í PART TWO STARTING OUT Models inieraciionisi model of labellinQ I Concept» Definitions of the situation : Theories Social construction of death I Hypotheses What constitutes'DOA'? -4r Mothorioloflios Naturally occurring dote : Methods Observation, recording 1 Findings Decision-making by medical staff FIGURE Ó.3 Death as a social construction But, once we adopt one or another model, it starts to have a big influence upon how our research proceeds. For instance, as we have seen, if 'dead on arrival' can be a label applied in different ways to different people, we might develop a hypothesis about how the label 'dead on arrival' is applied to different hospital patients. Because of our model, we would then probably try to collect research data that arose in such 'naturally occurring' {or non-research-generated) contexts as actual hospitals, using methods like observation and/or audio or video recording. Note, however, that this would not rule out the collection or quantitative data (say from hospital records). Rather, it would mean that our main body of data would probably be qualitative. Following earlier research (e.g. Jeffery, 1979; Dingwall and Murray, 1983), our findings might show how age and presumed moral status are relevant to such medical decision-making as well as social class. In turn, as shown in Figure 6.3, these findings would help us to refine our initial hypothesis. 62 1,1 | , I i I I i i THEORY IN QUALITATIVE RESEARCH ENERALIZATIONS AND THEORY BUILDING Theorizing about data does not stop with the refinement of hypotheses. In this section, I will show how we can develop generalizations out of successfully tested hypotheses and, thereby, contribute to building theories. First, we need to recognize that case studies, limited to a particular set of interactions, still allow one to examine how particular sayings and doings are embedded in particular patterns of social organization. A classic case of an anthropologist using a case study to make broader generalizations is found in Mary Douglas's (1975) work on a Central African tribe, the Lele. Douglas noticed that an anteater, that Western zoologists call a 'pangolin', was very important to the Lele's ritual life. For the Lele, the pangolin was both a cult animal and an anomaly. It was perceived to have both animal and human characteristics: for instance, it tended only to have one offspring at a time, unlike most other animals. It also did not readily fit into the Lele's classification of land and water creatures, spending some of its time on land and some time in the water. Curiously, among animals that were hunted, the pangolin seemed to the Lele to be unique in not trying to escape but almost offering itself up to its hunter. Fortunately, Douglas resisted what might be called a 'tourist' response, moving beyond curiosity to systematic analysis. She noted that many groups who perceive anomalous entities in their environment reject them out of hand. To take an anomalous entity seriously might cast doubt on the 'natural' status of your group's system of classification. The classic example of the rejection of anomaly is found in the Old Testament. Douglas points out that the reason why the pig is unclean, according to the Old Testament, is that it is anomalous. It has a cloven hoof which, following the Old Testament, makes it clean; but it does not chew the cud, which makes it dirty. So it turns out that the pig is particularly unclean precisely because it is anomalous. Similarly, the Old Testament teachings on inter-marriage work in relation to anomaly. Although you are not expected to marry somebody of another tribe, to marry the offspring of a marriage between a member of your tribe and an outsider is even more frowned upon. In both examples, anomaly i& shunned. However, the Lele are an exception: they celebrate the anomalous pangolin. What this suggests to Douglas is that there may be no universal propensity to frown upon anomaly. If there is variability from community to community, then this must say something about their social organization. Sure enough, there is something special about the Lele's social life. Their experience of relations with other tribes has been very successful. They exchange goods with them and have little experience of war. What is involved in relating well with other tribes? It means successfully crossing a frontier or boundary. But what do anomalous entities do? They cut across boundaries. Here is the answer to the puzzle about why the Lele are different. Douglas is suggesting that the Lele's response to anomaly derives from 83 fAMr IWO »ARIIN6 OUT experience« «rounded in their social organization. They perceive the pan-goUn hvOUnbly because it CUtl 10011 DOUndwlM l>iit as they themselves do. Conversely, the Ancient Israelite-, regard anomalies unfavourably because their own experience of crowng boundaries was profoundly unfavourable. Indeed, the Old Testament reads as a series of disastrous ex» I..:i..-.■ -■ between Ihe Israelites .mil othei lube-, By means of Uus historical compan.on. I 'unci.ľ. has moved from a single-case explanation to a far more general theory of I In* relation between social exchange and response to anomaly. Glaser and Strauss {1968) have described this movement towards greater generntlty as .1 move from substantive to forma! theory. In their own research on hospital wards caring for terminally ill patients, they show how, by using the comparative method, we can develop accounts or people s own awarenes I Of mil bnpandJIH death n e a substantive theory) and move to accounts of a whole range of 'awareness contexts' (formal theory). Douglas's account.of the relation between responses lo anomaly and gxporieiiiesol boundary crossmgean also he applied elsewheni. Perhaps bad experiences ol exchanges with other groups explains why some Israeli Jews and Palestinian Muslims are so concerned lo mark their own identity on the lml\ pines' in Jerusalem and reje. 1 (as .1 liatetul anomaly) multiple use ol Ihe same holy sites. In any event, Douglas's study of the Lele exemplifies the need to locate how individual elements are embedded in forms of social organization- In her case, this is done in an explicitly Durkhcimlan manner which sees behaviour as the expression of a 'society' which works as a 'hidden hand' constraining and forming human action Alternatively, using a constructionist trainework, one can look at the fine detail of people's activities without treating ' bone ol A is likely lo !»■ based on I hei r teacher's implicit or explicit prelerences Tins may, in part explain why so many undergraduate social .science courses actually provide a learned incapacity to go out and do research. Learning about rival 'armed camps' in no way allows you to confront research data. In the field, material is much more messy than the different camps would suggest. Perhaps there is something to be learned from both «ides, or, more constructively, perhaps we slart to ask interesting questions when we Nfect the polarities that such a course markets? Even when we deride louse qualitative and/or quantitative methods, we involve ourselves in theoretical as well as methodological de< Isions. I bese decisions relate not only to how we conrepliializ.e Ihe world bul also to our IhtOrj ol bow 0111 rUtOIChsubjects think about thine,, But theory only becomes worthwhile when it i-, n ■•••'. i-> ■ ■• plam something. as MA »T TWO • Howard Becker (ľ'W: 1) reports lli.it the great founder of the Chicago School, Hvciutt Hughes, n |.....ded grumpily when students asked wli.it lie thought .iKhiI theory Tl»eory of what*,' he would reply, ľoi I lushes, as fur iiw, tlw*>ry without some observation to win I upon is like .1 li.i* lor without a field. Theory, then, should he neithei .1 Hiatus symbol 1101 .111 optional extra in ,1 ■ h study. Without theory, research is impossibly narrow- Without research, theory is mere armchair contemplation, SUMMARY Research questions are inevitably theoretically informed. So we do need social theories to help us to address even quite basic issues in social research. But theories need to be distinguished trom models and concepts: • Modčls provide •• n overall framework for how we look at reality • Conceph an < leaiiy specified idea:, deriving from a particular model • Xhtoria arrange nets of concepti to define ami explain Mime pin ni'mrnm. • Uiffvlh ne testable propositions • tAetkodobgia define how one will go about studying any phenomenon. • Method* are ipedflc research techniques. You can improve your ability to theorize about data by thinking about: 1 Chronology Gathering data over time in order to look at processes of change. 2 Context Considering how your data are con textual Í zed in particular organizational settings, social processes or sets of experiences. 3 Comparison Trying to find ways ol dividing your data into differenl «ta and comparing each. •I Implication'' I hinting about how what you have discovered may relate to broadei issue« than your original research topic. S lateral thinking Exploring the relations betu.....n apparently dlverea models, theories and methodol« ľ Further reading Becker's book Tricki of the Trod« (University of Chicago Press, 1998) contains two chapters which ore highly relevant to learning how to theorize about your data (Chapter 2 on 'Imager/ and Chapter 4 on 'Concepts'). Jober Gubrium and James Holsloin's book The Now Language of Qvalitativo Method (Oxford University Press, 1997) is an invaluable, thought-provoking guide to the vocabularies, investigatory styles and ways of writing of different thooroticol 'idioms'. TMIORY IN QUALITATIVE RISIARCH Exercise 6.1 Howard Becker reports that his colleague Bernard Beck responded to students seeking to theorize about their data by instructing them: 'Trill mo what you've found out, but without using any of #w identifying charocfor-iilics of the actual case' (1998; 126). Becker gives the example of his own research on Chicago teachers which ieemed to show that these teachers sought to improve their situation by moving to different schools rather thon trying to get promoted in their present school Using his data, but forbidden to talk about 'teachers' or 'schools', how might Becker have generated on account of his research that would havo snlKfiwl Beck? «/