i     I     .     I     .    I     .     L     .     I     ,     I     .     I
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8
▼
Data Analysis and Representation
Analyzing text and multiple formsof data presentsa formidable task for qualitative researchers. Deciding how to represent the data in tables, matrices, and narrative form is challenging as well. I feel that it is important in this chapter to first discuss several general procedures for analysis of dala before detailing the differences in analysis and representing data by tradition of inquiry.
1 begin by summarizing three general approaches to analysis provided by leading authors. I then present a visual model—a data analysis spiral—that I find useful to conceptualize tine data analysis process in qualitative research. I use mis spiral as a conceptualization to further explore each tradition of inquiry, and I examine specific data analysis procedures within each tradition and compare these procedures. I end with the use of computers in qualitative analysis and assess the use or one program, NUD-1ST (non-numerical data indexing, searching, and theorizing), useful in analysis generally and within the traditions specifically.
Questions for Discussion
W What are common data analysis strategies used in qualitative research regardless of tradition of inquiry?
T  139
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QUALITATIVE INQUIRY
T How might the overall data analy* be coWftptualized in qualitative research?
T What are specific data analysis procedures within each tradition of inquiry- and how do they differ?
T How can one represent the analysis using a computer program and how would this representation differ by trad.tion of inquiry?
THREE ANALYSIS STRATEGIES
Undoubtedly, no consensus exists for the analysis of the fort» -oj qualitat.ve data. But, .1 «he outset, it might be useful to e£or* ľommon features espoused by severe wnte« In Table M, I present tha general data «■** strategies advanced by '^ee qualU ahve authors (B«»gdan & Biklen. 1992; Huberman & Mdes, 1994; Wolcot 1 Qc,4b) These three authors advocate many similar processes, as well a5 a few different presses, in the analytic phase of qualitat.ve
The^recornmend, first, a general review of aH informatior>, often ,n the form opting down notes in the margins of text *£«**£ aowl fieldnotes, interview transcriptions, notes about photog«ph. or videotape,». I personally favor reading through aU^c*rtad .«formation to obtain a seme of the overall dat, a procedure also advocated by Tesch (1990,. In addihon, writing findings m the fonn of memos and reflective notes is an initial sorting-out process. One also might begin to write summaries of field notes.
At this point, the researcher ought obtain feedback on the mihal summaries by taking information back to informants, a procedur, to be discussed later as a key verification step m research « well as an analysisstcp.Alsoat this point, a researcher looks closely atthe words u«d by participants in the study, such as the metaphors theyu«, or tha researcher translate, participants' ideas into metaphors. The pro-ca» of reducing the daw begms. It is followed by creating displays of information such as diagrams, tables, or graphs-means for v*uahz-ing the information and representing it by case, by subject, or by
another Important approach to reducing the data 1* to develop codes or categories and to sort text or visual images into categories. 1 think about "winnowing" the data here; not all information is used m
Data Analysis and ^.eoreseniation
T   HI
TABLE   8.1     G«nyral Data Analysis Strategies by Authors			
Att^ftfiraftgy	Btydon & 6tHon 1199»	Woboinwi 4 AW« r'99<J	Wsfco*(í99*W
Sketching Ideoi	Jc" down ideM « , ,.|    1 ■', .V V'M-l-.lr-i	Will« morgm net» m fccldnc'Bi	Highlight certain infoi-molfo» m deKfiption
Taking nolei	Wit« memoi, ""to obie"er'i coiwtn	tVnle felletfive parage• Hi no'ot	
Surrmo »ľ« f i« Id nolo»		0<oiT a »uiimoiy i>ieel on l'»ld"olf i	
G«"iig feedbock o"	Tiy of' theme» on		
Walking with woidi	Ploy v»llh m e (option, Onoloďei. co-erpl»	Moke melophoit	
Diiploy da">	Develop dlagrami, CO" linea, loi-'n. moif««i. and gioph»	Mok« co«"Oľi and CO'-pOmC"!	Dtiploy finding» to «oble», cho.li. dinil'omi, oild figu'M, contpoie Co let; co*pV»n» -* o ľúndotd
WfMifrcodM	- • ■ ■■    .   - - - -  . tul kulu« s	VWite code». Tiemöi	
ft*A*x MHimloa	Sort mOttnQl info col*QO"es	Mol« pawn» and "T  Ti ľ i	Woo'io; patterned ,,  ii.liiri'ift)
Count tt»;u*ii<.Y oi		Count In jutnej o' c ode i	
M.i'ing colegorlt»		Fúcrortng, nohng íflotioni among wariobhn. bWaVg ú logical chol" of ... :«-  |	
U» syiiemolic pi o(fdum o* imgflon o' inquiry			Folio« lleldwoik pioceoVeiin .   I.r. ,qrn-:i,
UM «o onol|*c (»om«*cHi in lil» dilute			C<y*n*uolae," fnjmoworlc Iioin
Hedeí-gn ilvdf			PfOpow o rod« u a» oitfceiivoV
a qualitative study, and some may be discarded (Wolcott, I')94b). Researcher* develop a short list of tentative codes (e.g., 12 or so) that
match a text segment, regardless of the length of the database. Pegin-
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niiig researchers tend to develop elaborate list's of codes when they review their databases. I proceed differently. I begin with a short list—5 or 6 categories with shorthand labels or codes—and then I expand the categories as I continue to review and re-review my database, Typically, regardless of the size of the database, I do not develop more than 25-30 categories of information, and I find myself working to reduce these to the 5 or 6 that I will use in the end to write my narrative. Those researchers who end up with 100 or 200 categories—and it is easy to find this many in a complex database—struggle to reduce the picture to the 5 or 6 that they must end with for most
publications.
As another technique, Hubennan and Miles (1994) suggest that investigators make preliminary "counts" of data and determine how frequently codes appear in the database. Finally, researchers relate categories and develop analytic frameworks, procedures found in grounded theory research (Corbin & Strauss, 1990). Such comparisons and contrasts may lead to the redesign of a study or to the generation of a new framework.
THE DATA ANALYSIS SPIRAL
Data analysis is not off-the-shelf; rather, it is custom-built revised, and "choreographed" (Huberman & Miles, 1994). Qualitative researchers "learn by doing" (Dey, 1993, p. 6), This leads critics to claim that qualitative research is largely intuitive, soft, and relativistic or that qualitative data analysts fall back on the three "l's"—"insight, intuition, and impression" (Dey, 1995, p. 78). Undeniably, qualitative researchers preserve the unusual and serendipitous, and writers craft each study differently, using analytic procedures that evolve in the field. But given this perspective, 1 believe that the analysis process conforms to a general contour.
The contour is best represented in a spiral image, a data analysis spiral. As shown in Figure 8.1, to analyze qualitative data, the researcher engages in the process of moving in analytic circles rather than using a fixed linear approach. One enters with data of text or images (e.g., photographs, videotapes) and exits with an account or a narrative. In between, the researcher touches on several facets of analysis and circles around and around.
I       i        "       i        I        L       I       i       1       l       I       t       |       I
Data Analysis and fjffirtscntalion
T 143
Procedures
Representing. Visualizing
Describing, Classifying, Interpreting
Reading.
Memon-
Examples
Account
Dala Managing
D*ta        ^p>. Collection (teit. Images)
Matri». Utes, propositions
Context
Categories,
Comparisons
Reflecting, Writing note« across questions
Pilot, Halte,
Organlte
Figure 8.1     The Dala A/ialyiis Spiral
Data management, the first loop in the spiral, begins the process. At an early stage in the analysis process, researchers organize their data into rile folders, index cards, or computer files. Besides organizing files, researchers convert their files to appropriate text units (e.g., a word, a sentence, an entire story) for analysis either by hand or by computer Materials must be easily located in large databases of text (or images). As Patton (1980) says.
The data generated by qualitativ« methods are voluminous». I have found no way of preparing students for the sheer massive volum«** r>f information with which they will find themselves confronted when data collection has ended. Sitting down to mak« sense out of pages of interviews and whole files of field notes can be overwhelming, (p. 297)
Computer programs help with this phase of analysis, and their role in this process will be addressed later.
Following the organization and conversion of the data, researchers continue analysis by getting a sense of the whole database. Agar (1980), for example, suggests that researchers "read the transcripts In theii entirety several times. Immerse yourself in the details, trying to get a sense of the interview as a whole before breaking it into parts"
QUALITATIVE INQUIRY 14'1 T
{p. 103). Writing memos in the margins of fieldnotcs or transcripts or under photographs helps in this initial process of exploring a database. These memos are short phrases, ideas, or key concepts that occur
to the reader.
With the data in our gunman case study (Asmussen & Creswell, 1995), we scanned all of our databases to identify major organising ideas- Looking over our heldnotes from observations, interview data, physical trace evidence, and audio and visual images, we disregarded predetermined questions to "hear" what interviewees said- We reflected on the larger thoughts presented in the data and formed initial categories. These categories were few in number (about 10), and we looked for multiple forms of evidence to support each. Moreover, we found evidence that portrayed multiple perspectives about each category.
This process I have described consists of moving from the reading and memouig loop into the spiral to the describing, classifying, and interpreting loop. In this loop, category formation represents the heart of qualitative data analysis. Here researchers describe in detail, develop themes or dimensions through some classification system, and provide an interpretation in light of their own views or views OÍ perspectives in the literature. Authors employ descriptive detail, classification, or interpretation or some combination of these analysis procedures. Detailed description means that authors describe what they see. This detail is provided in situ, that is, within the context of the setting of the person, place, or event. Description becomes a good place to start in a qualitative study (after reading and managing data), and it plays a central role in ethnographic studies.
Classifying pertains to taking the text or qualitative information apart, looking for categories, themes, or dimensions of information. As a popular form of analysis, classification involves identifying five or six general themes. These themes, in turn, I view as a "family" of themes with children, or subthemes, and grandchildren represented by segments of data. It is difficult, especially in a large database, to reduce the information down into five or six "families," but my process involves winnowing the data, reducing them to a small, manageable set of themes to write into my final narrative.
Interpretation involves making sense of the data, the "lessons learned" as described by Lincoln and Guba (1985). Several forms exist,
Data Analysis mid Kepresenialion                                                 T 145
Data Base
Figure S.2    Layers of Analysis in Gunman Cass (Asmussen & Creswell, 1995}
such as interpretation based on hxmches, insights, and intuition. It also might be an interpretation within a social science construct or idea or a combination of personal views as contrasted with a social science construct or idea. At this point in their analyses, researchers step back and form larger meanings of what is going on in the situations or sites. In the final phase of the spiral, researchers present the data, a packaging of what was found in text, tabular, or figure form. For example, creating a visual image of the information, a researcher may present a "comparison" table (see Spradley, 1980) or a matrix—for example, a 2 x 2 table that compares men and women in terms of one of the themes or categories in the study (see Miles & Huberman, 1994). The cells contain text, not numbers. A hierarchical tree diagram represents another form of presentation. This shows different levels of abstraction, with tlie boxes in the top of the tree representing the most abstract information and those at the bottom representing the least abstract themes. Figure 8,2 illustrates the levels of abstraction that we used in the gunman case (Asmussen & Creswell, 1995). Although 1
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have presented this figure at conferences, we did not include it in the published journal article version of the study. This illustration shows inductive analysis thai begins with the raw data consisting of multiple sources of information and then broadens to several specific themes (e.g., safety, denial) and on to the most general themes represented by the two perspectives of social-psychological and psychological factors.
Hypotheses or propositions that specify the relationship among *                 categories of information also represent information. In grounded
theory, for example, investigators advance propositions that interrelate the causes of n phenomenon with its context and strategies. Finally, authors present metaphors to analys«; the data, literary devices in which somcihing borrowed from one domain applies to another (Hammcrsley & Atkinson, 1995). Qualitative writers may compose entire studies shaped by analyses or metaphors.
ANALYSIS WITHIN TRADITIONS OF INQUIRY
Beyond these general spiral analysis processes, I can now relate the procedures to each of the five traditions of inquiry and highlight specific differences in onalysis and representing data. My organizing framework for this discussion is found in Table 8.2.1 address each tradition and discuss specific analysis and representing characteristics. At the end of this discission, 1 return to significant differences and similarities among the five traditions.
Biography
Denzin (1989b) suggests that a researcher begin analysis by identifying an objective sei of experiences in the subject's; life. Having the individual journal a sketch of his or her life may be a good beginning point for analysis. In this sketch, the researcher looks for life-course stages or experiences (e.g., childhood, marriage, employment) to develop a thronology of the individual's life. Stories and epiphanies will emerge from the individual's journal or from interviews. The researcher looks in the database (typically interviews or documents) for concrete,  contextual  biographical  materials.   An  interviewer
Data Analysis andjf^presentation
T 147
prompts a subject to expand on various sections of the stories and asks the interviewee to theorize about his or her life. These theories may relate to career models, processes in the life course, models of the social world, relational models of biography, and natural history models of the life course. Then, narrative segments and categories within the interview-story are isolated by the researcher, and larger patterns and meanings arc determined.
Finally, the individual's biography is reconstructed, and the researcher identifies factors that have shaped the life. This leads lo the writing of an analytic abstraction of the case that highlights (a) the processes in the individual's life, (b) the different theories that relate to these life experiences, and (c) the unique and general features of the life.
In the life history of Vonnie Lee (Angrosino, 1994), the reader finds many of these forms of analysis in tlv tkronatofy of the bus trip, the specific sforhn such as the logo on the bus, and the theorizing (at least by the author) about the meaning of the bus trip as a metaphor for Vonnie Lee's experiences in life as an individual with mental retardation.
Phenomenology
I see tlie biographical approach by Denzin (1989b) as a general template for analysis in contrast to the detailed, specific approaches to phenomenological analysis advanced by Moustakas (1994). Mous-takas reviews two approaches, but I see his second approach, called a modification of the Stcvick-Colaizzi-Kccn method, being used frequently in phenomenological studies. The steps are as follows:
▼    The researclier begins with a full description of his or her own experience of the phenomenon.
▼    The researcher then finds statements fin the interviews) about how individuals are experiencing the topic, lists out these significant slate->>:■: .:.'■ horiionalization of the datu) und f'vufs each statement as liauing equal worth, and works to develop a list ofnonrepetitive, nonoverlapptng statements.
;
■■ * *
TABLE 8.2	Dala Analysis and Representation by Research Traditions				
ßrfoArotjMOnd					
IpMÍtUl	ftoflrepAr	rnwaomeriology	GraunaW Theofy SbA7	DMQfJi V" i	CowSJudV
	• Creol* ond orgoniie	■ Creore and oigonue	• CitOUj ond Organue	• Creole end organu«	* Creole ord orgOnae
	lilcs for data	lilu lot doto	flies lor dala	files for dato	h'as lof data
fcoxbno, rnenOMg	• Read trough ■«■).	. bod ta»?* led.	• ftrod #«ovah t«i.	• R«od howgh leaf,	• Rood Irvoegh I*»*,
	mob« n09n nates.	■MU «norgw» notes.	tvi PlOf^rt AC*CS,	mote nora«i notes.	■ ■ -■ r        ■■■ -   ■
	ba>MM(BdH	torn neu! ccccs	fem nftol codes	loon neol code»	lorn i»kol codes
		■ Describe ihe mooning		• Describe '!>• social	• Describe the cose ond
		of Di« experience tor		Selling, Odors, even«;	lis con«« >t
	—dbDMfogr o* «e	researcher		ďo« picture of seftevg	5
	• Idcadf Don«	■ Find and Im stareetenb	• Engage m ano! oaino—	- AnoVe doW lor	• Use categorical
		ol mnaning lor	causo 1 condition.	th«mes ond poMemed	ooareaonon
		indrvlduoli	context, intervening	regutorirics	• Establish ponorní
	mcMnoli lor lee	■ Group «nl»n#nti into «Managen*	condihons, sualegiei, COtHeqeentei • engage n open cooVig-<aMgones, properties, dimension-		ol categories
			oIítc properties		
—
--^—




-
-•«■v. h|
1 Tneonee toward
1 frei ore nOJrofcon lociMig itnort«, and unique and general features of Ihe 1.1*
Develop o terturol
■-;:-;.                 *.'. ■     i
fc mn nur
Develop a slrucluiol deiciplion, *Ho*" ilit phenomenon was eipeneeced • Develop on o«c*et aescnpio*ot**e tiporience, Ihe '•isenco"
' rWll etorroeoe ol ** 'eisen«" ol *« experience; vw tables or figure» w| statements ond moaning unHs
Engage in seleorre eodetg and oWlc©-raenl of stones
Develop a londilicWl ntoirt.
• Interpret ond naU othefod-tgs
naMMgwiwolreodel
tá "•;->
ftcsenl propose*)«*
prestnt^on augmented by tables, figures, and sbel<h«
Use deed interpretation
Q«wewilgc»oni

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▼    T/ifsr sin řemen fs are then grouped into "meaning units/' the researcher lints these units, and he »r she write- a description of the "textures"
tntviat desaiptka) of tlie experience—what liappened   including verhaimt examples.
▼    The marcher next reflects on his or Iter own description and uses imaginative variation or structural description, seeking all possible meanings and divergent perspectives, txiryitig the frames of reference about the phenomenon, and constructing a description ofhoto the phenomenon was experienced,
▼    The researcher then constructs an overall description of the meaning and the essence of the experience.
▼    Tin's process isfolloxvcd first for the researcher's account of the experience and then for that of each participant. Aller this, a "composite" description is written.
In tin' nursing-patient caring interaction study by Riemen (1986), tin- researcher presents significant statements of earinj-, ami noncar-ing interactions lor both males and females. Furthermore. Kiemen formulates meaning statements from these significant statements and presents them in tables as well. Finally, Kiemen advances two "exhaustive" descriptions for the Mit«« of the experiences—two short paragraphs—and sets them apart by enclosing them in tables.
Grounded Theory
Similar to phenomenology, grounded theory uses set procedures for analysis. It consists of open, axial, and lofective lodinp, ,is advanced by Corbin and Straus« (1990). Grounded theory provides a procedure for developing categories of information (open coding), i interconnecting the categories (axial lading), building a "story" thai connects the categoui's (le/eitivoioA'nf), and ending with a discursive set of theoretical proposition! (Strauss it Corbin, 1990).
In the opon lodinq phase, the rescaniier examines the text (e.g., t ran-.» iipls, fieldnotes, dtx urncnts) foi ..»Inn t categorie, ol informa-linu supported b> the text, ' Ising the (omfnnf iompaiutivo approa« h, tho researcher attempts to "loftrrote" the categories—to look for in-
Data Analysis andj%epmenlation
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stances that represent the cufegeryand tu continue looking (and interviewing) until the new information oblained does not further provide insight into the category. These categories are composed of subcategories, called properties, representing multiple perspectives about I he categories, ľroperl les, in turn, are dtmensloaalixed and presenleil on a continuum. Overall, this is the pro« ess of reducing the database to a small set of themes or categories that characterize the process or action being explored In the grounded theory study.
Once an initial set of categories is developed, the researcher identifies a single tataaory as the tcntral phenomenon of interest and begins exploring the interrelationship of categories, called axial coding causal conditions that influence the central phenomenon, the strategies for addressing the phenomenon, the tontext and intervening tonditions that shape the strategies, and the »nitguenres of undertaking the strategies. In this phase of analysis, the researcher creates a toeing paradigm, ur a theoretical model that visually portrays the interrelationship of these axial coding categories of information. A theory is built i*t generated- At the broadest level ot analysis, the researcher can Croat« a tWHÍŕtioM/mcrfrijr. This matrix is an analytical aid a diagram— lhal iK'Ips the researcher visualize the wide range of conditions and consequences related to tiw central phenomenon (Strauss & C 'orbin, 1990). Seldom have I found this broad level of analysis in grounded theory studies
The specific form for presenting the theory differs. In our study of department chair*, we present it as hypotheses (Creswell fc Brown, 1992); in their study of coping strategies of sexually abused women. Morrow and Smith (1995) advance a visual model; and in our study of balance between work and personal life (Creswell & Urbom, 1997), we offer a visual model and three stones.
The grounded theory study of survival and coping from childhood il'U'c In Morrow and Nnith (1995) rcllecls several of thi se phases Ol data analysis. They present results ot the axial coding by discussing causal conditions that influence the tontral phenomenon, threatening or dangerous feelings as well as helplessness, poweil. i,. . and lack of control. They specify two groups of strategies these women used and indicate I he narrower confejrf in which these strategies occurred as well as Ihe broader mhrvtming conditions aich as family dynamics and the victim's age. They detail the comequonioi of using the strategics such as coping, healing, and empowerment. They present these categories
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in a visual model, called a "theoretical modeller surviving and coping with childhood sexual abuse" (p. 27).
Ethnography
For ethnographic research, I recommend the three aspects of data transform .it ion advanced by Wolcott (1994b): desttiption analysis, and interpretation ol the tulture-sharing f roup Wolcott i.ľ'-Hib) hrheves th.ii a good starling point for writing an ethnography is to describe (lie tvlture-sharing group a n d m It m f.
Description id the foundation upon which qualitativ»' rewnrch is buill Here you become the storyteller, inviting the reader to we through your eyes what you have seen.,.. Slart by presenting a »iraightforward description of the sotting and events. No footnotes, no intrusive analysis—just thu tacts, carefully presents .mi) interestingly related at an appropriate level oMn.uHp.28)
Mu-mtntription may be analyzed by presenting information in chronological order or by using the researcher or narrator order (as MM m Wolcott's [1994a] Principal Selection Committee study). The writer describes through progressively focusing the description or chronicling a "day in the life" of the group or individual. Finally, other techniques involve focusing on a critical or key event, developing a "story" complete with a plot and characters, writing it as a "mystery," examining groups in interaction, following an analytical framework, or showing different perspectives through the views of informants.
Analysis lor Wolcott (1994b) is I sorting procedure—"the quantitative side of qualitative research" (p. 26). This involves highlighting specific material introduced in the descriptive phase or displaying findings thh>ii>;h tables, charls, diagrams, and figures. The researcher also analyzes through using systematic procedures such as those advanced by Spradley (1979,1980), who calls for building taxonomies, generating comparison tables, and developing semantic tables. Perhaps the most popular analysis procedure, also mentioned by Wolcott (1994b), is the search (ot patterned regularities in the data. Other forms of analysis consist of comparing the cultural group to others, cvnlual-ing tlie group in terms of standards, and drawing connections be-
Data Analysis Mtmi/fíprtwlUltíon
T 153
tween the tulture-sharing group and target theoretical immoworks. i Mht'i .inalyse- ■.(«p. include critiquing the research process and proposing a redesign for the study.
Making an ethnographic interpretation at the tulture-sharing group is a data transformation step as well. Here the researcher goes beyond the database and probes "what is to be made of them" (Wolcott, 1994b, p. 36). The researcher speculates outrageous, comparative interpretations that raise doubts or questions for the reader. The researcher draws inferences from the data or turns to (hcory lo provide structure for his or I in interpretations. The researcher also personalizes the interpretation: "This is what 1 make ol il" or "This is how the research experience affected me" (p. 44). Finally, the investigator forges an interpretation through expressions such as poetry, fiction, or performance.
Wolcott (1994b) includes the ethnography of the Principal Selection Committee in the section on "description" in his book Transforming Qualitative Data: Description, Analysis, and Interpretation. In this ethnography, Wolcott details the procedures of this committee as its members interviewed seven candidates. I li- dors not make explicit his steps in analysis, but they can be easily seen. Me Isolates a single episode, describes the inti-iv »ws with six of the seven candidates, analyzes and presents three themes (i.e., lack of professional knowledge, an esteem for personal feelings, and a proclivity toward variety-reducing behavior), and reflects or interprets thesa themes as to their impact on education, change, and the principalship.
Case Study
i'-ot a case n tudy, as in ethnography, analysis consists of making a detailed desuiptian ol the case and it:. setting. If tin- < asr presents a chronology of events, then 1 recommend analyzing the multiple sources of data to determine evidence for each step or phase in the evolution of the case. Moreover, the setting is particularly important. In our gunman case (Asmussen & Crcswell, 1995), we analyzed the information to determine how the incident fit into the setting—in our Mtuation, a tranquil, pracemi midwrstrm community.
In addition, Slake (1995) advocales lour forms ol data analysis and interpretation in case study research. In tmtegorital aggregation, the
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QUALITATIVE INQUIRY
researcher seek» a collection of instances from the data, hoping that issue-re levant meanings will emerge. In dirett interpretation, on the other hand, the case study re searcher looks at a single instance and draws meaning from it without looking for multiple instances. It is a process of pulling the data apart and putting them back together in more meaningful ways. Also, the researcher establishes patterns and looks for a correspondence between two or more categories. This correspondence might take the form of a table, possibly a 2 x 2 table, showing the relationship between two categories. Finally, the re-searclwi develops natvralhtit foneiolixatioru from analyzing ihe data, gľiu-i.ili/.iiums that people * an learn from the - ase eithei for them selves or (or applying it to a population of cases.
To these analysis steps 1 would .iiMdW/fpfionni the nisc, a detailed view of ■••]<< ■« I*, about the» ase tin- 'facts." In our gunman case study (Asmussen & Crcswell, 1995), we describe the events following the incident (or 2 weeks, highlighling the major players, die sites, and the activities. We then aggregate the data into about 2Ü categories (categorical aggregation) and, collapse them into 5 patterns. In the final section of the study, we develop generalizations about the case in terms of the patterns and how they compare and contrast with published literature on campus violence.
COMPARING THB FIVE TRADITIONS
Returning to Table 8.2, data analysis and representation have several common and distinctive features among the five traditions. Across all five traditions, the researcher typically begins w»h creating and organizing files of information, Next, the process of a general reading and memoing of information occurs to develop a sense of the data and to begin the process of making sense ot them. Then, all traditions have a phase of description with the exception of grounded theory, in which the luv .ti)'..ii"T --eeks U'h.'c.in building toward a theory ol the a< lion or process. Now the analysis procedures begin to depart.
Grounded theory and phenomenology have the most detailed, explicated procedure for data analysis. Ethnography and case studies have analysis procedures that arc common, and biography represents the ti-.i-.t •■ tnn-hired pioxdon-   AKo. the tum - used in Ihe phase "I
Dutu Analysis antUfteprewiUntivu                                                  T 155
■%
classifying ; how distim I language among thr-.e traditions; what is called u/vir coding in grounded Iheory is similar to the first stage of clas.ilying It-UiU-rnntt ) in piu iumimi.logv mi , <íí--.;. <m< iii n^rr^uticn in case study research. The researcher needs to become familiar with the definition of these terms ol analysis and employ them correctly depending on tradition of inquiry. The presentation of the data, in turn, reflects the data analysis steps, and it varies from a narration in biography to tabled statements, meanings, and description in phenomenology, to a visual model or theory in grounded theory.
COMPUTERS, ANALYSIS, AND TRADITIONS
Overall, authors overlook the specific application of computer pro*
graiiiü in analysis for t rad it ions of inquiry e\iv| 'I loi a short discussion by I onkila (1995) about programs and grounded theory and the suggestion that some programs are best suited for one approach than .iiiothtT (e.g., the program Ethnography ■■*>''■ ■!•'-igned for elhnn graphic studies; NUD-IST, a theory-genera I ion program, was designed for grounded theory).
The link between compute r programs to analyze text and traditions of inquiry needs to be established. It is especially important because
not all qualitative rosean lire- sit such programs as relevant to their needs I feel, however, that computer programs hrlp in Ihe analysis of qualitativ!-data, especially in understanding a large (e.g., 500 or more pages) lexl database, for those studies employing especially large databases, such as ethnographies with extensive fieldnotes and mtei views, grounded theory studies comprised of 20-30 extensive interviews, or case studies wilh multiple types of information, computer programs provide an invaluable aid in research. Following are some of these advantages:
■    Ihe computer program provides an organized storage "file" sys tcm so that the researcher can quickly and easily locate material and store it in one place. This aspect becomes especially important
in lo, adngrntiiiM ,\:.-, <n . a-.es with spe« iH< » hatacterislics.
■    I lie . omputer program helps ,i ivscan hei  I", ate nialerial easily, whether this material is an idea, a statement, a phrase, or a wont.