TAB3jE"0F CONTENTS j . _ PABII 3/ The growth of volume and of density mechanically deter-' mines the progress of,the1 division of labor by intensifying the" -struggle for existence;f How the need of more abundant prod-. ucts of better quality arises; it is a result of the cause which necessitates specialization, not the cause' of specialization f«. f ' ' 4. The division of labor íb, then, produced only in constituted societies; Error*of those who make the division oMabor--and co-operation the;fundamental fact of social'life.'' ^ApplicaA- V tion of thisipröpositioniiOittB-international. division of-labor'.-" ~' Case_ of mutualism , ( » _ ( , t * ,, - , " Chaetbr:Thebe, Secondary Factors.—Progressive Inde- ** termination op the'Common'Conscience and'Its'Causes*' 283 .t.-.. ' < -*. \ - , -' *ri t . -v1, í The diyision.of labor-can-progreBBronly if- individual varia-. >• biUty, increases, and that mcreases, only as the. common* con- 7 -science regresses.. The reality, ofthia regression has been estab- flushed. What are,the causes of it? , I.' , \ 1. As the social'milieu extends, the collective conscience rt' spreads itself over more and more concrete-things, and, accqrd-j^r ingly, becomes more.abstract.. "Facts nfsupport;-transcend?,,-., ence of ,the idea of God,;. more, rational character of law^mo-, ,; rality, of civilization in general. This'indetermination leaves a< . larger place for individual variability 2. The effacement of the segmental type, by detaching ib.B*- , individual from his natal environment,>frees,himLfrom,.the,- ( power of the aged and thus weafcenB^he authority of tradition *, 3. In accordance'with the effacement of the segmental type, ' society, in losing hold of the individual;'can much Ibsb hold " divergent tendencies together í - 4. Why a social organ cannot, irom'thip point bf view, play the role of a segment' ' ' ''",', " " Chapter iFoue. •Seoondaby Factors^ (Continued).,—'.Hb-'t j' rbdity....." •; ". I's ľ i. ' ,':* 304 Heredity is an obstacle to the progress of'the"divisÍon;íófc labor; facta which, show that it becomes a lesser factor -uuthe- -í distribution of functions. How does this come 'about'?' TABLE* 0F CONTENTS xxi v 1. Heredity lo_sesits,póweř"because mödes'of activity of ever greater importance arise which are not jhereditarily transmissible., Proofs; 1.- newráceB'do not arise;^2.^heredity trans--mits .only general, simple aptitudes; but -activities become -'more complex by&ecomnig more special'.- THe 'hereditary -leg- "*i acy thus becomes ajanalleE factor in our development,! because it is necessary to addmorejtqít 4ľ--r , , -2. fJTjie heredijary^Jegacý^becomes.jmore ;üideterrninate.~_ Proofs jijl. mstmct^grb^B^weaker frornjldwer-i animal 'species^ ,-to higher, from animal^tpjinan.. There iso-eason for •believing , that, such regression; continues in the human world. This'is searches, What is regularly transmitted is'the average type. - lUit the'ayerage type'becomes eyer more indeterminate as indi-vidu4i!a^erences"develop^ i]'r£ ' f' " M" * r'' \ - ~i ' 5* í'1 i " , -. t ■ * 'i - , -i CHAPTBRi'FrVE. GoŇBEQtrBNCES!OF THE PRECEDING i"'"1' . * ''. 329 >J r ' 'i.r-:» >"' „'.Ik :•" f." ,i-"i ■-í A. ~ *> ľ: ,Y!ery supple, character, of 4he division of, labor in.society ^ compared to the division/of (physiological laborr-^The,cauBe of thiB'iB'ihat function becomes'more independent-of the'organ. In whatr'sense this mHépetídeřícé íb a mark" ofiuperioriiy '| ' , ' " i. ^ľ'V = '<',' v '. • -\ •' .ú" ' ' í . 2. The mechanistic theory of the division of labor implies -, ti that civilization is'.the product of necessary causes, and noi an r end1, which' by iiSelf^Ünfluences activity,1"1'"Bu^althbugh 'an ,f effec^ iFbecomesfánrénd.än'dran ideal. TiiwEaťwaý THere ' '* is*l-no reason to suppose1 thatrthis ideal ever takes^an immutable form, tHat progress* may have an'end. Spencer's contrary theory _ __ S; The growth of volume arid of density in changing societies also' ichanges individuals^ r Man is more free, of* thé::body; ! hence^his psychic" life^ develops. Undeni'thei influence of {the, -Bame-causes, indiyi'dual,>persoriality disengageffiitB'elf from'ithe [ » . collective personality.J-í Since ŕthese transfôrmations '."depend" individual. Importanceiofthi'stpropositidn-for methodology '-- °,&kk,^~ 282 DIVISION' OF-LABOR'-IN SOCIETY or less regular manner, it is necessary to^see in, these facts only; simple relations,of mutualism' having nothing-in common .with-the division 'of - labor.2.0 For, -merely because /tw_Q. different" organisms are found to have-properties usefully ^adjusted, Mt", does not follow that there is a division of functions between. them.30 * ■ • - ■ • ' " It ia true ^hat mutualism is generally produced'among individuals of differs ' ent species, but the'phenomenon remains identical, even, when it takes i place' among individuals of the same species, (See on,mutualism, Espinas, r5ociéŕéa . animales, and Gíraud, Lea Sociétéa ches les aniinaux.) " ' i0 "We wish to point out ab the close that inSthis chapter we have only studied V how it happens that generally the division of labor steadily continues to advance, and we have elucidated the determinant causes'of this advance. But üfmäy* very well happen, that in a particular society a-certain division- of :labôr, and no-'* tably,the division of economic labor, may be greatly developed, although.; the _, segmental type may be Btrongly pronounced there. This seems'to be the case with England. 'Great industry, and'commerce appear to bet l. _ Conscience and Its Causes i. ■ We saw in'the-first part of this work that the collective con- [» eiice became 'weaker and vaguer as the division of labor čeloped. ! It is, indeed, through this progressive indetermina- ' n that the division of labor becomes the principal source of ídarity. Since these two phenomena are United at this point, * will be useful to seek the causes for this regression. Doubt- * š, having demonstrated with what regularity this regression jl , produced, we have directly proved its certain dependence *- on sorne^ fun'damental conditions of social evolution. But i conclusion of'the preceding book would be still more indis- íable if we could find what these conditions are. This question is*, moreover, solidary with the one we are now äting. We have just shown that the advances of the division äabor are due to the stronger pressure exercised by social 5" its upon one another which obliges them to develop in increas- y" ;ly divergent directions. But this pressure is at each moment itralizedľby a contrary pressure that the common conscience ircises on each particular conscience. Whereas' öneimpels iis -k -become a distinct personality, the other, on tné:cohtráryy" ôaands our resemblance to everybody else. ^Whereas, the it has us following our personal bent, the second holds us hk and prevents us from deviating from the collective; type. r i !other words, for the division of labor to be born and grow, l£ ■ s not sufficient that there be potentialities for special;aptitudes individuals; nor that they be aroused to specialize in the di- ition of these aptitudes, but it is very necessary that individual: 283 lb '-V s4 '.-, "". SOCIETY .'* 284 DIVISION OF LABOR IN variations be possible. But they cannot be produced when5 they are opposed to some strong and defined state of the collee-, tive conscience, for the stronger the state, the greater the resistance to all that may weaken it; the more denned, the less place it leaves for changes. It can thus be seen that the progress, of the division of labor will be as much more difficult and slow. as the common conscience is vital and precise. Inversely, itj will be as much more rapid as the individual is enabled to put'j himself in harmony with his personal environment. But, fori that, the existence of the environment is not sufficient; each' must be free to adapt himself to it, that is to say, be capablejpf' independent movement even when the whole group does .£{% move with him. But we know that the movements of individa) uals are proportionately as rare as mechanical solidarity is m'ore} developed. - t . út.i& Examples are numerous where this neutralizing influence; pfJ the common conscience on the division of labor can be.directlyi observed. As long as law and-custom make a strict obligation^ of the inalienability and communism of real estate, the neces^ sary conditions for the division of labor do not exist. ,Eaafo family forms a compact mass, and all devote themselves to -ihej; same occupation, to the exploitation of the hereditary patri;-l mony. Among the Slavs, the Zadruga is often increased to such5 proportions that great misery becomes prevalent. Nevertheless,^ as domestic spirit is very, strong, they generally continue to live^ together, instead of taking up special occupations, such-, asn mariner and merchant outside. In other societies, where the.s division of labor is more advanced, each class has determinate functions, always the same, sheltered from all innovation.. Elsewhere, there are entire classes of occupations whose-culti-v vation as more or less forbidden to citizens. In Greece,1 in., Rome,2 industry and commerce were scorned careers. Among,, the Kabyles, certain trades like those of butcher, shoemaker, 1 Böaschenahüta, Besitz und Erwerb. , , 1 According to Dinnysius of Halii-arnasaUB (IX, 25), during the first yeara of the Republic, no Roman could become merchant or worker. Cicero even speaks • of all mercenary work aa a degrading calling. (De Off,, I, ,42.) . - -, 3 "Vři -yff Mi ■$ jiff, - fr ü äECÖNöM^* FASTQŔ& :285 Sjiífc Tt is well1 known; 1 w these collective sentiments, under1 the different1 forms they 'Hanoteau and Letourneux, La Kabylie, II,p. 23. * See LevaaBBur, Les Classes ouvriéres en France jüsqu'ä la Revolution, passim. *tf -í 286 DIVISION OF LABOR IN SOCIETY ^ '# ttft *i have taken, have hindered the development of' psychology and sociology. There has been ho complete explanation of the progress of the division of labor when one has ,shown that it is necessary because of changes in the .social environment^ but it still depends upon secondary factors, which can either expedite or hinder.it, or completely thwart its course. .-It-must not be forgotten that specialization is not the only possible solution to the struggle for existence. There are also emigration, colonization, resignation to a precarious, disputed existence, and, finally, the total elimination of the weakest by suicide or some other means. Since the result is in-part -contingent, and since ,the combatants are not necessarily; impelled towards one of these issues to the , | exclusion of others, they tend (toward the one closest,to their grasp. Of course, if nothing prevents the,division of labor from developing, they specialize. -But if circumstances make this , ;i, j too difficult or impossible, another means will be necessary. • ^ -. The first of these factors consists of a greater independence '■< J of individuals in .relation to the group, permitting them to diversify in freedom. The- division of physiological labor is submitted to the same condition. "Even related to one another," says Perrier,_"the, anatomic,, elements respectively conserve-all "théi^;moU^düá^tyŕ^;^;Whätóvéŕ:way1be their nurai ber, in the most elevated organisms äsiinithé^humblest, they "eat,i increase, arid reproduce/wit^^ neighbors. Herein lies the lav) of independence of anatomicéZemen/s become so" fertile in the; hands .of physiologists. 'This 'independence must - | be;considered as the nečessarýj condition?fořřthe.free exercise of a very-general: f acuity/of pľaštids,.the .variability ^under the action^of: external circürnstahces^orjeýeh of íceřtaint forces-im* manent :in protoplasms; sThänksutöytheif ;áptitiidé for-varying and .theirTeciprocaLiindeperidericej ,the< elements,- born* of one another, land^driginally^ modify in ; different'directions;i-top assume.diverse forms,j;ib"'acquire new ■functions and properties." 5 Í; i-f tf Mit i± b Coloniesanimalea, p. 702. .•<■•. ,:-...■:■■::'.-,\ ...• . j ^ l* -*& -I«" Cr t 1, " \ 'SECONDARY' FACTORS 287 ^ :In contrast'to what takes* place in organisms, this independence is not:a"r pristine fact.in societies, since originally the ^dividual is^absorbed in the group. But we have seen that ^independence dater appears and progresses regularly with the ^division" of "labor' and the regression of'the collective conscience. , ''There remáinšHo discover how this useful condition of the division of' social labor is realized iri'proportion to its necessity. iDoubtlessTiť depends upori'caüses which'have determined the ^■advances in specialization. But how can this increase of societies in völume-and in density Üave this result ? -1 In a^Bmall'society, since everyone is clearly placed in the teame conditions !óf existence, the collective environment is -essentially 'concrete. It is1 made up of beings of all sorts who fill the Bocíaľnorizbn. The 'states' of conscience representing it "then have %Ee same character. First; they are related to pre-" 'eise objects', as this animal, this tree, this plant, this natural force, etc. Then, as everybody is related to these things in the jSame wayj iíEeý affect all consciences in the same way. The »whole tribe,' if it'is not too widely extended, enjoys or suffers 'the same advantages or 'inconveniences from the sun, rain, heat, or cold'/'from this river, or that source, etc. The collective impressions resulting from the fusion of all these individual impressions are then determined in form as well as in object, and, consequently, the common conscience has a defined ■character." 'But it changes"its nature as societies become more ~'voluminous. Because these societies are spread over a vaster surface,.the common conscience' is,itself obliged to rise above all local diversities, to dominate more space, and consequently to become more abstract. For not many general things can be common to a]l these diverse environments. It is no longer 'such an animal, but such a species; not this source, but such sources*; not this forest, but forest in abstracto, * * 1 l ' t ' it'*""' L - Moreover/.because conditions of life are no longer the same ' "-■■M ř 288 DIVISION OF; LABOR .IN1* SOCIETY \í t a : everywhere,; these common objects, whatever they may be, Ji * can to/longer determine perfectly identical sentiments every- - | 5 wjíérev. -The collective resultants then no longer have the.same 'i sharpness, ahoVthe more so in this respect as their component j í elements.are more unlike. The more differences among indi- .,■ * vidual portraits serving to make a composite portrait, the more ',' i indecisive the,latter is. True it is that local collective con- j [ sciences can keep their individuality in the midst of the general j ' collective ; conscience and that, as they comprise less space, J they more easily remain concrete. But we know they slowly [ í tend to vanish from the first, in so far as the social segments to .» i which they correspond are effaced. l> ) The fact which perhaps best manifests this increasing' tendency of the common conscience is the parallel transcendence of }] the most .essential of its elements, I mean the,idea of, divinity. ^ ■ In.the beginning, the gods are not distinct from the 'universe, -'f ■ or rather there are no gods, but -only sacred beings, -without their sacred character being related to any external entity as tHeiŕsóurcé. The animals or plants of the species which serves .as -a dan-totem are the objects of worship, but that is not because ; a principle sui generis comes to communicate their _ "; divine; naturei to them from without. This nature is intrinsic J \ with tnem''; they are divine in and of themselves. But little \ ! by little-religious forces are detached from the things of which I l they were firstonly the, attributes, and become hypostatized. \ Thus is formed ^the notion of spirits or gods who, while ^residing 'l\ \ here.oř there as preferred, nevertheless exist putside of the }t -** particular objects to which they are more specifically attached.6 By that very fact they are less concrete. Whether they multiply or have been led back to some certain unity, they are still immanent in the world. If they are in part separated from things, they áre always in space. They remain, then, very near w -us; constantly: fused into our life. The~Gŕaeco-Latin..polyľ JĚ • theism, which is a more elevated and better organized' form of ,$ | animism, marks new progress in the direction of transcendence.' , % "Sea Beyille, Religions des peuplea non civiliaéa, I, pp. 67 ff.; II, pp. 230 ff. ^ I ,é i J! SECONDARY FACTORS 289 -The residence of the gods becomes more sharply distinct from flttiat of men'._ Set\upon the,,mysterious heights of Olympus or ^dwelling in the recesses of the earth, they .personally intervene iin human affairs only in somewhat intermittent fashion. But 4tiis only with Christianity that God-^ i It has1 often'been remarked thäi^cmlizátion has a tendency ?io become more rational arid; !mbr&dógicaW The cause is now evident.- That alone is ratáohäl^Bvhi^ "!baffles understanding is thé.ipárticuláŕFandthe concrete. * "Only ihe general is "thought weU^ór-^HCbnšequéhtly/the; nearer the common conscience is to particular things^-the more it bears their mmě^i:0 '■ ' ■'::< DIVISION OF LABOR IN SOCIETY -. imprint, the more unintelligible it- also is. 'Thafris why primi-"tive civilizations affect us as they'do. Being-unable to subsume "them under logical (principles/ we succeed-in seeing only .'bizarre and fortuitous combinations' of* heterogeneous -elements. -In reality, there is nothing artificial about them.: It is necessary only to'seek their • determining causes in sensations-and movement's of sensibility, not in-concepts. And if this is so; it-is because the social environment for which- they are made is'riot sufficiently extended.- * On' the contrary, "when civilization is developed over'a vaster field-of action, when it iš applied-J» more people and things, general ideas-necessarily appear and become -predominant there. * The idea of ;man, for- 'example, replaces in law, in morality/'in religion/ that of Roman, which; being more concrete, is more refractory-to science.^ Thus,.it'is the increase of volume in societies and their greater condensation which explain this great transformation. But the more general* the common conscience becomes,* the greater the place it leaves to individual variations. . "WhemGod is far from things and men, his action is no longer omnipresent, nor ubiquitous.' There is-nothing fixed save abstract -' rules which can be freely applied in very different -ways, ", Then, they no longer have the' same.ascendancy nor the same (foree- - ■' - .■..... ' But the 'greatěrírnobuity ofíSO.cialginitB w,hich ihese: phenomena^ r of migrations suppose causesrä!:weakening ;6f all traditionsi .-,-; - ■*- In fact^íwhatlí&sjp$cially giyesjifprce^to, tradition is the,char-; - acter or^i^e^^rsbnö; who tranLsmft^y^^ people. ^he^are-Tits hvingsexpressipnv:-i They -alone ■, have : been withesäes>.pt";the acts (of;i their ^ancestors. They are the unique intermediary betweenuthérpresent and; the past. ' Mor&v; over, they, enjoy atprestige with?:generations reared under their eyes anďriihéirvdiiréction wMch^nothingícanľreplace. ; The child,-; indeed, HsrsÄafeöf his inferiority ii;b.efore. the; older persons: surroundmgřhim^iand he fěeIsí;l^u,dependS:%upon^em.:, The,: 1 'reverentiäläiespecfeflrie has fpríthém^isí naturally -communicated; ,"to all thafécbmesliřpm them,^tb;a.llithěy,say, and;all they.do..;. Thus, itis;ith&/au:thority of age^hichigives tradition.its author-' ity. Consequently^all that;cän contribute.to prolonging this, influence;!:běyphd= ^infancy ,can;ďpnly; fortify traditional '-beliefs.; 11 This ihoreäspcl^ňUmber is an éfjfeq^prthajnéiEhhorhood of Paris., }■ Dictiqnvkiré:^yägp. dea Šciéričeá^mediái,-.-.ártV:Migration'r " ■ wľ>mnont,:qpíCÍL,:^7l78. '.lib- --..- :"'.r í ."-'^;";:. -v - - '' mm- -----.„-,-,...-,-. .... . ....... .... ....... „ . ...... ..„,,...^!>-**V£ B^-s^, . ....., ;pSi^;.--::'-.-:^V- V,;--, :, : - ,./: = -' *..-..: I ' ;'^ ->\" ::. ^U-777'^l |2p^ -■■ : ;IpS|äJ^^ r0fc- an$ (;präčticeä ^ 77^7: toiiiyé: m-tn'é"íenvuor^ ^foÉ-4íě1íťHěn"'£ remains in relation with people1 who have known' him as a' child, and he submits1 to their action. The feeling~he has-for -them lasts, and, consequently, it produces the same; effects, that is to say, restrains>the desire for innovation. To "produce' novelties in social life, it is not sufficient for a new generation -to appear. It is still necessary for them not" to be.stronglyr. impelled towards^ following in the footsteps of their forefathers." The more profound*the influence of these latter — and-it is as. much more profound as it lasts longer — the more-obstacles there are to change. Auguste Comte was right in saying that, if human life was increased tenfold, without the respective pro- ' portion of ages being changed; -there would result "an inevitable j slowing up of our social development, although, it ^would-rbe^ impossible ^'measure."u ' • ' ' > < - . r But it is the reverse that is produced when man; whilcemerg- • ingífrom adolescence,1 is transplanted into a inew'environment. Tb be sure,-he finds there men"older than himself*as well^but" they'are not the! same as those he obeyed In his infancy1.'- The respect he has for them-is thenjless, and by nature ^rhbre con«: véntional, for it corresponds to no reality,1 present" or past. : Hev does not depend upon'and'never has "depended upon"thenar he* can then respect them only by-analogy. It- is-,* moreover/' ' a Known fact that the worship' of 'age is1 steadily weakening with * civilization. Though formerly developed, it is' today- reduced"' to some few polite practices, inspired by-a. sort .of pity... Onei pities old men more than f one fears them. Ages areUeveled-: off. "All men who have reached- maturity- are 'treatedyfl.1mostJ ' as'equals. As a consequence of this,TJthevancestraI;icustoms! lose their 'predominance, if or they.no longer have - authörizedT representatives among' adults. One is freer "in- contact with'ŕ them because one is freer with those who incarnate them. The _ solidarity of time is less perceptible because it ,no longer- has its materiál expression in the continuous contact of successive " Coura de Philosophie positive, IV, p. 451. 7 -*" SECONDARY^ FAGTOBS , ■ 295 pp'j rationg.f-r.Totesure, effects*-of;primary education"continue in ■ ' felt, but with less force, because they are not held together. I íe primei of youth, moreover, i is the time- when men are hi 7 impatient with jail restraint arid .most eager for change. Tli life circulating in them has not, yet had time to congeal, or 1 afinitejy 4tp take* determined^forms, and it is too intense to 11 -.lisciplineoV without resistance.', Thisr need will, then, be - i fied so much more easily, as .it isjless-restrained fromjwith- ii and it can be satisfied only at the expense of tradition, 'i latter is most battered at the-very moment when it loses brength. , Once given, this germ of weakness can only be. '■*•. loped with each generation*,;; for one transmits with less .uinority principles whose authority is felt less, ^..characteristic example showji. the .influence,, of age on the. orce of tradition, < - - ť . > -c • t • r. ^Precisely because the population-of-great cities is,recruited specially through immigration, 7it is-essentially composed of leople who, on becoming adult, have left their homes and been reed from the action of the old. -Moreover, the number of old oen there is, small, whereas thaji of-men in .the prime of life, on he contrary,^ isnveŕy high.%■:pheysson• hasr-,shown that the urves of population^at each'I*agé,ígroupí for^Paris-and for the )rpvince, meet-only at the agesrof;15 to 20'and from-50 to 55.' ietween 20^1107,50 ^the Parisian curve j is a great deal higher; >eyond that-it íb lower.15 In 1881", /there^ were in Paris 1,118 ndividuals from, 20 to 25 to.874 in the rest of the country.10 ?or the entire departement of-the Seine, there is found in 1,000 inhabitants 73It from 15 to 60-and, only 76 beyond that age, vhereas the province-has 618rof;the*first-and 106 of the second, r^ Norway,! according to Jacques Bertillon, the .relations are he following.ml,000rinhabitants-: .- - .-, ,. , . * '** ^ ><~ ' > ~ť ''"- 3- ' - Cities 'Country From 15 to 30' . .{......' .• 278 239 From 30 to 45 . , ;...... 205 183 From 45 to 6,0 '. ' . .... 110 120 From 60 and'above . , ." ; ".' ' 59 , 87 }B La Question de la population, in-'Annalea ď Hygiene, 1884. II Annalea de la ville de Pana M pr,r 296 DIVISION OF LABOR IN SOCIETY ■ Thus, it is in the great cities that the moderating-influence of age is-at its minimum. ' At the same time, one observes that ( nowhere have the traditions less sway over minds. Indeed, great cities are the uncontested homes of progress; it'is in them! that ideas, fashions, customs, new needs are elaborated and' then spread over the rest of the country. When society changes^' it is generally after them and in imitation. Temperaments' are so mobile that everything that comes from-the past is some-" what suspect. On the contrary, innovations, whatever they may be, enjoy a prestige there almost equal to the one the ; customs of ancestors formerly enjoyed. Minds naturally J are there oriented to the future. Consequently, life'is there i transformed with -extraordinary rapidity; beliefs, tastes, t passions, are in' perpetual' evolution. No ground is more favorable to evolutions of all sorts. That is because the col-!" lective life cannot - have- 'continuity there, "* where" different layers of social'units, summoned to replace one another, "are-v .discontinuous. .' ■;Obšeŕvmg;that-during;-the'youth of societies-and especially* .;"-._':- at the rhomenť:ó.f ;their maturity the respect for traditions is ^•r^v-^ age, Tardě-běliěved he could < ^present-the decline of traditionalism as -simply- a transitory' r-- ;; phase,a passing crisis orall social evolution;-^" Man, "he says/ "escapes théchä^ &;--"•■ ^ is-to say; to»fix ánď: consolidate, agam:falling a'prey after~hisr life " temporary emancipation;" 17 This; error-results] wé*believě^ %;U r: from' the method^bf comparison1 foU^ the author,-the* , objections to which.we have^šéveral times pointed but. Doubt-'1 :> less, ifoné;compaŕéB-thé:éhd öf;á'sóciéťý''tó:tHebeginnings^öf '■': a sücceedmg bhe/a reiürn'to ^ But ' /; this phase in which every^'sociäl^t^é^Befmsfis always ;a greaV' deal less violent than it had beenwithtne'immédiately anterior y.Vý-'.- -i type.: With. us. the- customs of "ancestors "háve nevěr been the í;:{; ;- object of the superstitious worship which wasaccorded to them ":.?:•£-/. atRome. Never was. there ať.Rómean institution analogous :f ;>>;.; . "Eaü de Vimitalion, p. 271. :"'■::'; SECONDARY FACTORS 297. >£the yp& become habitual, the fonn}:it:ítakěs:always becomesľ,less n ástant, more accessible to changes. In .other. words,, the. i utHority of custom diminishes in a continuous manner. It is,; in »reover, impossible for it to be otherwise, since:this weakening: dLpends upon the* very conditions wMchi dominate historical: u^vélopment. r , ; ^; Moreover, since.common beliefs and practices^in large part,; p\tract their strength from the strength of tradition, it is c ident that they are less and less* able* to prevent the free expansion of individual variations. u-y IIÍ v-,^>-^:.-^' r: -.:..■ Finally, in so Jar as society •is.;;extěndedjan^ envelops the individual less, and^c.onsequentlý, cannot as well i' 3train the- divergent tendencies, coming;up. . To assure ourselves of this it is-sufficient to;compare great t iies with small.-^ In.the lattér,^whQéyer.-seeks^ toiree.himself,, fiom acceptedf .customs meets -with ^resistance which, is; some-; \ mes very acute, r Every atten^í^y*^^ uľ^gublic scandal,-) and. the general;íŕe^rpbatiqn^attached ;is of -uch a nature as to discourage^. aUtaitato^ in large cities, the individual is ^:gréäť, deal freer of collective 1BSeB concerning this -Y/jotfn} Meier, im'd iSohqemann,' Der cittiache Process. ... » Aristotle, Politics, U, 8, 1268b, 26,, 298 DIVISION OF LABOR IN SOCIETY bonds. This fact of-experience cannot be denied.- Iťis because1; we "depend so~much more closely- on'commomopinion'the^moreu it watches over: conduct. .When the attention -of ralHsjcbii-ri atantly fixed on-what each does, the least missteps perceived*' and immediately condemned. Inversely, each has^as many-more facilities to follow his own path as he is better able^tcř escape this control. And, as the proverb has'it, one is nowhere: better hidden than in a crowd. - The greater the e^ension and-the greater the density of a group, the -greater"the*dispersibn:* of collective attention/over- a wide area. 'Thus; itás^incapable" of following the-movements of each'individual, for-hVdoesinoW become stronger as they^become more numerous:'. It has' to' consider too many points at once'to "be-able to concentrate* on any, The watch'is less piercing because there are too many> people and too many things to watch. . , . i- Moreover, the great source'of attention, that ofMnterest/lis:: more or less completely wanting. We wish, to know^he1 facts:* about, and movements'of a person only if his image 'awakens in" us memories 'and emotions which are linked to'hinVand thisV desire is more-acute as th'e'states of conscience thus^áwaketiéď* are more numerous and strong.20 If, on the contrary, we look> upon someone from afar, having no interest in his concerns, we are not aroused either to learn what happens to him or to observe what he does. Collective curiosity is, then, keener as personal relations between -individuals řare jmóŕer" cohtmubús"*-Wd more frequent. Moreover, if1 is clear that they áŕevprbportiôáafelý$ rarer and shorter as each individual iriri contact with1 aŕ greater'* number of persons. " ! ' *"i That is why the pressure of opinion is felt with less force" in great centres. It is because the attention of- each is dis-1 J tracted in too many directions, and'because, moreover, one'-is'i known less. Even neighbors' and'members of the" same' family'? are less often and less regularly in contact, separated'as ttieýE 50 It is true that, in a small city, the stranger, the unknown, is'no less'thB1 object of curiosity than the inhabitant, but it is because of contrast, because he is the exception. It is not the same in a great city, where it is the ruler aa it were, for everybody to be unknown. "■' ' ÖECONDAUY' FACTORS 299 t» %2"Í Jre by the mass 'of-affairs and'intercurrent persons. Doubtless^ ^populations1 more numeroüsHliarL-üMs' dense; it may be that jfe, sprea'd-over'a larger area)' is lessraťéacn-póint. The great icify^s resblvedptneiif into a certain number of little cities, and, /consequently) the'preceding observations do not exactly apply.21 AjBuťwheréver the5 density of the agglomeration is related to the «>volunití, personal bonds are Tare and weak. One more' easily s others fromsigKt; in the*same way one loses interest even ;ui uhose cloše-b'yr'' As this mutual indifference results in loosing slct)llective surveillance, the sphere of free action of each indi-Jfviclual is éxténdedMiŕ f act, and; "'little'by-little, the'fact becomes KÄght. We-rknbwV indeed, thaťthe common conscience keeps :.A strength' ónly^on'conditióri. of not tolerating contradictions. i But; by reason of1 this diminution of social control, acts are committed -"daily which confute it, 'without, however, any .„reaction.1 If/ then,'there are some repeated with frequency ~;'lsßd uniformity, tneý end by! -'enervating ihe collective senti-;"''ŕmént they'shock. _:>i& rule nfrlongeŕ' appears respectable'when ^w ceases'to'be'respected, and" that with'impunity. One no f''- -longer finds tlie same conviction in-an article of faith too often " "denied. Moreover;-rbnee wé'líavé^ávailed ourselves of some Jiberty, we feel the need for it.' It becomes as necessary and appears as sa'crld to us as othersr 'We judge a control intolerable when' we1 h'avefl'ost the habit of complying. An acquired /ri'ght to greater Iautonomy-isafouriděd.' It is thus that the *# ^élfcroachmentš '^VjmdmduäPpersönrality makes, when it is less stronglý"\ŕéstraiňed from "without, end by receiving the ^cdnsecratibn-óf custom. '- '" ; -"But if this"fact is more marked in great cities, it is not special to-them;1 it'is also produced in others according to their importance."*'Since,'then, the obliteration of the segmental type entails-a steadily increasing devélopmenťof urban centres, tHere is aJprmYary reason for tins* phenomenon'having to continue to become'general. But, moreover, in' so far as the moral _ ai This ia a question-to'be studied. "Vye believe we have noticed that in populous cities, which are not dense, collective^dpinion'keepa its strength. 300 DIVISION OP LABOR IN SOCIETY density of society is increased, it itself becomes similar, ftp a ' great city which contains an. entire people within its .walls. ^ n In effect, as-material and-moral distance between different * regions tend to vanish, they are, -with .relation to^one another, J steadily more analogous to. that of different quarters or-the, same *-city. The cause which in great cities determines a weakening, of the common conscience must then produce its effect through-, " out society. So long as divers segments, keeping their individuality, remain closed to-one another, each of them-narrowly limits the social horizon of individuals. Separated from the_ rest of society by barriers more or less difficult to clear, nothing turns us from local life, and, therefore, all our action is concentrated there. But as the fusion of segments becomes more complete, the vistas .enlarge, and the more so as society itself becomes more generally extended at the same time. From then on, even the inhabitant of a small city liyes the life of, the little group immediately ,surrounding him less exclusively. " He joins in relations with distant localities which~are more numerous as the movement,of,concentration is more advanced. .His more frequent journeys, the more active correspondence he exchanges, the affairs occupying him outside, etc., turn his attention from what is passing around him. He no longer finds the centre of his life and preoccupations so completely in the place where he lives. ,He is then less interested in his neighbors, since they take a smaller place in his life. Besides, the small city has less hold upon him for the very reason that his life is bursting that small shell, and his interests and affec- " tions are extending beyond it. For all these reasons, local public opinion-weighs less heavily on each of-us, and-as the general opinion of society cannot replace its predecessor, not being able to watch closely the conduct of all its citizens, the collective surveillance is ■ irretrievably loosened, the, common conscience loses its t authority, individual variability grows. In- short, for social control to be rigorous and for the common conscience to be maintained, society must be divided into rather small, compartments completely enclosing!* the. 1 SECONDÄÄÍ^eTOlíS^ 301 11" ' . f4 ■- .', ''■'■■■ ;• ■ -- : -'■- : - ^individual.1 Both weaken as "-'-these1*'divisions are done; away $lth~ r-rv.;. v.,.:: , :-. ■• rjBut, it will be said, the cnmesvanddéhctsďo which organized ^punishments are 'attached never^léávéi:th& organs- charged with "suppressing them indifferent;--'Whethér=the-'"cit-ý be great;or läall, whether society be dense''or not, magistrates do not *leave the criminal or deliňqúěnt:'gd'unpunishe(l. It would 'seem, then, that the special weakening, whose1 cause we have fust indicated must be locanzéd-iri thati;part -of the collective conscience which determines'^only'" diffuse reactions, without being ablefto extend beyond;r:But<,'iri reality; this localization {^impossible, for'these two řegi'ohsiare:só-strictly'solidary that. one1 cannot be' attacked wiMoüfe;'the:! others'feeling it; n ..The acts which-custom alone müsfri repress ".-are not different in nature from those the law punishes} they are only less serious.-Ifj then, there are some amóng;:them which lose their weight, the corresponding graduationsvthě others -is .upset by the same stroke. They sink onéíonseyeral;děgreeSjíand appear less revolting. When one is no 10ngéríät.;all sensible to small-faults, pne is less sensible to:great önes^jWhenone no longer attaches great importance to simple ľhiglexit of irehgious/practices; ;dhe IS' no longer aa lindignant iaboutbbläsphemieš '.iqr. sacrileges. When one-is accustomed cQmplá^nMý^tó-^tolératáireel-loyé,.-adultery is! less scandalous/^ Wheriíľŕfche ..weakest; sentiments. lose their energy, the stronges.W:sentiments,-.-eVen>-those t; which aije of thetsame sort and haiiyě^njařiS^e^pbje,ots,-:caimot.:keep-theirs intact., It is thus tha^íilittlerbý;little, the; movement is communicated to the whole cpn^ón^cphscience. r,;nv:. &r , l.:OTfp:iC\0 >.H.^_:-;;."::'v=.t ;..'\ '.■'■■', i It is now manifest how it happens that mechanical solidarity is linked to 'the existence oftne "segmental type, as wé have ■vrt ! i ŕ t t ' ;;-:V: yu-'i- >i ■'-': ;:,- :='."..': :':■:■'-■ M:,- •;■'' ,ViM To thisfundamental cause mUBt;-be; added'.the■contagious influence ;of.great, cities upon small, and of email upon theťigquntry..,._.But.thia(influence...is\ only. secondary, and, besides, assumes importance only to the extent that social density grows. íí;--'v;í---b;.!-.;-i- .---• ť.; ,\ ~'i-r.,r-ŕ. .-=-■;-. ^ ',>/ i 302 DIVISION - OP vLABOBä TN - SOCIETY shown in the preceding book.,r' It is because this'special structure allows society to enclose the individual more tightly, holding him strongly attached to his domestic environment and, consequently^ to^ traditions, and finally contributing to the limitation of his social horizon-, it also contributes*23 to,make it concrete and defined. Wholly mechanical causeSj then, bring it about that the individual í is absorbed intp-the .colleütiye personality, and they are causes of the, same nature as those which bring about the individual's freedom. -;To be.sure, this emancipation* is -found to be ;useful, or, at least, it is utilized. It makes the progress of the division of labor possible; more generally, it gives more suppleness and elasticity tó 'the social organism. But it is not because it is useful that it is „produced. ■ It is because it cannot'be-otherwise. ^Experience;-with, the service it renders can only,consolidate it'once-it exists., * , . r~a -One can, nevertheless,' ask "oneself; if, in- organized', societies} the organ does not play the same-role as .the segment;-, if- it-is not probable that the • corporative and occupational mind -replaces the mind*of the native village, and exercises the same influence as it did. In thišicase they would not gain;unything--; by the change.' Doubt is permitted to;a great extent;3"as'ithe/jifi casté-mind has certainly had'this effect,' andrthe caste is-'a social '■ organ. We1 also Imow how' the' organization of -bodies -of traděV/íj has,'for aTong-'time,'hindered the development 'o^individual*$ variations;' we háve'cited examples of this'above. '*.< > * ' "'-'»1-jS - It is certain that organized'societies are not possible without^ a developed system of'rules which predetermine theffunction's $ of each organ. In sbJ-far as; labor'is1 divided,1 ^hére; arises*,'äi| multitude of occupational moralities and laws.2? But íthis:| regulation, none the less, does not contract the sphere of actionl of the individual.' ( _,,..._ - . », In the first place, the occupational mind can .pnly^' háve | 53 Thia third effect results only in part from the segmental nature. Thejnán-^' cipal cause ôruťlies in;the growth of social volume. -It wouloVstUl-be asked-why,'^ uĹ''general, density increases at the same time as volume*. It jsfa^questioíi^wie^ 'r "See above, Book I, ch. v, especially pp. 215 ff,- • , ■-"-' ■ľf- & V. SECONDAE^tEÄgf|Bgg ... ^303;: Ehience on occupational life.'. -Beyond this sphere, the in-^dual enjoySj a greater liberty whose .origin we have just own. True, the caste extends its action further, but it is it an organ, properly, speaking. It is a segment transformed to an organ;25 it has the nature of both. At the same time «US is charged with special functions,, it constitutes a distinct ciety in the midst of the total aggregate. It is a( society-gan, analogous to-those individual-organs.observed in certain eanisms.36 That is what makes it enclose the individual in much more exclusive manner than ordinary corporations, jsa these jutes have 'their roots only.'in a small number of ^sciences, í and leave »society in its,, entirety, mdifferent, they tvé less authority,by.'consequence. of this lesser universality. aey:>oŕfer,jthen'íT.-desSf resistance?tpv changes.-> It. is for -this áspn thatp in'^generalj faults properly occupational have not ležsame degree fof t gravity as qtherg,, -,, - * ; , Šiíoreoverj-thetsam^iCauses^wMchjím^ general manner, lift le^collective yoke,- produce theirjiberating effect in the interior $fihe corporation's w^ll as externally.. In so far as segmental jgans fuse^jeach social organ: ^becomes more voluminous, and |proportion.jäs íthe^to^al volume of. society, grows at the same me. i ComnipnjLipractices of-the?} occupational group fthus Home moreTseneral-and more abstract: as-those which are I&*. ■ Ja i ľ-- ~- ,i • • j .,'■> ' • • i it >mmon to all, society, and, accordingly, they leave more'free ralce-for individual'divergences.'^..Indeed, the-greater inde-mdence enjoyeď'by new generations in comparison with the der canno^fail to weaken traditionalism in the occupation, bis leaves 4hes individual even more free to make innovations. jjjnis, nat^qnly^does occupational Tegulationr because of its ary nature, hinder, less than any other „the play of individual Iriation, but it also.tends to do-so less and less. kÍBea above,'' pi 182.— i&íSee Perrier, Colonies animates, p. ,764. --