*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
329
Fenerbahçe Üniversitesi
Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi
Cilt 2, Sayı 2, sayfa 329-348, 2022
Fenerbahce University
Journal of Social Sciences
Volume 2, Issue 2, page 329-348, 2022
Grasping the Migration Discourse: Case of Turkey1
Göç Söylemini Algılamak: Türkiye Örneği
Merve Hazer YİĞİT UYAR
Abstract
To exclude a group politically, socially and economically also means marginalizing that group and
pushing it to create a real reason for security. The perception of us and others created by migration is
fueled by populism, and refugees are securitized. The other created is unfortunately refugees, one of
the most vulnerable segments of society. This study analyzes the discourses on refugees in Turkey
through the election manifestos of political parties, which are the strongest political actors of
representative democracies. Election manifestos are essential data sources as they are official
documents showing the positions of the parties and the manifestos of political parties in Turkey's general
elections on the mass migration movement from Syria to Turkey are among the most important data
sources of migration discourses and attitudes towards refugees. For this reason, Turkey’s general
election manifestos before and after the Refugee Crisis were included in the analysis (2007- 2011- 2015
June- 2015 November- 2018). The concept set used in discourse analysis finds its place in the migration
literature through populism, securitization and ‘the other’. For this reason using the mixed method, it is
claimed that in this research, the categories in which migration takes place in political discourse are
populism, securitization, and Euroscepticism. In this research, migration discourses of election
manifestos are associated with political attitudes. The main argument of this study is that only with the
refugee crisis, the words refugee, immigrant, asylum seeker are given the meaning of other and they
take place together with securitization in populist rhetoric in political discourse and are supported by
xenophobic and Eurosceptic arguments.
Keywords: International Migration, Refugee, Securitization, Populism, International Politics
Göç Söylemini Algılamak: Türkiye Örneği
Özet
Siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik olarak bir grubu dışlamak o grubu marjinalize ederek onu gerçek bir
güvenlik sebebi yaratmaya itmek anlamına da gelmektedir. Göç ile yaratılan biz ve ötekiler algısı
popülizmle körüklenmekte ve mülteciler güvenlikleştirilmektedir. Yaratılan öteki ise maalesef toplumun
en kırılgan kesimlerinden biri olan mültecilerdir. Bu çalışma, temsili demokrasilerin en güçlü siyasi aktörü
siyasi partilerin seçim manifestoları üzerinden Türkiye’deki mültecilere yönelik söylemleri analiz
etmektedir. Seçim manifestoları, partilerin duruşlarını gösteren resmi belgeler olması dolayısıyla önemli
veri kaynaklarındandır ve Suriye’den Türkiye’ye kitlesel göç hareketine dair Türkiye genel seçimlerinde
siyasi partilerin manifestoları göç söylemlerinin ve mültecilere yönelik tutumlarının en önemli veri
kaynaklarındandır. Bu nedenle mülteci Krizi öncesi ve sonrası Türkiye genel seçimleri manifestoları
analize dahil edilmiştir (2007- 2011- 2015 Haziran- 2015 Kasım-2018). Söylem analizinde kullandığı
kavram seti göç literatürde popülizm, güvenlikleştirme, ötekileştirme üzerinden kendisine yer
bulmaktadır. Bu sebeple bu çalışmada, karma yöntem kullanılarak göçün siyasal söylemde yer aldığı
kategorilerin popülizm, güvenlikleştirme ve Avrupa şüpheciliği ile olduğunu iddia etmektedir. Bu
1
This article is prepared from the author's unpublished doctoral thesis titled "The 'Refugee Crisis' in Political Discourse': Italy,
Hungary, Turkey"(Siyasal Söylemde ‘Mülteci Krizi’: İtalya, Macaristan, Türkiye) completed in 2021 at Istanbul University Faculty
of Political Sciences. For this study, the literature was created by highlighting the Turkey section of the doctoral dissertation; the
original version of the thesis is on the comparison of Italy, Hungary and Turkey as countries on migration.
FBUJOSS
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
330
araştırmada seçim manifestolarının göç söylemleri politik tutumlarla ilişkilendirilmektedir. Bu çalışmanın
temel argümanı ancak mülteci krizi ile beraber mülteci, göçmen, sığınmacı kelimelerine öteki anlamının
yüklendiği ve siyasal söylemde popülist retoriklerde güvenlikleştirme ile beraber yer alıp yabancı
düşmanlığı ve Avrupa şüpheci argümanlarla desteklendiği yönündedir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Uluslararası Göç, Mülteci, Güvenlikleştirme, Popülizm, Uluslararası Siyaset
Atıf için (how to cite):
Yiğit Uyar, M.H., (2022). Grasping The Migration Discourse: Case Of Turkey Fenerbahçe
Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 2022;2(2), 329-348.
1.Introduction
The refugee2 crisis has created economic, social and political reactions in countries that are in the
primary and secondary level of expansion. The study of these reactions can gain meaning by examining
them with a causality that can be established between social-political phenomena. Turkey (Türkiye) is
the country hosting the highest number of refugees in the world (UNHCR, 2022). This situation has
started to raise unwanted criticism in the eyes of the public. Refugees have started to be shown as the
other. Discourses that have been suppressed/softened for a long time have affected the language used
in the election campaigns, although not specifically in the manifestos. While the developments
before/after the 2018 elections, the terrorist threat faced by Turkey, the rising far right with the 'refugee
problem' externalized by Europe, Islamophobia, xenophobia and border issues were on the agenda,
discourses targeting displaced people in Turkey were sharpening.
EU migration policies are shaped around the security framework: Fortress of Europe is in formation, the
second generation information system, Euroda, visa information system, Eurosur, Frontex are in place
for the management of the EU's external borders; borders have been places where they manage
migration for the EU, and they have naturally become instrumental in this context (TrojanowskaStrzeboszewska,
2018, pp. 176-177). Decisions taken in the Migration Agenda are the implementation
of ad hoc emergency practices in the first stage, and the long-term management policies based on
development in the second stage. (Trojanowska-Strzeboszewska, 2018, p. 181). The resettlement
proposal, the Treaty of Lisbon, the provision on temporary measures on migration management
becoming operational for the first time (Saatçioğlu, 2017, p. 221), constitutes a temporary and
exceptional relocation mechanism for two years from peripheral member states, Italy and Greece, to
other member states (Council of the European Union, 2015). The realization of the Turkey-EU Refugee
Reconciliation and the Joint Action Plan in 2016 was an important move to stop the irregular refugee
influx on the Aegean-Greece-Eastern Balkans road, but the EU side has not yet realized the short-term
visa liberalization clause in Turkey, which has not met the expectations of the Turkish side. (Yaprak,
Akgüngör, & Kuştepeli, 2017, p. 26). The sudden decrease in the number of refugees crossing from
Turkey to the Greek islands (Deutsche Welle, 2016) has been an important indicator for the EU (Kaya
2
In international law, the terms immigrant, asylum seeker, refugee are used terminologically. In this thesis, the term refugee and/or
immigrant will be preferred unless the legal situation is mentioned or special or legal status is referred to, the
refugee/immigrant/asylum-seeker is sociologically referenced.
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
331
& Kaiser, 2018, p. 424). The EU realized that it could no longer remain indifferent to the situation and
that the impact of this crisis on the EU would be much greater. The necessity of coordination and
common migration and asylum policies among EU countries was felt (Özer, 2017, p. 43). Institutions
such as Frontex and the European Asylum Support Agency have not been successful enough in
managing the crisis (Özer, 2017, p. 43). It can be said that one reason for this is the tendency of
countries to prefer a national policy instead of a common policy. For example, Slovakia and Hungary
filed a lawsuit at the European Court of Justice (2015) for the annulment of the quota system decision
for refugees, on the grounds that freedom of thought and opinion was restricted and that they had the
right to weave barbed wire (Saatçioğlu, 2017, pp. 223-224). As discussed in the securitization theory,
which includes the situation of leaving the political process, it is revealed that the process takes place
at a narrower point (Williams, 2003, p. 513).
Turkey is the country that gives the biggest support to Syrian refugees in the world (UNHCR, 2022). The
issue securitized in Turkey is not the refugees in general terms but the process of marginalizing the
country's own internal elements along with its own domestic terrorism problems; the emptiness and
insecurity created by the crises have been the elements that create a dynamo effect in the process of
creating ‘the other’. Turkey has not put it into a security perspective as it has been put in Europe. The
main problem in Turkey has been that these people have been subjected to a perception with the
guest/goer discourse for years, and they have had problems with their definition and status in Turkey.
The scope of security is mostly determined through internal ethnic, belonging to the country and identity
issues. In this sense, the other is the 'others within us'; not others from outside. The word 'us' does not
refer to the whole of Turkey in general. Dividedness, separation within itself, and different nationalisms
produce different definitions in general; elements such as founding value, history and partnership that
can be gathered under the title of 'us' within the borders of the country which are in conflict. This ‘us’
and ‘other’ issue creates populism and securitization within discourses.
When it comes to the refugee concept, several types of political discourse have emerged: populism,
securitization, Euroscepticism, and xenophobia. Securitization of migration is the process of creating a
perception that immigrants/refugees are a security threat by creating an atmosphere of fear. When all
migrants/refugees are targeted, discourses are made in this direction, and ‘the other’ is pointed out.
When immigrants/refugees are targeted, populism refers to the other as well. Refugee/immigrant is
labelled as a security issue and a dangerous element in domestic and foreign politics; They are targeted
as a security issue that has a different culture, religion, and identity; therefore cannot adapt and they
cannot change their difference. Immigrants as a group have become the definition of danger. Refugee
rhetoric is used in political discourse as a rhetoric of securitization and populism.
The questions of whether the refugee perception, which has changed over the years, started with the
refugee crisis or whether this discourse on migration/immigrant/refugee is the result of a long-term
process are also important for the study. The article focuses on the migration of Syrians, referred to as
the refugee crisis. Also, Political populism finds ground where media populism succeeds (Mazzoleni,
2008, p. 54), election times are the times to observe the media supporting political populism as well. In
this research, party manifestos in the general elections in Turkey between 2007-2018 will be analyzed
with a mixed method in the context of this agenda. In the second part, the manifestation of populism
and securitization in the discourses on migration will be examined theoretically, and in the third part, the
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
332
method of the study will be explained. In the fourth section, the results and evaluation of the study will
be given. In the fifth section, the results and general evaluation will be analysed.
2.Populism in Migration Discourse
Although we do not have a definite theory of populism, it is observed that the power partners and those
who try to be partner are articulated to every ideology in ambiguity and symptomatize being ‘one’ (Müller,
2017, pp. 14-19). Populism can be broadly defined as an ideology, a form of discourse, and one of the
forms of political mobilization. Some thinkers classify populism as a rhetoric, some as a type of
organization, some as an ideology, while others consider it as a communication style; Their common
point is that they agree that the notion of the people/nation is the common point (Caiani, 2019, pp. 237-
238). Populism as an ideology is a thin ideology that thinks it ultimately divides society into two
homogeneous and opposing groups, the naive people and the corrupt elite, and argues that politics
should be the expression of the general will of the people (Mudde, 2004, p. 543) (Mudde & Kaltwasser,
2017). According to Mudde, thin ideologies are a very limited set of ideas about worldviews (Mudde,
2004). The advantage of understanding populism as a thin ideology is to identify what determines
different populist movements, rather than whether they are left or right wing (Wirth W. v., 2016, p. 9).
The hostile relationship between the people and the elite, the positive evaluation of the people and the
discredit of the elite are frequent uses of the idea of popular sovereignty (Stanley, 2008, p. 102).
Populism is a concept that can exist with its relational network, and popular sovereignty is placed around
it with a relational relationship as the people, the elite, the populists, and the others (Wirth W. v., 2016,
p. 8). In order to describe the atmosphere in which populism takes place, Brubaker refers to the
economic crisis, the refugee problem, and an atmosphere called post-truth with the concept Brubaker
calls the perfect storm (Brubaker, 2019, pp. 37-38). It has also been defined as an ideology that invokes
virtuous and homogeneous people against elites and dangerous, others portrayed as depriving people
of popular sovereignty, values, welfare, identity (Albertazzi & McDonnell, 2008, p. 3). Laclau defines
populism as the boundary construction that divides society into two camps and the discourse between
the powerful and the oppressed (Mouffe, Sol Popülizm, 2019, p. 23). The populist system of thought
emphasizes that voters who do not support them cannot be a part of the people who are defined as a
whole and with high moral value (Müller, 2017, p. 15).
Populist rise is especially seen in moments such as political system changes, foreign policy imbalances,
international partnership problems (Wirth W. v., 2016, pp. 44-45). Taggart defines populism with being
prone to war, faith and conspiracy theories (Taggart, 2019, pp. 82-85). In parallel, Wodak mentions that
right-wing populism produces a policy of fear, thus persuading the public to have more security (Wodak,
2015, p. 1). Because politics always involves the creation of us and the other, which refers to the creation
of a collective identity (Mouffe, 2005, p. 55). Because the migration crisis and the refugee issue are one
of the priority issues in Turkey, most of the political parties have used the populist discourses when
mentioning refugees, as mentioned below.
3.Securitization in Migration Discourse
An issue cannot become a threat simply by word-of-mouth and securitization is not complete, it needs
more elements (Buzan, Weaver, & De Wilde, 1998, p. 25). The target audience needs to accept the
issue as a security issue and is also needed to be defined as a departure from the usual situation
(Buzan, Weaver, & De Wilde, 1998, p. 23). The securitized issue is now a threat and measures need to
be taken, and legitimate grounds are provided for urgent and extraordinary measures (Buzan, Weaver,
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
333
& De Wilde, 1998, p. 24). In this case, the target, as the other in times of crisis is clear, the refugees. In
periods of securitization of migration, immigrants are perceived as a cultural threat, as actors of criminal
and terrorist threats, and as a threat to stability in times of economic recession and crisis (Phizacklea,
2011). The elites also make this topic a meta topic and blur the distinction between external and internal
security, that is, the middle line (Faist, 2002). Associating the refugee or migrant with crime, danger,
political troubles and unemployment as well as cultural corruption is a longstanding rhetoric, and these
are perceived as national threats. The refugees/migrants are seen as the source of economic troubles,
a threat to the job ability of the market and a burden on the social security system (Mandacı & Özerim,
2013, p. 116).
In periods of securitization of migration, immigrants are perceived as a cultural threat, as actors of
criminal and terrorist threats, and as a threat to stability in times of economic recession and crisis
(Phizacklea, 2011). In the elite's war on terror, terrorism is not only a link to immigration but also a
process of threat to cultural identity (Toğral, 2011, p. 219). The criminal began to be described through
‘the out group’ (D'Appollonia, 2012). An issue such as immigration, which is not overtly and primarily a
threat, becomes an issue of security through speech-act in the securitization process (Messina, 2014,
p. 530). If the masses are large, it is really difficult to persuade and mobilize them to a common threat
through ‘us’ (Buzan, Weaver, & De Wilde, 1998, p. 36). For this reason, the unit where securitization is
best applied is the nation level, which mobilizes the middle-level "us", the in group, more quickly. The
EU's response to the refugee crisis was limited to a limited response based on border security, and
remained inadequate and fragmented in both short and long-term movements (TrojanowskaStrzeboszewska,
2018, pp. 169-190). Turkey, on the other hand, has been inadequate in terms of policy
and institutional, with its 'open door' policy followed by the refugee influx.
Regardless of which Euroscepticism typology is considered (Taggart & Szczerbiak, 2000) , (Kopecky &
Mudde, 2002) Eurosceptics take positions according to the crises that Europe is facing, and
Euroscepticism rises according to the size of the crises. By using common themes, Euroscepticists
describe the events that affect or are likely to affect Europe, and describe these events, which are
encountered or likely to be encountered, as difficult periods that must be overcome urgently, such as a
‘crisis’ (for example, the refugee crisis). Parallel to this, Buzan, Waever and Wilde summarize how
immigration is securitized with the analogy of “X people are invaded by Y people or lose their
characteristics because of that people. Community X will not exist as before because its population will
be made up of people Y. X identity differentiates due to change in population structure” (Buzan, Weaver,
& De Wilde, 1998, p. 121).
4.Methodology
The empirical part of this study is based on mixed content analysis of election manifestos collected
within the scope of five national election campaigns between 2007-2018. Retrieved the 2007, 2011,
2015 June, 2015 November, 2018 manifestos.
The rationality underlying the reasons for choosing the parties as a sample is their continuity in entering
the elections and their ability to enter the parliament (except for FP; originally FP was there to compare
it with other countries similar parties). The parties analysed in this context are JDP (AK Parti- Justice
and Development Party), NMP (MHP- Nationalist Movement Party), RPP (CHP- Republican Peoples’
Party), DSP (DTP- Democratic Society Party), PDP* (BDP- Peace and Democracy Party), PDP (HDPPeoples’
Democratic Party), GP (İYİ Parti- Good Party) and FP (SP- Felicity Party).
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
334
Table 1 Turkish Political Parties’ Election Manifestos Included in This Study3
Political Party JDP NMP RPP DSP PDP* PDP GP FP
Elections
2007 X X X X
2011 X X X X
2015 June X X X X
2015 November X X X X
2018 X X X X X X
Source: Author’s own research.
In the data analysis part of this study, the codes (conceptualized words) associated with the
refugee/refugee crisis of countries were investigated. Sections were coded by in-depth research (see
Appendix) (In the original of the doctoral thesis, Islamophobia was tried to be revealed with a mixed
method, as measurements were made on the election manifestos of Italy and Hungary. Although it is a
non-Islamophobia category for Turkey, it appears to be a category because it is used in the analysis for
other countries). The most commonly used discourse on behalf of the category of immigration is culture,
populism, security, Euroscepticism, and xenophobia. In order to make a comparative and scaled
qualitative analysis in the research, all coded texts related to 'migration' were drawn for all manifestos.
Every sentence in which the words “migration, immigrant, refugee, asylum seeker, asylum, temporary
protection, human trafficking, human smuggling, international protection, Syrian” are included, has been
selected from the manifestos and has been read comparatively. In addition, the same process is
followed the discourse of Islam and discrimination; Europe discourses; discourses using security
discourses and populist rhetoric were also repeated as in the migration category. There are different
reasons for blaming ‘the other’, some of them being threatening basic needs. In the rhetoric of
securitization, migration is constructed as a directable threat to the situation of countries in every aspect;
for this, economy, political situation, social welfare and cultural values were used (Yiğit & Uyar, 2021,
pp. 148-149). Disputes arise between refugees and policymakers of receiving countries and citizens of
that country, objectively on issues such as employment, housing and welfare, and subjectively on
cultural homogeneity, social values or national identity (Alexseev, 2005) (Bigo, 2001). Since the
securitization of immigration is defined as the immigration of political, social and security elites
threatening the basic values of the state and society, the security category in the study was created in
parallel with this (Lazaridis, 2011, p. 2).
The study focuses on a comparative research question on how political discourse forms official
approaches to refugees/immigrants and is a comparative case study that aims to investigate how
political discourse works and in what context it contributes to party manifestos through the refugee crisis.
In this study, the instrumentalization of refugees/immigrants and the refugee crisis in political discourse
was studied, and case comparisons were made before and after the refugee crisis, specific to party
3
Most of the election manifestos are taken from the manifesto project database. Other exception manifestos are taken from the
official websites of political parties. Election manifestos are publicly available, accessible from any platform. https://manifesto-
project.wzb.eu/
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
335
manifestos. It has been revealed how refugees and the refugee crisis are positioned in party manifestos
with the claim of populism, securitization, Euroscepticism and xenophobia. In the party manifestos,
content analysis based on the dictionary method was used and also the manifestos were analyzed
qualitatively.
The reasons for choosing election manifestos of the unit of analysis can be listed as follows: First, an
election manifesto can be viewed as an authoritative document that clearly reviews a party's ideas at a
given time (Rooduijn, 2013, p. 83). Second, election manifestos are suitable documents for comparative
content analysis because they are reasonably comparable across countries and over time; third, an
election manifesto can be seen as the document that gives the clearest overview of what a party stands
for at a given time; In most cases, politicians are committed to policy promises set out in an election
manifesto. (Rooduijn, 2013, pp. 56-57). Fourthly, people's interest in both daily politics and politics in
general increases during the election campaign period. It can also be caused by individuals and the
abundance of information they are exposed to. According to Wodak, the common features of words and
phrases that are described as populist are as follows: (Wodak, 2015, p. 49): Migration, immigrant,
asylum seeker / Our cultural and familial values / Nation, homeland Glorious past / Security, terrorism /
Mother tongue / Global threat, globalization / Islam in pejorative sense, the other / Comparison of West
and East / Theft, crime / Citizenship, public, belonging / Security , law, order / EU and Euroscepticism /
Market economy / Democracy and the people / Elitism. In this study, populist phrases mentioned by
Wodak (2015) were examined in categories related to immigration. It was edited and compared
(emergent) with the codes created after the text was read, not pre-created. As Wodak (2015) stated, it
is argued in this study that the categories of security, culture, immigration, populism, economy, and
Euroscepticism are interrelated. In order to prove this claim, dictionaries in different categories were
created and coded. Although populism appears as an ideology, a style of discourse and a form of
political strategy, the measurement in this article is based on this thin-centered ideology definition of
populism (Mudde, 2004): anti-elitism, people-centrism. Dictionaries that were created and coded for
populism were used. Frequencies can be found by word mining. In this study, the populism dictionary
created by Roodujin is used (Rooduijn, 2013, pp. 173-175). For this reason, only anti-elite coding (core)
was used.
Context words have been added to the dictionary; these are the words 'will' and 'sovereignty'. According
to the coding, if they emphasize people's virtues, if they emphasize people's achievements, if they show
sympathy for people, if they suggest a monolithic people, they use human-centered rhetoric; anti-elitism
includes strategies that condemn the elites, blame the elites, and exclude the elites from the public;
These are the two indicators used to capture popular sovereignty, which demands popular sovereignty
and rejects elite sovereignty (Bernhar & Kriesi, 2019, pp. 1196,1201-1203). All categories consist of
populism, security, economy, Europe, Islam, immigration, culture (see appendix for phrases coded in
categories). A dictionary is created by considering the associations and intersections with migration in
other categories.
In the next stage of the research, the main categories and subcategories were determined and the
MAXQDA program, in which the mixed method could be operationalized, was used. In this program,
after the manifest texts were read before, the program was run to evaluate the codes and sub-codes of
the categories determined in terms of relationality. Network graphs are drawn showing associations and
overlaps. In the network graphs, the networks are shown in the same colors. For example, if the
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
336
categories are symbolized in blue, they are indicated as being in the same network. Inter-network and
intra-network lines and the closeness of categories and codes are represented by thick-thin lines. While
frequency numbers are written next to the categories, overlapping relationships are written on the lines
connecting networks and networks.
5. Results and Evaluation
It is a series of events that brought the 2007 election to the fore, starting with the inability of the president
to be elected by the TGNA. It is an early election because the TGNA is deadlocked. The roots of the
crisis lie in the tension between the secular and conservative wing in Turkey; early elections were called
at the behest of the ruling JDP, pursuant to constitutional provisions requiring immediate elections in
cases where the TGNA could not elect a president (OSCE/ODIHR, 2007, pp. 2-3). In addition, terrorism
cases are seen in the East and Southeast. Below is the association graph with the migration category
of the 2007 elections in Turkey. Accordingly, the percentages of categories associated with migration
according to the election manifestos used as a sample in the 2007 elections in Turkey are stated.
Migration has been most associated with security, culture, economy and populism categories in order.
Table 2 Network Maps of the 2007 General Election Manifestos of JDP, NMP, RPP, DSP
Source: Author’s own research calculations. Network Maps consisting of the categories of (translation of the categories) cultur
(kültür), economy (ekonomi), security (güvenlik), Europe (Avrupa), populism (popülizm), migraton (göç), Islam (İslam)
The "Kurdish Initiative" process, which started in 2009, had a place for itself even before these elections.
It is aimed at improving relations with the Kurdish population through a series of confidence-building
NMP
RPP
DSP
JDP
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
337
measures. In addition, the ongoing investigation regarding the coup plans in the political discourse in
Turkey were on the agenda, these were the Ergenekon and Balyoz cases’ processes that would be
revealed later. The 2011 elections were held under the debate of these issues. Constitutional reform
has been on the political agenda in Turkey for a long time. During the election campaigns, the need for
constitutional reform was emphasized by the majority of the political parties; this has been met with
interest from all sides of the political spectrum (OSCE/ODIHR, 2011, p. 1). Below is the association
graph with the migration category of the 2011 elections in Turkey. Accordingly, the percentages of
categories associated with migration according to the election manifestos used as a sample in the 2011
elections in Turkey are stated. Migration has been most associated with culture, economy, security,
Europe and populism categories.
Table 3 Network Maps of the 2011 General Election Manifestos of JDP, NMP, RPP, PDP
Source: Author’s own research calculations. Network Maps consisting of the categories of (translation of the categories) cultur
(kültür), economy (ekonomi), security (güvenlik), Europe (Avrupa), populism (popülizm), migraton (göç), Islam (İslam)
Year 2011 was a period when the crisis and civil war environment in Syria increased, and the number
of refugees increased. The election in which the PDP participated as a party for the first time was the
2015 election. Previously, elections were held in which independent candidates participated and formed
a group within the parliament. Socioeconomic issues, the Kurdish issue peace process and the ongoing
situation in the Middle East were also discussed in more depth (OSCE/ODIHR, 2015, p. 13). While the
president should be independent of parties, he supported his party, the JDP, throughout the campaign.
Media freedom is also a concern around the elections (OSCE/ODIHR, 2015, p. 1). In the first period of
the Syrian civil war, both in the Turkish media and in the discourse of politicians, the situation of
refugees/asylum seekers was reflected on human values. In the following period, as a result of the
intense refugee wave among the surrounding countries, especially Turkey, the rhetoric of return and
JDP NMP
RPP
PDP
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
338
repatriation and the context of economic costs came to the fore. Below is the association graph with the
migration category of the Turkey 2015 June elections. Accordingly, the percentages of categories
associated with migration, according to the election manifestos used as a sample in Turkey's 2015 June
elections, are indicated. Migration was most associated with the categories of security, culture, economy
and Europe categories respectively.
Table 4 Network Maps of the 2015 June General Election Manifestos of JDP, NMP, RPP, PDP
Source: Author’s own research calculations. Network Maps consisting of the categories of (translation of the categories) cultur
(kültür), economy (ekonomi), security (güvenlik), Europe (Avrupa), populism (popülizm), migraton (göç), Islam (İslam)
In 2015, the weight in the categories of security, populism and immigration has increased compared to
the election a few months ago. Elections have been the clearest indicator of how discourse has changed
in these times. The aggravated refugee discourse change, including the ruling party, has a different tone
than the 2015 June elections. While the parties gave more place to refugees/immigrants in their
manifestos, the tone of the discourse also changed. The discourses made in this atmosphere of fear
were met by the public, the votes increased in the direction of radicalization and gave the power to
guarantee another period. The conjuncture greatly influenced the discourses of political actors in the
election discourses in November, reflecting that threats, anger and uncertainties paved the way to
highlight the rhetoric of "unity" while blaming others/scapegoats; thus, while a homogeneous category
of Turkish society could be defined as victims, other groups were seen as enemies of national
JDP
NMP
RPP
PDP
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
339
sovereignty ( Erdoğan & Erçetin, 2018, p. 395). Two-year hiatus in clashes between Turkish security
forces and KWP (Kurdish Workers’ Party- PKK) ends in July (OSCE/ODIHR, 2016, p. 4). The main
topics covered in the election included the resolution process, the deteriorating security environment,
the campaign against terrorism, and socio-economic issues. Below is the association graph with the
migration category of Turkey's November 2015 elections. Accordingly, the percentages of categories
associated with migration, according to the election manifestos used as a sample in Turkey's 2015
November elections indicated that migration has been most associated with security, culture, Europe,
the economy, and populism categories.
Table 5 Network Maps of the 2015 November General Election Manifestos of JDP, NMP, RPP, PDP
Source: Author’s own research calculations. Network Maps consisting of the categories of (translation of the categories) cultur
(kültür), economy (ekonomi), security (güvenlik), Europe (Avrupa), populism (popülizm), migraton (göç), Islam (İslam)
NMP
RPP
PDP
JDP
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
340
Table 6 Network Maps of the 2018 General Election Manifestos of JDP, NMP, RPP, PDP, GP, FP
Source: Author’s own research calculations. Network Maps consisting of the categories of (translation of the categories) cultur
(kültür), economy (ekonomi), security (güvenlik), Europe (Avrupa), populism (popülizm), migraton (göç), Islam (İslam)
The 2018 Election took place for the first time following the constitutional referendum in April 2017; In
the referendum, Turkey switched from a parliamentary system to a presidential system. The elections
were held under the state of emergency; the reason for the state of emergency in Turkey is that a coup
attempt was dared. On July 15, 2016, there was a coup attempt that would have severe social, political,
economic and sociological consequences. With the constitutional amendments after the referendum
held in 2017, the number of seats in the parliament was increased to 600 (formerly 550), and the duration
JDP NMP
RPP
PDP
GP FP
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
341
of each term was extended from four to five years. The existence of a high threshold of 10 percent
continues to exist. Selahattin Demirtaş from the PDP, one of the opposition candidates, was imprisoned
during the elections. OSCE described this situation as follows: “Turkey is notable for transforming the
political system into one with broad presidential powers, limited parliamentary oversight, and reduced
independence of the judiciary” (OSCE/ODIHR, 2018, p. 1). Presidential candidate Erdoğan, after the
cross-border operations in January 2018, said, “3.5 million Syrians we are hosting in my country at the
moment … We will send them back to their lands, to their homeland. I guess we are not in a position to
settle permanently in tents or containers or wherever they find them” (Erdoğan R. T., 2018). Presidential
candidate İnce (RPP) has often securitized the issue economically: “Instead of spending 40 billion
dollars on Syrians, we will spend it on people from Çorlu, Lüleburgaz, Keşan, Tonya, Viranşehir”
(AnadoluAjansı, 2018). İnce, again, stated that they would send refugees with drums and clarions in
most of his speeches and contributed to the marginalization. GP also securitized the issue economically
and at the same time used the rhetoric of repatriation in their election campaigns: “There are 4 million
Syrians in our country. Wherever I go, complaints are made… We spent 150 billion Turkish liras… After
that, we will send our Syrian brothers and sisters to their homeland; they will live happily” (Akşener,
2018). In general, more returns have come to the fore, and the cost in terms of economy has been
mentioned. Above is the association graph with the migration category of Turkey 2018 elections.
According to the election manifestos used as a sample in the Turkey 2018 elections (almost all of the
sample manifestos entered the parliament, with the exception of the Felicity Party), the percentages of
categories associated with migration are indicated. Migration has been most associated with security,
economy, Europe, culture and Islam categories in order.
In the coding map below, the network graph of the sum of Turkey 2007, 2011, 2015 June, 2015
November, and 2018 general elections is given. According to this, when all the elections are evaluated,
populism, culture, Europe, economy and security have created a network in Turkey. Besides, migration
has created another network and Islam has created another network. The reflection of the category of
migration in Turkey can be observed with other categories with which it establishes cluster relations.
The migration is located as another cluster further away from the main cluster in the network, but still
appears to be related. The reason for this is that migration suddenly has Turkey's immigration agenda,
and it was slightly mentioned in the previous elections. The category of Islam, on the other hand, is a
cultural issue in Turkey, as can be deduced from the number of intersections with culture; it has an
intense intersection with culture.
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
342
Table 7 Network Map of Turkey Election Manifestos Network Map (2007-2018)
Source: Author’s own research calculations. Network Maps consisting of the categories of (translation of the categories) cultur
(kültür), economy (ekonomi), security (güvenlik), Europe (Avrupa), populism (popülizm), migraton (göç), Islam (İslam)
Since the years in which the relationality of the migration category and other categories increased will
show the determinants in the years of increase and decrease, which category increased in the election
year with the highest correlation showed which context was used in extremist rhetoric. According to the
years, both in-country and inter-country migration and increases and decreases in the level of its
determinants have been observed and compared as categorised. Examples of qualitative/quantitative
comparisons and explanations of migration determinants are evaluated under the headings of each
election year. Explanation was made on the temporal graph. Cases were measured over the timeline.
A total of 22 election manifestos in seven different categories were analysed for Turkey. In the graphs
below, the average association rates of immigration and other categories based on the election years
of Turkey, and the average association rates of Islam and other categories are given. Islamophobia has
not been observed in Turkey.
As can be seen in the chart below, the leap year for Turkey, in which each category is highly associated
with migration, was observed as the 2015 elections. The direct reason for this situation is the discourses
made about the refugee influx. In addition, the migration-security relationship is one that has always
existed on behalf of Turkey due to the terrorist threats it faces. In NMP, on the other hand, there is more
association with crime. Terrorism is a completely different issue for Turkey and it is not related to
refugees; The KWP and its terrorism, which Turkey has been dealing with for decades, show itself in all
manifestos except the PDP. KWP, FETO, DAESH are Turkey's priority security issues. When the
category of security and the category of immigration intersect in Turkey, the most common example
here is the discourse of 'priority security of our own citizens'. The security discourse that prioritizes its
own citizens has drawn attention.
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
343
Table 8 Average Relationship of Turkey-Migration and Turkey-Islam Categories
Source: Author’s own research calculations. Network Maps consisting of the categories of (translation of the categories) cultur
(kültür), economy (ekonomi), security (güvenlik), Europe (Avrupa), populism (popülizm), migraton (göç), Islam (İslam)
Although the conceptualization of security in Turkey is not based on migration, the rights-based problem
experienced with migration is related to status and definition. After the 2015 June elections, both the
ruling party and the opposition side changed their tone against refugees/immigrants from rights-based
discourses to ‘aid-based’ and 'return to their homes’ rhetoric. In the elections held in November 2015,
and in 2018 the marginalizing discourse increased the vote rates in which the anger and fears of the
people were channelled. Looking at the 2015 elections, it can be observed that the security-migration
relationship, the populism-migration relationship, and the culture-migration relationship gave the highest
results. In this context, Turkey gave one of the highest reactions to migration in 2015. When analysed
together with the qualitative method, the most marginalizing reaction in terms of quality among these
findings was given in 2018; In this context, security-migration, Europe-migration, economy-migration
relations are used. But the association with security is less than the previous selection. For this reason,
association with Europe and the economy has been used in the name of the exclusionary discourse in
Turkey. In other words, the rhetoric that made the exclusionary discourse in Turkey has passed through
associating migration with Europe and the economy. Islam was associated with migration for the first
time in 2018, and it was mostly done by the government, drawing attention to the rising Islamophobia,
racism and discrimination in Europe. Security association is mostly done by NMP. The NMP is also an
openly anti-globalization party, in line with the nationalist right parties in Europe. In this context, it also
shows compatibility with the argument of the ‘losers of globalization’. The association with Europe and
the economy was made by almost all parliamentary parties, especially RPP and GP; described as
‘responsibility and burden sharing’; ‘economic cost’ rhetoric was used. The 'economy' and 'cost'
discourses pointing refugees were included in the manifestos of all parties in Turkey except the PDP.
The fact that refugees create an economic burden, and the cost is heavy was even mentioned by the
JDP and a call was made to Europe. It has been underlined that the solution of an international crisis
must be international, and that the solution cannot be left to countries. PDP, on the other hand, stated
that the issue should be based on 'rights' rather than 'aid' situation. In general, the issue is economic for
Turkey, a call is made to Europe to share responsibility. Turkey is not a country of comparison in Islam
category; because although Turkey is a predominantly Muslim country, the category of Islam is highly
0
0
0
0
1
0.75
3
6.25
9
2
1.5
2
12
23.75
8.666666667
0.25
0.25
0
2.25
0
0
0.75
1.75
7.25
8.166666667
0.5
2.5
3.25
3.5
8.333333333
0
5
10
15
20
25
2007 2011 2015H 2015K 2018
Average Relationship Turkey-Migration
Categories
İslam
Kültür
Güvenlik
Popülizm
Avrupa
Ekonomi
2.25
0
0
0
0.25
0
3
0
0.25
0
0.25
1
5
0
1.5
1
0.5
0.75
6.5
0
1.5
1
0.75
0.5
18.16666667
1
2.5
1.333333333
6
1
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
Average Relationship Turkey-Islam
Categories
2007
2011
2015H
2015K
2018
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
344
associated with culture. Religion is also a cultural issue for Turkey. Where the category of Islam is
matched with security, it is mostly about Islamophobia, discrimination and human security calling out to
Europe. Especially in JDP manifestos, a special section is devoted to this issue almost every time and
this issue is condemned especially in Europe (West). The category of Islam for NMP is generally a
Turkish-Islamic synthesis; hence it is mostly associated with culture and security.
However, 2018 is a prominent year in terms of associating Islam; Although the relationship between
Islam and culture is very clear in the case of Turkey, a different picture emerged in 2018. One of the
reasons for 2018 to come to the fore is the fact that the ruling party in Turkey and other parties frequently
warned against the use of Islamophobic and discriminatory rhetoric and policy making in European and
Western countries. This is the reason for the proportional rise in the relationship between the Islamic
category and the European category in 2018. In the case of Turkey, religion discourse was brought to
the agenda the most in 2018.
The RPP, a party that defines itself as a social democrat, has a far more extreme perspective than
European social democrats and does not want refugees and uses 'repatriation' rhetoric. Social
democratic and green parties in Europe display a pro-refugee perspective. The remarkable element
here is that a social democratic party, which differs from Europe with this feature of the RPP, stands on
this line. The GP, who defines itself as a more secular and secular nationalist, also sees refugees as an
economic cost, similar to the RPP. NMP, allied with the ruling party, associates immigration with security
and crime; but the NMP is in parallel with the nationalist right European parties and gives similar
reactions. In general, they frequently used the rhetoric of repatriation. The second interesting point is
that the JDP, which stands on Turkey's centre-right, continues this process by showing quite different
reactions from the European centre-right parties. The open-door policy implemented since 2011,
including the 2018 elections, has been a haven for refugees, displaced people and those fleeing the
war. It has implemented a policy and discourse that is not excluding but resentful. However, JDP has
recently approached the issue of migration in a more pragmatic manner. Refugees/immigrants have
had a great influence on the formulation of policies or agreements with the EU. Although 2018 was a
year in which the refugee discourse began to depart from the discourses of aid and inclusion in previous
years, it was the choice in which the words of adaptation, adaptation began to be replaced by the rhetoric
of ‘repatriation, cost and burden’. It has been the year of transition to the discourse of "they", where
asylum seekers were excluded from the inclusive discourse in which "us" and "our people" were
included. Although the intrusive emphasis continues at times, all internationally displaced people were
categorized as 'Syrians' in general, and they found a place in the elections more than ever before. In
this period, economic, cultural and political discourse targeted refugees. The emphasis on the other has
also started to be made by the ruling party, the JDP. Pointing and targeting asylum seekers/refugees
has increasingly continued on behalf of all political parties, starting with the 2015 elections. In the
November 2015 elections, the refugee tone also contributed to the reconsolidation of power. This
increase has focused more and more on 'economic costs' and 'return' rhetoric in the 2018 elections. In
addition, instead of using the terms refugee, asylum seeker and immigrant, institutional addressing of
displaced people as 'Syrian' is generally used; This oratory style using national identity is an indication
of in-group out-group rhetoric. While the refugees were mostly used by the opposition parties against
the ruling JDP in domestic politics, the JDP instrumentalized this issue in foreign policy, especially
against Europe. During this period, refugees became the subject of bargaining and were shifted from
subject matter to objectivity. Populist discourse in Europe and Turkey in the most general sense, using
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
345
the economic crisis environment, refugees, unemployment, salary problems, etc. have been declared
guilty. Being a refugee should have been related to human rights; instead, it has become an issue
related to numbers. For this reason, it is also important to use resentful rhetoric in society, to use
discourses that calm society, and most importantly, to look at the issue as a human right.
6. Conclusion
During and after the refugee crises, in most of the countries that face the refugee influx, the refugees
and asylum seekers and also immigrants were coded as having the motives that came to drift the country
in an environment of fear and insecurity, associated with economic burden, unemployment, crime and
the perception of its existence, became the cause of fear. Then refugee/immigrant is usually coded as
a security issue and a dangerous element in domestic and foreign politics. Discourses usually included
a security issue, culture, religion, identity, and adaptation problem. Immigrants as a group have became
the definition of danger in most of the countries. The subject country of this article is Turkey. The focus
on this article was put on the party manifestos of political parties, which are seen as the strongest
political actors in the concept of representative democracy. Election manifestos are important data
sources as they are official documents showing the positions of the parties. Turkey’s general election
manifestos before and after the Refugee Crisis were included in the analysis (2007- 2011- 2015 June-
2015 November- 2018). Using the mixed method, it has been claimed that the categories in which
migration takes place in political discourse are populism, securitization, Euroscepticism and
xenophobia. Migration discourses of election manifestos are associated with political attitudes. The
populist rhetoric is kept on the agenda in accordance with the zeitgeist, combined with the categories
of economy, immigration, security, culture and Europe in the case of Turkey. Association with Europe
and economy variables were used for the exclusionary discourse in Turkey. However, in the most
general sense, this perception created in Europe for refugees is not the same as the perception of the
'other' in Turkey. In other words, it is useful to underline that ‘the other’ is not exactly a refugee/immigrant
in Turkey. In Turkey, the concept of the other is positioned as the sum of the rest of the segment that
the power draws its boundaries as 'us/people/us', there is no specific other, and there is indeed a ‘totality
of others’.
As Wodak (2015) stated, it is argued in this study that the categories of security, culture, immigration,
populism, economy, and Euroscepticism are interrelated (Wodak, 2015, p. 49). These issues are
classified in the manifestos of the parties. With content analysis method, the selected words and phrases
and their situations were evaluated and comparatively analysed in the context of collecting the election
manifestos of the parties that were and/or trying to be power partners for Turkey before the elections in
certain categories and their frequencies, categories, relations and evaluations related to the
refugee/refugee crisis rhetoric. In this context, a positivist perspective has been tried to be added to
post-positivist issues. The change in political discourse over the perception of migration has been
examined. The rise of rising populism along with securitization, Euroscepticism and xenophobia, and
the claim that the intersection of these three is the refugee crisis, are contextualized and examined.
According to the findings of the study, the number of refugees, the location of the country, and the
immigration policy of the countries are not important in terms of Euroscepticism, securitization, populism
and xenophobia. What matters is time, that is, the crisis itself; when refugees are positioned as the other
as a subject, the situation creates a legitimate basis for discrimination in the discourses and for not to
be viewed as 'rights-based' issue.
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
346
Appendix-1: Categorized Word-Phrases
İslam
(İslam)
Kültür
(Cultur)
Göç
(Migration)
Göç
(Migration)
Güvenlik
(Security)
Popülizm
(Populism)
Popülizm
(Populism)
Popülizm
(Populism)
Avrupa
(Europe)
Ekonomi
(Economy)
Müslüman
(Muslim)
Değerler
(values)
Sığınmac
(Asylum
seeker)
Suriyeli
(Syrian)
Terör
(Terror)
Yolsuzlu
(Corruption)
Referand
(Referandum)
Aldat
(deceit-)
AB
(EU)
Ekonomik
(Econom-)
İslam
(İslam)
Kimli-k
(identity)
Göç
(Migration)
(İmmigration)
uluslararası
korum
(international
protection)
Tehdi
(threat)
Uzlaş
(consensus)
Propaganda
(propaganda)
Egemenli
(sovereign-)
Avrupa
(Europe)
Maliyet
(Cost)
-İslam
(-İslam)
Gelenek
(tradition)
Göçmen
(immigrant)
(migrant)
geçici
korum
(temporary
protection)
Güvenli
(security)
Yalan
(lie)
(deception)
Kandır
(deceive)
İrade
(will)
Avrupa
Birliği
(European
Union)
Dolar
(dolar)
Medeniyet
(civilization)
insan
kaçak
(human
trafficking)
Mülteci
(refugee)
Utanç
(shame)
Siyasiler
(poltitician)
İhanet
(betray)
Avro
(euro)
Kültür
(cultur)
insan
ticaret
(---
trafficking)
Skandal
(scandal)
Siyasetçi
(politician)
Dürüst
(honest)
TL
(TL)
Elit
(elit)
Seçkin
(elit)
anti-
demokrat
(anti-
Democtratic)
Lira
(Lira)
Bibliography
Erdoğan, E., & Erçetin, T. (2018). How Turkey’s repetitive elections affected the populist tone in the
discourses of the Justice and Development Party Leaders. Philosophy and Social Criticism, 44(4),
382-398.
Akşener, M. (2018, 6 8). Meral Akşener Rize’de Konuştu. Retrieved 4 16, 2019, from iyiparti.org:
https://iyiparti.org.tr/haber/meral-aksener-rizede-konustu
Albertazzi, D., & McDonnell, D. (2008). Introduction: The Sceptre and the Spectre. In D. Albertazzi, &
D. McDonnell, Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European Democracy (pp. 1-
14). Palgrave Macmillan.
Alexseev, M. (2005). Immigration Phobia and the Security Dilemma: Russia, Europe and the United
States,. New York: Cambridge University Press,.
AnadoluAjansı. (2018, 6 20). CHP'nin adayı İnce: Kamu bankalarını yeniden düzenleyeceğiz.
Retrieved 3 26, 2019, from aa.com.tr: https://www.aa.com.tr/tr/politika/chpnin-adayi-ince-kamu-
bankalarini-yeniden-duzenleyecegiz/1180188
Bernhar, L., & Kriesi, H. (2019). Populism in election times: a comparative analysis of 11 countries in
Western Europe. West European Politics, 42(6), 1188-1208.
Bigo, D. (2001). Migration and Security. In V. Guiraudon, & C. Joppke, Controlling a New Migration
World. London: Routledge.
Brubaker, R. (2019). Why Populism. In G. Fitzi, J. Mackert, & B. Turner, Populism and the Crisis of
Democracy: Volume 1 (pp. 27-46). London-New York: Routledge.
Buzan, B., Weaver, O., & De Wilde, J. (1998). Security: A New Fraework for Analysis. Lynne Reinner
Publications: Lynne Reinner Publications.
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
347
Caiani, M. (2019). The populist parties and their electoral success: different causes behind different
populisms? the case of the Five-star Movement and the League. Contemporary Italian Politics, 11(3),
236-250.
Council of the European Union. (2015, September 22). Justice and Home Affairs Council, 22
September 2015: Main results. Justice and Home Affairs Council, 22 September 2015: Main results.
Retrieved May 11, 2018, from https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/meetings/jha/2015/09/22/
Council of the European Union, “Justice and Home Affairs Council, 22 September 2015:. (n.d.).
D'Appollonia, A. C. (2012). Frontiers of Fear: Immigration and Insecurity in the United States and
Europe. New York: Cornell University Press.
Deutsche Welle. (2016, April 7). Türkiye'den Yunanistan'a geçen sığınmacı sayısı azaldı. Retrieved
September 20, 2017, from https://www.dw.com/tr/t%C3%BCrkiyeden-yunanistana-ge%C3%A7en-
s%C4%B1%C4%9F%C4%B1nmac%C4%B1-say%C4%B1s%C4%B1-azald%C4%B1/a-19171788
Erdoğan, R. T. (2018, 1 24). 44. Muhtarlar Toplantısında Yaptıkları Konuşma. Retrieved 3 23, 2019,
from Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı: https://www.tccb.gov.tr/konusmalar/353/89317/44-
muhtarlar-toplantisinda-yaptiklari-konusma
Faist, T. (2002). 'Extension du domanie de la lutte’: International Migration and Security before and
after September 11, 2001. International Migration Review, 36(1), 7-14.
Kaya, A., & Kaiser, B. (2018). Küresel Finansal Kriz, Mülteci Krizi ve İslamofobizm Bağlamında
Türkiye-AB İlişkileri. In Hukuki, Siyasi ve İktisadi Yönleriyle Avrupa Bütünleşmesinde Son Gelişmeler
ve Türkiye-AB İlişkileri ATAUM 30. Yıl Armağanı (pp. 407-434).
Kopecky, P., & Mudde, C. (2002). Two Sides of Euroscepticism Party Positions on European
Integration in East Central Europe. European Union Politics, 3(3), 297-326.
Lazaridis, G. (2011). Introduction. In G. Lazaridis, Security, Insecurity and Migration in Europe (pp. 1-
12). Farnham Surrey: Ashgate.
Mandacı, N., & Özerim, G. (2013). Uluslararası göçlerin bir güvenlik konusuna dönüşümü: Avrupa’da
Radikal Sağ Partiler ve Göçün Güvenlikleştirilmesi. Uluslararası İlişkiler, 10(9), 105-130.
Mazzoleni, G. (2008). Populism and the Media. In D. Albertazzi, & D. McDonnell, Twenty-First Century
Populism (pp. 49-66). New York: Palgrave Macmillian.
Messina, A. (2014). Securitizing Immigration in the Age of Terror. World Politics, 66(3), 530-539.
Mouffe, C. (2005). The “End of Politics” and the Challenge of Right-wing Populism. In F. Panizza,
Populism and the Mirror of the Democracy (pp. 50-71). London: Verso.
Mouffe, C. (2019). Sol Popülizm. (A. Yanık, Çev.) İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları.
Mouffe, C. (2019). Sol Popülizm. (A. Yanık, Trans.) İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları.
Mudde, C. (2004). The Populist Zeitgeist. Government and Opposition, 39(4), 541-563.
Mudde, C., & Kaltwasser, C. (2017). Populism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford-New York,: Oxford
University Press.
Müller, J.-W. (2017). Popülizm Nedir? (O. Yıldız, Trans.) İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları.
OSCE/ODIHR. (2007). Election Assessment Mission Report, Türkiye 22 Temmuz 2007 Erken
Parlamenter Seçimleri,. Warsaw: OSCE/ODIHR.
OSCE/ODIHR. (2011). Election Assessment Mission Report, Türkiye 12 Haziran 2011 Parlamenter
Seçimleri. Warsaw: OSCE/ODIHR.
OSCE/ODIHR. (2015). Limited Election Observation Mission Final Report, Türkiye 7 Haziran 2015
Seçimleri. Warsaw: OSCE/ODIHR.
OSCE/ODIHR. (2015). Limited Election Observation Mission Final Report, Türkiye 7 Haziran 2015
Seçimleri,. Warsaw: OSCE/ODIHR.
OSCE/ODIHR. (2016). Limited Election Observation Mission Final Report, Türkiye 1 Kasım 2015
Erken Parlamenter Seçimleri. Warsaw,: OSCE/ODIHR.
OSCE/ODIHR. (2018). Seçim Gözlem Heyeti Sonuç Raporu, Türkiye 24 Haziran 2018 Erken
Cumhurbaşkani ve Milletvekili Genel Seçimleri. Warsaw: OSCE/ODIHR.
Özer, Y. (2017). Mülteci Sorununun Türkiye-AB İlişkilerine Yansımaları. In Türkiye-AB ilişkilerinde Yeni
Bir Konu: Mülteci Sorunu ve Türkiye-AB İşbirliği (Vol. 293). İktisadi Kalkınma Vakfı Yayınları.
*Sorumlu yazar: merve.yigit@fbu.edu.tr
Araştırma Makalesi
348
Phizacklea, A. (2011). Concluding Remarks: State Security versus the Security of Migrants: The
Unbalanced Contest. In G. Lazaridis, Security, Insecurity and Migration in Europe (pp. 287-292).
Farnham Surrey: Ashgate.
Rooduijn, M. (2013). A Populist Zeitgeist?-The Impact of Populism on Parties, Media and the Public.
University of Amsterdam.
Saatçioğlu, B. (2017). AB’nin Mülteci Krizi: Normlar-Çıkarlar Dikotomisi Üzerinden AB’yi Yeniden
Değerlendirmek. In P. D. Gülcan, P. D. Akgüner, & P. D. Kuştepeli (Eds.), Türkiye AB ilişkilerinde Yeni
Bir Konu: Mülteci Sorunu ve Türkiye-AB İşbirliği (Vol. 293, pp. 212-234). İktisadi Kalkınma Vakfı
Yayınları.
Stanley, B. (2008). The Thin Ideology of Populism. Journal of Political Ideologies, 13(1), 95-110.
Taggart, P. (2019). Populism and “Unpolitics. In G. Fitzi, J. Mackert, & B. Turner, Populism and the
Crisis of Democracy: Volume 1 (pp. 79-87). London-New York: Routledge.
Taggart, P., & Szczerbiak, A. (2000, 10). Opposing Europe: Party Systems and Opposition to the
Union, the Euro and Europeanisation. SEI Working Paper, 36. Brighton: Sussex European Institute.
Toğral, B. (2011). Convergence of Securitization of Migration and ‘New Racisim’ in Europe: Rise of
Culturalism and Disappearance of Politics. In G. Lazaridis, Security, Insecurity and Migration in
Europe. Farnham Surrey: Ashgate.
Trojanowska-Strzeboszewska, M. (2018). The Impact Of The Migration Crisis On The Process Of
Shaping Goals And Instruments Of The EU Immigration Policy. On-line Journal Modelling the New
Europe, 26, 169-190.
UNHCR. (2022). UNHCR Global Focus UNHCR Operations Worldwide, Türkiye. Retrieved 11 29,
2022, from
https://reporting.unhcr.org/turkey#:~:text=T%C3%BCrkiye%20hosts%20four%20million%20refugees,a
nd%20maintains%20the%20geographical%20limitation.:
https://reporting.unhcr.org/turkey#:~:text=T%C3%BCrkiye%20hosts%20four%20million%20refugees,a
nd%20maintains%20the%20geographical%20limitation.
Williams, M. (2003, December 4). Words, Images, Enemies: Securitisation and International Politics.
International Studies Quarterly, 47(4), 511-531.
Wirth, W. v. (2016). The Appeal of Populist Ideas, Strategies and Styles: A Theoretical Model and
Research Design for Analyzing Populist Political Communication. (88), Working Paper, University of
Zurich.
Wirth, W. v. (2016). The Appeal of Populist Ideas, Strategies and Styles: A Theoretical Model and
Research Design for Analyzing Populist Political Communication. Working Paper, 88. University of
Zurich.
Wodak, R. (2015). Politics of Fear- What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean. SAGE.
Yaprak, G., Akgüngör, S., & Kuştepeli, Y. (2017). Giriş. In Türkiye-AB ilişkilerinde Yeni Bir Konu:
Mülteci Sorunu ve Türkiye-AB İşbirliği (Vol. 293). İktisadi Kalkınma Vakfı Yayınları.
Yiğit, M. H., & Uyar, C. (2021). Political Discourse on Syrian Refugees in Turkey. In N. Akıncılar
Köseoğlu, & D. Apak, Challenging Discrimination in Different Areas: Turkey (pp. 145-164). Berlin:
Peter Lang.