expressions. The Mae Enga, for example, who live in the highlands
of New Guinea, recognize several themes related to pigs. Pigs are
highly valued, symbolize status, are exchanged in important rituals, and
frequently live in the houses with people. A common expression among the
Mae Enga sums up this cultural theme: "Pigs are our hearts!" (Meggitt
1974). Tramps will readily state, "You can't beat a drunk charge." One
142
DISCOVERING CULTURAL THEMES
ethnographer studied a Japanese bank whose official motto was "Harmony
and Strength" (Rohlen 1974). This motto summed up a recurrent theme in
the social structure and ritual activities of bank employees. Sometimes such
explicit expressions of a theme do not contain the full principle; they do,
however, provide clues that enable the ethnographer to formulate the cultural
theme.
But most cultural themes remain at the tacit level ofknowledge. People do
not express them easily, even though they know the cultural principle and
use it to organize their behavior and interpret experience. Themes come to
be taken for granted, slipping into that area of knowledge where people are
not quite aware or seldom find need to express what they know. This means
that the ethnographer will have to make inferences about the principles that
exist. Agar, in his study of heroin addicts, identified themes and also emphasized
that they are frequently tacit. He analyzed numerous domains that
involved events in the lives of heroin users.
Throughout the different events, then, there is a recurrent concern with "knowing
the other." The principle involved might be characterized as: Assume that everyone
is a potential danger unless you have strong evidence to the contrary. [This principle]
was never articulated by any of the junkies who worked in the study, though it might
have been by a reflective junkie philosopher talking about the life (1976:3-4).
In my own research with tramps many of the themes remained tacit,
several of them emerging from the study of courtroom behavior and interviewing
court officials. I was perplexed by the fact that the judges gave
suspended sentences to those who had families, jobs, and other resources.
Any man who had twenty dollars could bail out on a drunk charge and never
appear in court at all. I talked to a judge about these practices at length, and
he assured me that he released tramps with families, jobs, or other resources
because he felt they had a better chance ofstopping their drinking. Whatever
the reasons, it became clear that some tacit themes ran through the sentencing
practices in the court. I formulated these on the basis of many inferences
from what the judge said, from observations in the court, and from interviews
with tramps. I stated these tacit themes as rules to be followed when
dealing with men charged with public drunkenness (Spradley 1971: 351-58):
RULE ONE: When guilty of public drunkenness, a man deserves greater punishment if
he is poor.
RULE TWO: When guilty ofpublic drunkenness, a man deserves greater punishment if
he has a bad reputation.
RULE THREE: When guilty ofpublic drunkenness, a man deserves greater punishment
if he does not have a steady job.
These themes actually form part of the overlap in cultures between judges
and tramps. In neither cultural scene are these themes entirely explicit;
143
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
indeed, among judges, they are often denied, but they still reflect the working
tacit knowledge used to sentence public drunks.
Themes as Relationships
Themes not only recur again and again throughout different parts of a
culture, but they also connect different subsystems of a culture. They serve
as a general semantic relationship among domains. As we shall see when we
discuss theme analysis, one way to discover domains is to look for the
relationships among domains.
In studying Brady's Bar, several domains came to our attention early in
the research: ways to ask for a drink, hassles, and kinds of customers. We
discovered quite quickly that the female cocktail waitresses considered most
of their hassles to come from female customers. Indeed, much to our
surprise, we found that they dreaded waiting on female customers and
constantly berated them when talking among themselves. After eliciting the
terms in these domains and doing some intensive analysis, we began seeking
relationships among the domains. A major theme emerged, one tacitly
known to waitresses and customers but never expressed. This theme, related
to the emphasis upon male and female differences in the bar, can be
asserted as follows: female customers consider the purchase of drinks an
economic transaction, while male customers consider it an opportunity to
assert their masculinity. This theme began to link other domains together
and mad~ clear why waitresses often enjoyed the way males ordered drinks
but not the way females did. When the men ordered they teased, complimented,
and joked with the waitresses, calling attention to their own
masculinity and to the intrinsic femininity of the waitresses. After such a
transaction, the waitresses gained more than an order for drinks or a tip after
serving; they received a kind of sexual affirmation, something that the simple
economic exchange with female customers never offered.
In an earlier step I suggested that ethnographic analysis consisted of a
search for (a) the parts of a culture, (b) the relationship among those parts,
and (c) the relationship of the parts to the whole. In studying cultural
domains and taxonomies, you have been searching for parts and their relationships.
The search for themes involves identifying another part of every
culture, those cognitive principles that appear again and again. But the
search for themes is also a means for discovering the relationships among
domains and the relationships of all the various parts to the whole cultural
scene. In the remainder of this step I want to present a number of strategies
for conducting a theme analysis.
STRATEGIES FOR MAKING A THEME ANALYSIS
The techniques for making a theme analysis are less well developed than
those used in other types of analysis presented in this book. What follows is
144
DISCOVERING CULTURAL THEMES
a listing of strategies I have gleaned from my own research, the work of
other ethnographers, and suggestions from students. This area of cultural
analysis invites the most experimentation on the part of the ethnographer.
Immersion
Immersion is the time-honored strategy used by most ethnographers. By
cutting oneself off from other interests and concerns, by listening to informants
hour on end, by participating in the cultural scene, and by allowing
one's mental life to be taken over by the new culture, themes often emerge.
Sometimes immersion broken up by brief periods of withdrawal generates
insights into the themes of a culture. D' Andrade has called attention to this
strategy as well as to the need for understanding how insights come to the
ethnographer totally immersed in another society:
At present, the most frequently used (and perhaps most effective) technique for the
study of cultural belief systems is for the individual ethnographer to immerse himself
in the culture as deeply as possible and, by some series of private, unstated, and
sometimes unconscious operations, to integrate large amounts of information into an
organized and coherent set of propositions. To make these operations explicit,
public, and replicable, or to develop a means of testing the accuracy of these
operations, is likely to be a difficult and lengthy task. Nevertheless, it is a necessary
task if the study of culture is to continue as a science (1976:179).
The ethnographer who has not gone to live in another society for a year or
two can still make use of this strategy. For example, if you have been
conducting participant observation for several hours each week over a
period of several months, see if you can't immerse yourselffor several days.
Find a block of time and spend entire days and evenings in the social
situation looking for cultural themes. After that, set aside a day or two to
review your fieldnotes in an intensive manner. This type of immersion will
often reveal new relationships among domains and bring to light cultural
themes you cannot discover any other way.
Make a Componential Analysis of Cover Terms for Domains
From your investigation thus far you have developed a list of cultural
domains. They actually form a large domain which you can tentatively call
"domains in the cultural scene." Once you have shifted your attention to
this larger set of cultural categories, you can use the same tools of analysis.
Examine all the domains to see if they might fit into a taxonomy, thus
grouping some together as subsets. Then, asking contrast questions, you can
search for major differences among these domains. For example, in my own
research on a small factory which makes tannery equipment, I reviewed
many pages of fieldnotes and came up with the following list of domains:
145
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
1. Kinds of people 22. Parts of the valley
2. Kinds of jobs 23. Parts of the day
3. Kinds of machines 24. Times of the day
4. Kinds of hardware 25. Times of the week
5. Kinds of tools 26. Times of the year
6. Kinds of wood 27. Ways to talk
7. Kinds of tanneries 28. Ways to fuck off
8. Kinds of drums 29. Ways to prevent accidents
9. Kinds of jobs 30. Ways to get fired
10. Kinds of accidents 31. Ways to work
11. Steps in making a lunch run 32. Ways the boss gets down on
12. Steps in making a drum you
13. Steps in making a vat 33. Places to deliver
14. Steps in making a paddlewheel 34. Places to pick up
15. Steps in getting hired 35. Places to go after work
16. Steps in getting fired 36. Things to talk about
17. Reasons for taking time off 37. Things you eat
18. Reasons for working at the val- 38. Things you do after work
ley 39. Things you can't do at work
19. Reasons for quitting 40. Things people do
20. Reasons for assigning jobs 41. Things people make
21. Reasons for fucking off
This list ofdomains represents hundreds ofincluded terms, some ofwhich
I had identified; others were still undiscovered at the time I made this list. A
large paradigm worksheet would list all these domains down the lefthand
column and a search for contrasts would begin.
Cultural themes function as general relationships among cultural domains.
One way to search for themes, then, is to look for similarities and contrasts
among domains such as this. Here is one contrast:
1. kinds of people
2. steps in making a lunch run
3. steps in making a drum
The first two domains are quite distinct from the third in that they are
learned informally. Steps in making a drum is a complex routine that someone
has to teach the beginning employee at this factory. Now I can examine
all the other domains with this dimension of contrast in mind-how one
learns the domain. This in turn suggests that there may be conflicts between
activities learned informally and those learned formally.
A componential analysis of all known domains within a cultural scene
focuses your attention on the scene as a whole. Another way to accomplish
146
DISCOVERING CULTURAL THEMES
this broad perspective is to compare cultural scenes. This is another strategy
for discovering cultural themes.
Search for a Larger Domain That Includes the Cultural Scene
In a complex society any particular cultural scene may belong to a class of
cultural categories that are similar. For example, if you studied the cultural
scene of a supermarket, you would know that it belonged to a much larger
domain: kinds of stores. Without much additional research you might be able
to identify the following members of this domain: department stores, supermarkets,
discount houses, ma-and-pa groceries, clothing stores, co-ops, and
hardware stores. Once having created this larger domain, you could proceed
with a componential analysis. The ways in which a supermarket contrasts
with these other kinds of stores would tell you some very general things
about supermarkets.
In the study mentioned earlier about the role of the carver at the Golden
Nugget Night Club (Spradley and Schroedl 1972), we wanted to gain this
overall perspective. In talking to restaurant people with long experience and
drawing on our own observations, we identified the domain "kinds of restaurants"
and more than a dozen subcategories. One large part of the
domain was called "fancy restaurants" and included the Golden Nugget
Night Club. We then did a componential analysis on the six kinds of fancy
restaurants which revealed important information about the scene we were
studying. Figure 18 shows that analysis. We could quickly see that the
menu was general rather than specialized; the Golden Nugget offered many
salads and several different meats and vegetables, but steak or Chinese food
could not be gotten. This fact helped us see the role of the carver in the
context of the Golden Nugget as it contrasted with other types of restau-
rants.
One can go further and compare a single domain within one cultural scene
with similar ones in other cultures. This often suggests themes. For example,
in studying cocktail waitresses, we observed that a pattern of joking
occurred between waitresses and bartenders. It had so many similarities
with the widespread "joking relationship" in non-Western societies that we
examined the ethnographic literature and discovered themes that were applicable
to Brady's Bar (Spradley and Mann 1975:87-100).
Search for Similarities among Dimensions of Contrast
Another strategy for discovering cultural themes is the examination of the
dimensions of contrast for all the domains that have been analyzed in detail.
The dimensions of contrast represent a somewhat more general concept than
the individual attributes associated with a term. Themes are more general
147
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
DIMENSIONS OF CONTRAST
FANCY
RESTAURANTS Type of Private Type of Liquor
menu membership entertainment served
Night club
(Golden Nugget) gel'\er-a/ ye-s ··na.Ntll '' ye..->
Specialty food
speoiaIiz.e.d no MUSIC y~s
restaurant
Supper club qe11.era I no rYIVSIC ye!>
Dinner theater 9"'1't"'ral IJO live f'lrAy ye-;;
Steak house s,oec/altied no MUSt{} Ino/liE varit!.~
Family
ge.J?era.l no none flO
restaurant
FIGURE 18. Kinds of Fancy Restaurants
still, but dimensions of contrast can sometimes serve as a bridge between the
most specific terms and their attributes and the themes that relate subsystems
of cultural meaning.
I mentioned earlier how the dimensions of contrast that had to do with
"risks" in the culture of tramps suggested possible themes about the insecurity
of their daily lives. Let me give another example of dimensions of
contrast. As I began to make a componential analysis of the different folk
terms included in tramp, I thought contrasts like the amount of drinking or
age might be important. Instead, almost all the dimensions of contrast were
associated with mobility. My informants distinguished among all the different
kinds of tramps in terms of (1) their degree of mobility, (2) their mode of
travel, (3) the type of home base they had when traveling, and (4) the
survival strategies employed when on the road. (See Spradley 1970:65-96 for
an extended discussion of this domain.) When I examined the dimensions of
contrast that tramps used to distinguish kinds of trusties (inmates) a similarity
appeared. The different kinds oftrusties were contrasted in terms of their
mobility in and out ofjail, down to very small degrees. Outside trulities had
the most mobility, but even here some had less and were required to return
to the jail each night or at noon and again at night. Those trusties who
worked inside the jail were distinguished in terms of the degree of freedom
they had to move around inside the jail. I concluded that something I called
"mobility" was very much a part of the identities of my informants, both as
148
DISCOVERING CULTURAL THEMES
tramps and as inmates in the jail. I then began to look for other evidence of
mobility and how it might be important in the lives of tramps. It turned out
that mobility was directly related to drinking behavior. When a tramp travels
he leads a somewhat isolated life. Arriving in a new town and in need of
human companionship, a spot job, or other resources, he heads for skid row
and the bars. Bars are classified into more than a dozen different kinds in
terms of the resources they provide. To a tramp, they are like churches,
soci11l clubs, employment agencies, and the welfare office, all rolled into one.
But they are also places for drinking and as such reinforce the symbolic
value of drinking to tramps. Without going into more detail, I soon discovered
that the courts, missions, and even the alcoholism treatment center
reinforced the tramps' desire to travel. The theme of mobility emerged as
one of the most important in the entire culture of what I came to call "urban
nomads." I originally discovered this theme by comparing the dimensions of
contrast between two domains.
Identify Organizing Domains
Some domains in a cultural scene appear to organize a great deal of
information in a dynamic fashion. This is particularly true of those based on
the semantic relationship "X is a stage of Y." One of the most useful
strategies for discovering cultural themes is to select an organizing domain
for intensive analysis. In her study of directory assistance operators Ehrman
(1977) selected two domains to organize most of the data collected. One was
"stages in a typical day," the other "stages in a directory assistance call."
Although a typical call lasted only a few seconds, it could be broken down
into thirteen basic stages repeated over and over throughout the day.
One of the best kind of organizing domains are events, or a series of
related events. Agar (1973), in his ethnography of heroin users, has shown
the power of analyzing events and their interrelationships. In studying the
culture of the Seattle City Jail from the perspective of inmates, I selected the
domain "stages in making the bucket" as the major organizing domain. I
was able to place this domain as a central focus ofthe ethnography. Then, as
I described each stage in detail, I easily connected other domains to this one.
For example, at each stage in the process, informants talked about smaller
events encoded by verbs for action or activities. Organizing domains were
discussed in Step Six, and at that point you may have selected one for
investigation. If so, you can now examine it in relation to others to discover
cultural themes.
Make a Schematic Diagram of the Cultural Scene
Another strategy for discovering cultural themes is to try and visualize
relationships among domains. Figure 19 is a schematic diagram of the
149
....(11
0
FIGURE19.StagesInMakingtheBucket
14
Lockup,throw
onsteel,freeze
bust,giveheat
treatment
15
"-
Returnproperty,
property,
makeakickout,
release
12
Delousingtank
(711)
Delouse,laugh
at,makesit
bareass,call
names
t
1
Street
Spot,stop,
nab,roll,
club,rough
up,pinch,
callnames
Bust,pay,
giveshitty
details,
shakedown
L7
11II109
Holdingtank
(710)
Makeatrusty,
makealockup
FromSpradley1970:138
~
Courtroom
Callname,
readrecord,
givetime,
lookat
f.-
23
CallboxPolicecaror
paddywagon
4
Elevator
Shakedown,
~~Workover,
hit,take
up,rob
workover,
rob,geton
ass,write
up
Throwassin,
rob,pickup,
takein
5~Bookingdesk
Shakedown,
book,take
property
6~Padded
drunktank
Throwin,
dragto,shake
helloutof,
hit
78....---------,7
Court
docket
Callname
f.-
Cement
drunktank
Stall,work
over,leave
alone,refuse
togetmedical
aid
f.-
X·ray,mug
andprintroom
Print,mug,
X-ray,work
over
DISCOVERING CULTURAL THEMES
places tramps find themselves as they go through the "stages in making the
bucket." It also includes information about the events that occur during this
process. Although it doesn't begin to represent the entire cultural scene,
even this partial diagram suggested many relationships and themes in this
culture.
One can begin making schematic diagrams by selecting a limited number
of domains and themes. For example, in Figure 20 I have shown some of
the relationships that occur between the theme of mobility in tramp culture
and various aspects of their lives. The final diagram you create is not nearly
as important as the process of visualizing the parts of a cultural scene and
their relationships. This thinking process is one of the best strategies for
discovering cultural themes. Some of the diagrams you create may find their
way into your final ethnographic description, helping to make clear the
relationships to those who read the report.
In addition to making diagrams of limited aspects ofthe cultural scene and
larger ones that attempt to encompass the entire scene, it is useful to go
beyond the scene you are studying. A simple square or circle in the center of
a sheet of paper can represent the entire cultural scene you have been
studying. Then, with various sorts of lines to show the relationships, additional
symbols can be used to represent other scenes within the wider culture
or even other cultures. For example, the culture oftramps is connected to at
least the following: their families, judges, the police department, the welfare
office, the liquor stores, the religious missions, the junkyard dealers, the
railroads and their employees, farmers, social scientists, and many more. By
creating a djagram of all these possible other scenes that connect to the
FIGURE 20. Mobility and Drinking
a. Sentences of
increasing magnitude
b. Suspended
sentences
c. Becoming a
marked man
d. Mission
policies
e. Treatment center
philosophy
From Spradley 1973:29
Induces drinking
behavior
Reduces behavioral
control
Prevents effective
treatment
151
THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
world of tramps, I could see areas for future research and gain insights into
the culture of tramps itself.
Search for Universal Themes
In the same way that there appear to be universal semantic relationships,
there appear to be some universal cultural themes, the larger relationships
among domains. The ethnographer who has a familiarity with universal
themes may use them as a basis for scrutinizing the data at hand. The
following list is a tentative, partial inventory of some universal or nearly
universal themes that ethnographers have identified. Many more could be
discovered by going through ethnographic studies and the literature of the
social sciences. This list is merely intended to be suggestive of possible
themes that might be found in the scene you are studying.
1. Social conflict. In every social situation conflicts arise among people,
and these conflicts often become worked into cultural themes in ways that
organize cultural meaning systems. Looking for conflicts among people is a
useful strategy in studying any society. Tramps are in conflict with the police
and this condition shows up in most of the domains in the culture. It is
clearly related to the risks they take in the course of daily life.
2. Cultural contradictions. Cultural knowledge is never entirely consistent
in every detail. Most cultures contain contradictory assertions, beliefs,
and ideas·. Lynd, in his classic analysis of American culture (1939), proposed
twenty fundamental values or themes, most of which stood in opposition to
others. For example, one stated," Honesty is the best policy, but business is
business and a businessman would be a fool if he did not cover his hand."
One cultural contradiction that occurs in many cultural scenes has to do with
the official "image" people seek to project of themselves, and the "insiders
view" of what really goes on. Cultural contradictions often are resolved by
mediating themes. Every ethnographer is well advised to search for inherent
contradictions that people have learned to live with and then ask, "How can
they live with them?" This may lead to the discovering ofimportant themes.
3. Informal techniques of social control. A major problem in every society
is the control of behavior, the need to get people to conform to the values
and norms that make social life possible. Although formal means of control,
such as police force or incarceration, occur, these are not the major techniques
of control a society employs. In every society and every social
situation, people have learned informal techniques that effectively control
what others do. Gossip and informal social rewards are two means that
function as mechanisms of control. By examining the various domains in the
culture you have studied to find relationships to this need for social control,
you may well discover important cultural themes. In Brady's Bar, for
example, waitresses will seek to control the behavior of customers. Some-
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DISCOVERING CULTURAL THEMES
times, when pinched or embraced, a waitress will go so far as to kick or
verbally abuse a male customer, but most of the time more subtle, informal
strategies are used. In an excellent study of tipping in another bar, Carlson
(1977) has shown how waitresses control the tipping behavior of customers
with subtle reminders such as leaving the change on the tray and then
holding the tray at eye level. If the customer reaches for it, he will appear
awkward and the waitress can quickly lower the tray and say, "Oh, I
thought that was a tip."
4. Managing impersonal social relationships. In many urban settings,
impersonal social relationships make up a major part of all human contact.
In almost any urban cultural scene people have developed strategies for
dealing with people they do not know. This theme may recur in various
domains of the cultural scenes. In an excellent discussion of this nearly
universal theme, Lofland (1973) has shown how it operates in many urban
scenes.
5. Acquiring and maintaining status. Every society has a variety of status
and prestige symbols, which people often strive to achieve and to maintain
once they are achieved. We quickly think of money or athletic skill, but in
every cultural scene there are status symbols, many of which are more
subtle. Appearing "cool" under pressure may give one status; expressing a
high degree of religious devotion confers status in some scenes. Cultural
domains often reflect the status system ofa culture and can become the basis
for one or more major cultural themes.
6. Solving problems. Culture is a tool for solving problems. Ethnographers
usually seek to discover what problems a person's cultural knowledge
is designed to solve. For example, much of what tramps know appears
to be aimed at solving a limited set of problems: making a flop, acquiring
clothes, getting enough to eat, beating a drunk charge, escaping loneliness,
finding excitement, and "making it" (acquiring resources such as money or
alcoholic beverages). One can relate many of the domains in the culture of
tramps by showing how each is related to the problems tramps are trying to
solve. This same approach can be used in the study of almost any cultural
scene.
In looking for universal cultural themes, a rich source lies in fiction. The
themes in a novel often reflect universal cultural themes and by examining
them carefully one can find clues to themes in the cultural scene being
studied. For example, Joanne Greenberg has written an excellent novel
about deaf people in the United States called In This Sign. A number of
themes run through this novel, such as "sign language is a symbol of
membership in the deaf community," and "sign language is a stigma among
hearing people." Anyone doing ethnographic research among the deaf
would find this novel a rich source of possible cultural themes that relate
many domains.
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
Write a Summary Overview of the Cultural Scene
This strategy for discovering cultural themes will help to pull together the
major outlines of the scene you are studying. In several brief pages, write an
overview of the cultural scene for someone who has never heard about what
you are studying. Include as many of the major domains as you can as well
as any cultural themes you have identified. The goal of this overview is to
condense everything you know down to the bare essentials. In the process of
writing this kind of summary, you will be forced to tum from the hundreds of
specific details and deal primarily with the larger parts of the culture; this, in
tum, will focus your attention on the relation&,hips among the parts of the
culture and lead to discovering cultural themes.
In this chapter we have examined the concept of cultural theme and
presented some strategies for discovering cultural themes. Every ethnographer
will be able to develop additional ways to gain insights into the
cultural themes that make up part of the tacit knowledge informants have
learned. Each of the strategies discussed here will best be viewed as tentative
guides to discovering cultural themes, not as a series of steps that
inevitably lead to themes. Immersion in a particular culture still remains one
of the most proven methods of finding themes. One way to gain a greater
immersion into the ideas and meanings of a culture is to begin writing a
description of that culture. Many ethnographers delay writing in the hope
that they will discover new themes or complete their analysis in a more
detailed manner. But writing the ethnographic description is best seen as
part of the process of ethnographic discovery. As you write, new insights
and ideas for research will occur. Indeed, you may find that writing will send
you back for more ethnographic research to fill gaps in the data and test new
hypotheses about cultural themes.
Tasks
1. Identify as many cultural themes as you can by means of the strategies
presented in this chapter and any others you find useful.
2. State all the cultural themes as brief assertions.
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OBJECTIVES
1. To identify the types of information you have collected.
2. To identify gaps in the information you have collected.
3. To begin to organize your data for writing the ethnography.
The fieldnotes created by an ethnographer as a record of
research grow with amazing rapidity. After eight or ten
sessions of making observations, then expanding on the
notes taken in the field, beginning ethnographers sometimes
have between seventy-five and a hundred pages of notes.
Those who spend more hours in the field or supplement
observations with interviews will have even more. In addition,
you have created many pages of analysis-lists of
ethnographic questions, lists of domains, individual domains
with included terms, taxonomies, paradigm worksheets,
and notes made while searching for themes. Even
though you created all this material, the weeks have flown
by since your first decision to study a particular social
situation, and mucli' has been forgotten.
But now it is time to begin organizing your material in
preparation for writing the ethnography. You cannot
memorize everything recorded in your field notebook, but
you do need to have access to everything in order to make
selections to be included in the final report. Some beginning
ethnographers begin writing and use a retrieval method we
can call "thumb through your fieldnotes." They begin by
drawing on memory; then they "thumb through" page after
page in search of an example, a theme, a map, or a domain.
Sometimes they will recall an incident that occurred during
their third week of research and quickly find it. At other
times they will search through every page without success.
Before you begin the serious business of writing the
ethnography, consider the value of taking a cultural inventory.
By taking several hours to review all your notescondensed
accounts, expanded accounts, journal, analysis
and interpretation-and recording what you have collected,
you will actually save time. It will help you see the cultural
scene as a whole. It will identify gaps in your research that
can be easily filled. And most of all, by taking a systematic
inventory you will discover ways to organize your final
paper. In fact, although the next step deals with ethnographic
writing, taking a cultural inventory can be considered
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
part of it. In this step I want to suggest some strategies for making such an
inventory.
Begin by selecting some place to record everything you have collected.
You might want to use several pages at the front of your field notebook, or
you might find that 4 x 6 cards will be the most convenient. One of the most
effective ways to record an inventory involves using a large sheet of paper or
even cardboard. When you record everything on a single large sheet, you
can quickly scan that sheet as you write; keeping all the different kinds of
ethnographic data in front of you. I know a student who used a large sheet of
cardboard. After identifying the various kinds of data through a cultural
inventory, she then placed it over her desk as she began writing. When she
made note cards about examples or points to include in the report, she taped
or pinned them to the cardboard, thus having ready access to them as the
need arose. Select a system that is workable and will keep you from getting
lost in your own data.
MAKE A LIST OF CULTURAL DOMAINS
In Step Five you made a list of as many cultural domains as you could
from your fieldnotes. You have probably gone over your notes on more than
one occasion since then to add to the list. Now you need to repeat this task.
Begin by compiling a single list of all the domains you have located thus far,
writing only the cover terms on your inventory page. Then go back to the
first page of your expanded fieldnotes and skim through each page quickly,
looking for domains you overlooked earlier. Look over the list of "general
cultural domains'' presented in Step Six to see if they might sensitize you to
any additional possibilities. Leave room to add to this list since taking the
rest of your cultural inventory will likely turn up a few.
MAKE A LIST OF ANALVZED DOMAINS
Look through the analysis and interpretation sections of your field
notebook to find which domains you have analyzed. It helps to list analyzed
domains in several different categories:
1. Complete: those domains for which you have worked out a taxonomy and
a paradigm.
2. Partial: those domains for which you have done a partial taxonomic and
componential analysis.
3. Incomplete: those domains for which you have cover,term and some
included terms, but which lack any systematic analysis.
In all probability the first and second categories of analyzed domains repre-
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TAKING A CULTURAL INVENTORY
sent your ethnographic focus. If not, you might want to identify that focus in
a separate place in your inventory.
COLLECT SKETCH MAPS
Every social situation holds many possibilities for sketch maps. In a study
ofa supermarket, for example, it would be possible to draw a detailed sketch
map of the entire store. Then, even more detailed maps could be drawn of
the check-out counter and other strategic areas. You may have drawn a map
that shows the physical features and the routes people travel most frequently.
Another map might show the same physical features but this time locate
the most common activities and where they occur.
Sketch maps can include more than physical space. For example, you
might sketch sequences of ritual activity or complex machinery that people
work with. A network of friends or other relationships can be sketched or
charted. Go through your fieldnotes and identify all the sketch maps you
have already drawn. Then make a list of all the maps you could possibly
draw. Your inventory should include both what you have and possibilities
that might be worth including.
MAKE A LIST OF THEMES
List all the major and minor themes you have discovered. Those which are
tentative can be listed but mark them as ones needing more investigation.
Place all the themes together on a single page or at one place on a large
inventory sheet.
INVENTORY EXAMPLES
An example is a description of some concrete event or experience. Examples
begin with phrases like, "This morning I saw two men start to argue
and ...." or "The following incident happened about 11:30 ...." An
example always gives details, specifics about something that happened.
Your final written ethnography will contain many examples, for they will
bring your analysis to life and make it meaningful to the reader. All the
domains and categories you have analyzed represent the skeleton of a
cultural scene; examples put flesh on that skeleton.
Go back to the first page of your fieldnotes and skim through looking for
examples. Some may only be a few lines long, others may run on for several
pages. Try to give them a name or short descriptive phrase so you can make
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
a list for your inventory. You will want to look especially for examples that
are related to those domains you plan to write about in your final paper.
Some ethnographers get to this point in their inventory and discover that
their fieldnotes have almost no examples. Instead of describing events in
detail, they wrote things down in an abstract fashion. If you find yourself
short on examples, take some time to make a list of ones you remember well
enough to describe. Then, make another list of the kinds of examples you
think you might need and could get by going back for more research.
Examples often look like stories. A good set offieldnotes includes dozens
of anecdotes, stories, incidents, and happenings. They are the kind ofthings
ethnographers tell their friends after a period of fieldwork. "You know, a
funny thing happened today . . . ."
IDENTIFY ORGANIZING DOMAINS
Look over your list of domains and see if any of them can serve as
organizing domains. Such a domain will tie together many facets ofa cultural
scene. You will recall that earlier I suggested the domain "stages in shopping"
was an organizing domain as well as "stages in making the bucket."
Each one provides a lot of hooks on which to hang the rest of the cultural
scene. If you have one or more organizing domains, write out the cover term
and the major included terms so you can see the main structure. Such
domains often become the backbone of an ethnography, and as you look
over your inventory with an eye to outlining your paper, the organizing
domains will be of great help.
MAKE AN INDEX OR TABLE OF CONTENTS
This can be as simple or elaborate as you think will be useful. Go through
your fieldnotes and identify first the main categories, then look through each
one and mark down the page numbers of the contents. Your expanded notes
are arranged chronologically and you can probably identify the major topics
on a page or every few pages. Sometimes it is worth the time to put the page
numbers by each domain and each example you have found. Then later,
when you need to draw on these for writing purposes, you won't have to
search through every page.
INVENTORY MISCELLANEOUS DATA
In addition to fieldnotes from your observations, you may have additional
information. In studying a first-grade classroom, you may have picked up
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TAKING A CULTURAL INVENTORY
lesson plans, student worksheets, and memos being sent home with students.
During a study of air traffic controllers you might have come across
an article in the newspaper about local conflicts between the union and
airline companies. You may have taken photographs, discovered magazine
articles, and even found artifacts related to the cultural scene. All these
things can help in drafting your final paper. Identify them simply as ''miscellaneous
data'' and place the list along with the rest of your inventory.
ADDITIONAL RESEARCH POSSIBILITIES
A final part of your inventory is to list future research possibilities in the
cultural scene or outside of it which appear related to the research you have
completed. A simple listing oftopics can help to clarify the boundaries ofthe
work you have done and make you aware of the limitations of your own
work. Every ethnography is a partial ethnography, but in the course of
immersion in the details of ethnographic data it is easy to lose sight of the
edges of your work. If you plan to continue ethnographic research after
writing up a first report, this list can become a valuable source for future
decisions about what to study.
Taking a cultural inventory not only gives you an overall record of data
collected, it also influences your thinking about the cultural scene. It is an
effective·way to review the work you have done and prepare to write it up.
Tasks
11.1 Review your fieldnotes and take a cultural inventory using the suggestions
given in this step.
11.2 List the specific things you still want to find out from additional participant
observation.
11.3 Conduct a period of field observation to fill any gaps in your data.
159
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OBJECTIVES
1. To understand the nature of ethnographic writing as part of the
translation process.
2. To identify different levels of ethnographic writing.
3. To identify the steps in writing an ethnography.
4. To write an ethnography.
Every ethnographer probably begins the task of writing a
cultural description with the feeling it is too early to start.
Doing ethnography always leads to a profound awareness
that a particular cultural meaning system is almost inexhaustibly
rich. You know a great deal about a cultural
scene but you now realize how much more there is to know.
It is well to recognize that what you write is true of every
ethnographic description: it is partial, incomplete, and will
always stand in need ofrevision. Most ethnographers would
do well to set aside the feelings that writing is premature and
begin the task sooner rather than later. In the process of
writing one discovers a hidden store of knowledge gained
during the research process.
As most professional writers will affirm, the only way to
learn to write is to write. In the same way that learning to
swim cannot occur during classroom lectures on swimming,
discussion of principles and strategies to follow in writing do
not take one very far in learning to write. It is best to
observe other swimmers, get in the water yourself and paddle
around, and then have an experienced swimmer point
out ways to improve your breathing and stroke.
One ofthe best ways to learn to write an ethnography is to
read other ethnographies. Select those that communicate to
you the meaning of another culture. Those written in a way
that brings that culture to life, making you feel you understand
the people and their way of life. If you read wellwritten
ethnographies during the process of writing, your
own writing will improve spontaneously.
Every ethnographer can identify books and articles that
are well-written cultural descriptions. In the past eight
years, my colleague David McCurdy and I have scoured the
professional literature in search of brief examples of ethnographic
writing of the highest caliber. Our standard has been
to identify writing that translates the meanings of an alien
culture so well that someone unfamiliar with ethnography
grasps those meanings. These selections of ethnographic
WRITING AN ETHNOGRAPHY
writing have been collected in three successive editions of Conformity and
Conflict: Readings in Cultural Anthropology (1971, 1974, 1977). For sheer
readability, two of the best longer ethnographies are Elliot Liebow's urban
ethnography, Tally's Corner (1967), and Colin Turnbull's study of the
Pygmies, The Forest People (1962).
In this step I want to examine briefly the nature of ethnographic writing as
part of the translation process. Then I want to discuss the principles of the
D.R.S. Method as applied to writing an ethnography. In the process I will
give some specific suggestions on writing, but always keep in mind that the
way to learn to write an ethnography is to write an ethnography.
THE TRANSLATION PROCESS
A translation discovers the meanings in one culture and communicates
them in such a way that people with another cultural tradition can understand
them. The ethnographer as translator has a dual task. For one, you
must make sense out of the cultural patterns you observe, decoding the
messages in cultural behavior, artifacts, and knowledge. The more fully you
apprehend and digest the cultural meaning system operating in the social
situation you study, the more effective your final translation.
Your second task is to communicate the cultural meanings you have
discovered to readers who are unfamiliar with that culture or cultural scene.
This means that every ethnographer must develop the skills of communicating
in written form. It requires that you take into consideration our audience
as well as our informants. In a real sense, a truly effective translation
requires an intimate knowledge of two cultures: the one described and the
one tacitly held by the audience who will read the description.
Many highly skilled ethnographers fail to finish the work of ethnographic
translation. They give months of time to the intensive study of another
culture, analyzing in great detail the meanings encoded in that culture. Then,
without taking time to learn the skills of written communication, without
understanding their audience, without even feeling the importance of communicating
in a way that brings the culture to life, they write an ethnography.
Their audience becomes a very small group of other ethnographers,
who, by virtue oftheir interest in the culture, are willing to wade through the
vague and general discussions, examine the taxonomies, paradigms, and
other tables or charts, and glean an understanding of the people and their
way of life. The ethnographic literature is plagued by half-translations that
cannot be used as guides to another way of life.
In discussing the steps in writing an ethnographic description I will make
numerous suggestions for creating a full translation, one that communicates
the cultural meanings you have discovered. However, one fundamental
cause of inadequate cultural translations lies in the failure to understand and
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use different levels of writing. During the writing of any ethnographic
description, the ethnographer must keep these various levels in mind and
consciously use them to increase the communicative power of the transla-
tion.
Levels of Ethnographic Writing
Every ethnographer deals with the most specific, concrete, human events
as well as the most general. In our fieldnotes we identify an infant with a
specific name, held by a specific mother, nursing at that mother's breast, at a
specific time and in a specific place. In those same fieldnotes we will make
observations about human love, nurturance, and the universal relationship
of mothers and children. In the final written ethnography, the range oflevels
is enormous. More than anything else, the way these levels are used will
determine the communicative value of an ethnographic translation.
Kenneth Read, in his beautifully written ethnography of the Gahuku
peoples of Highland New Guinea, The High Valley (1965), suggests the
underlying cause of partial translations in ethnography:
Why, then, is so much anthropological writing so antiseptic, so devoid of anything
that brings a people to life? There they are, pinned like butterflies in a glass case, with
the difference, however, that we often cannot tell what color these specimens are,
and we are never shown them in flight, never see them soar or die except in
generalities. The reason for this lies in the aims ofanthropology, whose concern with
the particular is incidental to an understanding of the general (1965:ix).
In anthropology, as in all social sciences, the concern with the particular is
incidental to an understanding of the general. But when this principle is
transported wholesale into doing ethnography, it creates a travesty of the
translation process. When an ethnographer studies another culture, the only
place to begin is with the particular, the concrete, specific events of everyday
life. Then, through the research process described in this book, the
ethnographer moves to more and more general statements about the culture.
With the discovery of more general categories and cultural themes, the
ethnographer begins to make comparisons with other cultures and make
even more general statements about the culture studied. And all too frequently,
it is primarily this kind of analysis and understanding that finds its
way into the ethnographic description.
In writing an ethnography, as a translation in the full sense, the concern
with the general is incidental to an understanding ofthe particular. In order
for a reader to see the lives of the people we study, we must show them
through particulars, not merely talk about them in generalities.
There are at least six different levels that can be identified in ethnographic
writing as we move from the general to the particular. Let's examine each of
these different kinds of translation statements.
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WRITING AN ETHNOGRAPHY
Level One: Universal Statements
These include all statements about human beings, their behavior, culture,
or environmental situation. They are all-encompassing statements. Although
the beginning ethnographer may often feel incompetent to make any
universal statements, all of us know things that occur universally and can
include them in our ethnographies. Most cultural descriptions include universal
statements. A study of air traffic controllers, for example, might
assert, ''In all societies, people manage the movement of their bodies
through space in such a way that they do not constantly collide with other
human beings." Such a statement is relevant to controlling the movement of
vehicles in which humans move about as well. A study of clerks who record
burglaries in the police department might assert the following universal
statement: "In all human societies, some people keep records ofone sort or
another about their affairs."
For each of the six levels of abstraction that appear in ethnographic
writing, I want to give an example from The Cocktail Waitress: Woman's
Work in a Man's World (Spradley and Mann 1975). This will clarify the
nature of the various levels by showing their expression in a single work.
The following universal statement is one among several: "Every society
takes the biological differences between female and male to create a special
kind of reality: feminine and masculine identities" (1975: 145). In the context
of a specific bar in a specific city, we made an assertion about a universal
feature of human experience.
Level Two: Cross-Cultural Descriptive Statements
The second level of abstraction includes statements about two or more
societies, assertions that are true for some societies but not necessarily for
all societies. Consider the following statement from The Cocktail Waitress:
"When anthropologists began studying small, non-Western societies they
found that people participated in a single web of life.... [W]hen we tum to
complex societies such as our own, the number of cultural perspectives for
any situation increases radically" (1975: 8, 9). This statement says something
about two very large classes of human societies-the small, nonWestern
ones and the complex ones. Such a descriptive statement helps to
convey an understanding of even the most specific place such as Brady's
Bar. Cross-cultural descriptive statements help place a cultural scene in the
broader picture of human cultures, something every ethnographer is concerned
about doing. These kinds of statements say to the reader, "This
cultural scene is not merely one little interesting group of people; it is a part
of the human species in a particular way. It is like many other cultural
scenes, but it is also different from many others." By means of contrast you
have conveyed an important dimension of the culture.
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
Level Three: General Statements about a Society or Cultural Group
This kind of statement appears to be specific, but in fact remains quite
general. "The Kwakiutl live in villages along coastal bays" is a general
statement about a cultural group. "The Pygmies live in the forest and play
musical instruments" is another general statement. We can make such
statements about complex societies also: ''American culture is based on the
value of materialism." Or we can make such statements about recurrent
cultural scenes, or groups of people who have learned similar cultural
scenes: "Air traffic controllers work under great stress"; "Police departments
must gather, classify, and record a great deal of important informa-
tion."
In our study of Brady's Bar, we included statements at this level; they did
not refer exclusively to Brady's Bar, but to all the institutions of which
Brady's was one example: "Bars, in general, are places of employment for
hundreds of thousands of women, almost always as cocktail waitresses.
Their role in bars tends to be an extension of their role at home-serving the
needs of men.... Like most institutions of American society, men hold
sway at the center of social importance" (1975: 145).
Level Four: General Statements about a Specific Cultural Scene
When we move down one level of abstraction, we can note many statements
about a particular culture or cultural scene. Most ethnographies are
filled with statements at this level. "The Fort Rupert Kwakiutl engage in
seine fishing." "The air traffic controllers at the Minneapolis International
Airport work one of three shifts."
Participant observation provides many statements at this level. We can
say things like, "The waitresses at Brady's get hassled by customers" or
"Tramps aren't really tramps unless they make the bucket." These are
descriptive statements about a particular scene or group, but even so, they
are still general in nature. Moreover, even when expressed by an informant
and used in an ethnography as a quotation from an informant, they represent
an abstraction. Every culture is filled with these low-level abstractions that
must find their way into any ethnographic description. Here is an example
from Brady's Bar: "At one level, Brady's Bar is primarily a place of
business. At another level, Brady's Bar is a place where men can come to
play out exaggerated masculine roles, acting out their fantasies of sexual
prowess, and reaffirming their own male identities. Brady's Bar is a men's
ceremonial center" (1975: 130-31).
This level of ethnographic writing contains many of the themes the
ethnographer wants to present to the reader. Thus, the theme of males
expressing their identities in many different ways-in the way space is
organized, the way drinks are ordered, and the like-is described in state-
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WRITING AN ETHNOGRAPHY
ments at this level. Sometimes one can encapsulate general statements at
Level Four in a quotation from an informant; they still remain statements of
a very general nature. Making use of an informant quotation helps provide a
sense of immediacy and gives the reader a closer acquaintance with the
culture, but we must move to even more specific levels.
Level Five: Specific Statements about a Cultural Domain
At this level, the ethnographer begins to make use ofall the different terms
in one or more cultural domains. We are now dealing with a class of events,
objects, or activities as you have discovered them in the cultural scene. For
example, here is an ethnographic statement at this level from my research on
the factory that makes tannery equipment: "One of the most important jobs
that men do is to make drums. A drum can be small, such as a barrel, or
more than thirty feet across. There are many stages in making a drum,
including making heads, making pins, making cross pieces, making staves,
making doors, and making door frames. The entire process of making a drum
can take as long as a week and involve the work of several men.''
Descriptive statements at this level can make reference to taxonomies and
paradigms that encapsulate a great deal of information. However, these
representations in themselves seldom communicate more than a skeleton of
relationships to the reader. In order to translate these into a description that
will be understood, a great deal of narrative description at this level and the
next more specific level is required.
Here is a brief example of a specific statement about the domain, "asking
for a drink," which makes up part of the culture of cocktail waitresses.
"One frequent way that men ask for a drink is not to ask for a drink at all. In
the situation where it is appropriate to ask for a drink, they ask instead for
the waitress. This may be done in the form of teasing, hustling, hassling, or
some other speech act" (1975: 132).
Level Six: Specific Incident Statements
In one sense, Levels One through Five all contrast sharply with Level
Six, which takes the reader immediately to the actual level of behavior and
objects, to the level of perceiving these things. Consider an example from
Brady's Bar at this level, closely related to all the examples given at the
other five levels of abstraction: "Sandy is working the upper section on
Friday night. She walks up to the corner table where there is a group of five
she has never seen before: four guys and a girl who are loud and boisterous.
She steps up to the table and asks, "Are you ready to order now?" One of
the males grabs her by the waist and jerks her towards him. ''I already know
what I want! I'll take you," he says as he smiles innocently up at her"
(1975: 132). As a reader, you immediately begin to see things happening,
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THE DEVELOPMENTAL RESEARCH SEQUENCE
perhaps feel things the actors in this situation feel. Instead of merely being
told what people know, how they generate behavior from this knowledge,
and how they interpret things, you have been shown this cultural knowledge
in action. A good ethnographic translation shows; a poor one only tells.
Perhaps another example of the six levels in ethnographic writing will
clarify the effect on the reader. Drawing from my research among tramps,
the following statements all describe a single aspect of their experience:
begging, borrowing, panhandling, lending, and otherwise exchanging things.
LEVEL ONE: Reciprocity among human beings is balanced where two people
give to each other over time, each giving and each receiving. Such reciprocity
occurs in all societies.
LEVEL Two: Tramps, like those who live in tribal villages, depend on one
another in time of need. They expect others to reciprocate. A Kwakiutl
Indian will give in a potlatch and later receive gifts at someone else's
potlatch. A tramp will give to another tramp and also beg from another
tramp.
LEVEL THREE: Tramps engage in much more reciprocal exchange than do
other members of the larger society. This kind of exchange takes many
forms.
LEVEL FOUR: A tramp in the Seattle City Jail will exchange goods and
services with other tramps. If he is a trusty in the jail, he might exchange a
service for money with someone in lockup.
LEVEL FIVE: (Informant's statement) "Yes, a tramp will beg from other
tramps. If you're panhandling you can expect another tramp to give you
money or a cigarette if he has it. You realize that sometime he will need
something and then it will be your tum."
LEVEL six: It was a dull Tuesday afternoon and a slight mist of rain was
blowing gently in from the Puget Sound. Joe had become a kickout an
hour earlier; several minutes ago he walked off the elevator on the first
floor of the Public Safety Building and found his way to the street. Pulling
the collar of his worn tweed jacket up around his neck, he hunched his
shoulders slightly and headed downtown, wondering where he would find
money for a drink or even a cigarette. He might have to make a flop under
the bridge on Washington Street tonight to stay out of the rain. He saw a
man approaching him as he headed slowly down James Street, obviously
another tramp. Looked like a home guard tramp, but he couldn't tell for
sure. "Can you spare a quarter for a jug?" he asked. "I just got a
kickout." "No, I'm flat on my ass myself," the other man said, "but how
about a smoke, all I got are Bull Durhams." After taking a light too, Joe
started on down James Street looking for a tourist or businessman to
panhandle.
Ethnographic writing includes statements at all six levels on the con-
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WRITING AN ETHNOGRAPHY
tinuum from the general to the particular. Effective writing, that which
serves to communicate the meanings of a culture to the reader, is achieved
by making all these statements, but doing so in a certain proportion. Professional
journals, in which the author writes primarily for colleagues, tend to
consist ofstatements at Levels One and Two; that is, the description is made
in general terms, the author avoiding specific incidents. Those outside a
narrow professional group often find these articles dense, dull, antiseptic,
and inadequate translations. Some ethnographic writings, whether articles,
papers, or books, adopt a formal style using Levels Three and Four. Most
dissertations and theses are written at these middle levels of abstraction,
although they may contain a great deal of information also at Level Five.
They tend to present the bare bones, the skeleton of knowledge, without the
flesh of examples and specific incident statements of Level Six. At the other
extreme, some ethnographic novels and personal accounts consist entirely
of statements at Level Six, with, perhaps, a few statements from Level Five
thrown in now and then. This kind ofwriting holds the reader's attention but
may fail to communicate the overall structure of a culture or the nature of
ethnography.
It should be clear that mixing the various levels in the desirable proportion
depends on the goals ofthe ethnographer. In You Owe Yourselfa Drunk: An
Ethnography of Urban Nomads (1970), I made a great deal of use of Levels
Three through Six, ranging back and forth among statements about tramps
generally, to specific incidents. Many of the incidents were contained in
quotations from informants. In The Cocktail Waitress (Spradley and Mann
1975), we sought to communicate to a wider audience and included many
more statements at Level Six, the most specific level. We also tried to relate
the culture of Brady's Bar to the universal level of writing more frequently.
In retrospect, we tended to scale down the middle level of generalizations.
In DeafLike Me (Spradley and Spradley 1978), an in-depth study of a family
coping with a deaf child, we moved almost entirely to the most concrete
level in order to communicate with the widest possible audience. Although
much of the data were gathered by ethnographic interviewing and other
ethnographic techniques, we recounted specific incidents in order to communicate
more effectively to the reader. We sought to show what the culture
of families was like, how they coped with a deaf child, what strategies they
used, and the consequences for communication. Although statements appear
in this study at all the other levels ofgeneralization, they are woven into
the particular so thoroughly that they do not stand out. We attempted to
communicate more general statements through the use of particular state-
ments.
Each ethnographer will have to determine his or her intended audience. I
believe that ethnographic research holds important values for all people and
that ethnographers should write for those outside the academic world. I urge
students and others to use the middle levels of generalizations sparingly.
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Emphasize the most general and the most specific. In ethnographic writing,
the concern with the general is incidental to an understanding of the particular
for an important reason. It is because generalities are best communicated
through particulars. And the second half of all translation involves communicating
to outsiders the meanings of a culture.
STEPS IN WRITING AN ETHNOGRAPHY
Like doing ethnographic research, writing an ethnography can appear to
be a formidable task if seen as a single task. All too often, the beginning
ethnographer conceives the writing as simply writing. You sit down with
blank paper and all your fieldnotes and begin writing the ethnography. When
it is completed it will require some revision and editing, but the work is
largely one long, arduous task.
Underlying the D.R.S. Method of research is the assumption that breaking
a large task into smaller ones and placing these in sequence will simplify
the work and improve one's performance. This assumption applies equally
to writing. However, because each of us has developed patterns of writing
from years of experience, it is far more difficult to create a series of steps
that have wide applicability. The following steps must be considered as
suggestions only. Readers will want to create their own series of steps to
organize writing in a manner that best fits patterns developed through past
experienee. However, the underlying premise, that it is valuable to divide up
the writing of an ethnography into tasks, does have wide applicability.
Step One: Select an audience. Because the audience will influence every
aspect of your ethnography, selecting an audience is one of the first things to
be done. All writing is an act of communication between human beings and
in that sense it is similar to talking. When speaking to someone, there are
innumerable cues that remind us that our audience is present. The writer
needs to select an audience, identify it clearly, and then keep in mind
throughout the writing who that audience is.
When writing for a specific journal or magazine, the ethnographer must
carefully scrutinize past issues of the journal to discover the style of writing.
You are, in fact, discovering the audience that such a journal is written for.
If one intends to write a book-length ethnography, then the audience may be
scholars in the field, students, the general public, or some other group.
The best advice I have ever received for selecting an audience came from
Marshall Townsend, the editor at the University of Arizona Press:
A basic concept we stress at the University of Arizona Press is that of the "target
reader." What we urge YOU as an author to do is to pick out a "target reader" and
write in book form for only one reader. Pick out some real person whom you know,
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then set down your materials so this person will understand what you are saying.
When you have a "target reader," you effect a single level of presentation, rather
than trying to provide information to everyone from those who have their doctorates
to students in high school who want to delve into the subject just a bit. Choose your
level of communication and stay with it-by addressing yourself in your writing to
only this one person. We believe you will find this concept a highly workable one.
When you as an author write successfully for one, we as a publisher may be able to
take your book and sell thousands of copies because each person feels "this was
meant for me." On the other hand, if you try to write for thousands, and embrace all
of their varied interests and viewpoints, we may not be able to sell a single copy.
Stick to your one-level approach, and we as publishers will take care of informing
readers at all levels of interest and of understanding how the book will fit into their
realm.
Step Two: Select a thesis. In order to communicate with your audience,
you need to have something to say. All too often, ethnographic descriptions
appear to be like meandering conversations without a destination. Although
of interest to the ethnographer and a few colleagues, such writing will not
hold the attention of many more. A thesis is the central message, the point
you want to make. There are several sources for finding a thesis.
First, the major themes you have discovered in ethnographic research
represent possible theses. For example, a major theme in the culture of
tramps was that being in jail affected one's identity, even made a man want
to go out and get drunk. Injail a man learned to "hustle," and this reinforced
his identity as a tramp trying to "make it" on the street. This theme became
the thesis of the ethnography: that jailing drunks, rather than being therapeutic,
actually played an important role in creating the identity of tramp.
This thesis was summed up in the title of the ethnography, which came from
an informant who said," After thirty days injail,you owe yourselfa drunk!"
Second, a thesis for your ethnography may come from the overall goals of
ethnography. You may, for example, state your thesis in the following way:
"To most people, a bar is a place to drink. But to the cocktail waitress, it is
much more complex. It is a world of varied cultural meaning that she learns
in order to carry out her work and cope with difficulties. In this paper I want
to show just how complex the cultural knowledge of the cocktail waitress is,
in contrast to the casual impressions of the outsider.'' Your thesis can
simply be to show that cultural meaning systems are much more complex
than we usually think.
Another way to formulate this type of thesis is in terms of a set of recipes
for behavior. Culture can be viewed as a set of instructions for carrying out
life's ordinary activities. Your thesis would be to show the reader the recipe
for being a tramp, a cocktail waitress, or some other kind of person. Frake,
in a series of articles, has made effective use of this kind of thesis. For
example, he has written on "How to ask for a drink" (1964c) and "How to
enter a house" among the Yakan in the Philippines (1975).
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Still another way to formulate this type of thesis is to show the tacit rules
for behavior. This thesis argues that much goes on in social life that we do
not see, that there are tacit rules of behavior that people have learned but
seldom discuss. The point of your paper is to make those tacit rules explicit.
Third, a thesis may come from the literature of the social sciences. In one
paper on tramps I reviewed the literature on the concept of "reciprocity."
Then, I formulated a thesis that linked the patterns of reciprocity among
tramps to these more general concepts (Spradley 1968).
When a thesis has been selected, it is useful to state it briefly, perhaps in a
single sentence, and place it before you as a constant reminder as you write.
This will help organize your paper and integrate it around a single major
idea. It will also help the reader to graspthe meanings of the culture in a way
that a simple listing of domains and their meanings will not.
Step Three: Make a list oftopics and create an outline. Any ethnography
will necessarily deal with only selected aspects of a culture. Furthermore,
you will use only part of the material you have collected. This step involves
reviewing your fieldnotes and the cultural inventory you made and listing
topics you think should be included in the final description. Some of these
topics will be things like "introduction" and "conclusion." Once listed, you
can then make an outline based around your thesis. This will divide up your
actual writing into sections, each of which can be done as a separate unit. If
you have been writing short descriptive pieces throughout the project (See
Appendix B), many or all of these may fit into the outline.
Step Four: Write a rough draft ofeach section. A rough draft is intended
to be rough, unfinished, unpolished. One of the great roadblocks for many
writers is the desire to revise each sentence as it goes down on paper.
Constant revision not only slows the entire writing process but also takes
away from the free flow of communication. Constant revision seldom occurs
in speaking; we may now and then restate something, but usually we talk
without revising. Write as you talk is an excellent rule to follow in composing
a rough draft of each section.
Step Five: Revise the outline and create subheads. Almost always the
outline from which one writes becomes changed in the process of writing.
Once a rough draft is completed for each section, it is a good idea to make a
new outline, rearranging sections as appropriate. You may want to use
subheads to give your reader a clue to the structure of the paper and also to
act as transitions from one part to another. Native folk terms can often be
used as subheads in an ethnography, helping to create a view that reflects the
cultural knowledge of your informants.
Step Six:. Edit the rough draft. At this point in the writing you will have a
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rough draft ofyour paper, a fairly clear outline, and a number of subheadings
you want to use throughout the paper. Now it is time to go over it with an
eye to improving the details of writing. Work through each section and at the
same time keep the entire description in mind. Make changes directly on the
pages you had previously written. When you want to add a paragraph or
sentence, write them on the back of the page or on a separate piece of paper
with instructions as to where they will appear. At this stage, it is often useful
to ask a friend to read over the manuscript and make general comments. An
outside perspective is especially useful for making improvements that will
enhance the communicative power of the description.
Step Seven: Write the introduction and conclusion. By now the description
has taken on substantial form and you can write these two parts of the
paper in a more effective manner. Some writers find that they write better if
they write a rough introduction at the start of the writing but save the
conclusion until the end. In either case, now is the time to review both the
introduction and conclusion and revise them to fit the paper.
Step Eight: Reread your manuscript for examples. Examples involve
writing at the lowest level of abstraction. Because of their importance in
communication, a special reading of the paper to see if you have used
enough examples is highly desirable. Look for places where general statements
have made your writing too "dense" and see if you can insert a brief
or extended example at those places.
Step Nine: Write the final draft. In some cases this will merely involve
typing the paper or turning it over to someone else to type. In other cases,
you will need to go carefully over the manuscript again, making the final
editorial changes. Using steps such as this means you have been over the
entire .manuscript numerous times during the course of writing. Instead of a
single, first-draft-as-final-draft, your paper has gone through a series of
developmental stages.
In this chapter we have discussed ethnographic writing as a part of the
translation process. Writing is a skill learned slowly and one that shows great
variation from one person to another. The suggestions in this chapter are
offered only as general guidelines, not as hard-and-fast rules that every
writer should try to follow.
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Tasks
12.1 Write a rough draft of an ethnography.
12.2 Conduct additional research as needed to fill gaps in your data.
12.3 Write a final draft of an ethnography.
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