Riebard Bauman [ be concerned in this paper to develop a conception of verbal art as pĽUUtlllance, based upon an understanding of performance as a mode of speaking. In constructing this framework for a performance-centered approach to verbal art, we have started from the position of the folklorist, but have drawn concepts and ideas from a wide range of disciplines, chiefly anthropology, linguistics, and literary criticism. Each of these disciplines has its own distinctive perspective on verbal art, and a long tradition of independent scholarship in its study. From at least the time of Herder, however, there has been an integrative tradition as well in the study of verbal art, manifested in the work of such figures as Edward Sapir, Roman Jakobson, and Dell Hymes, scholars who have operated at an intellectual level beyond the boundaries which separate academic disciplines, sharing an interest in the esthetic dimension of social and cultural life in human communities as manifested through the use of language. The present paper is offered in the spirit of that integrative tradition. In a recent collection of conceptual and theoretical essays in folklore, assembled to indicate a range of new perspectives in the field, it was emphasized in the Introduction that the contributors shared a common concern with performance as an organizing principle (Bauman 1972a). The term performance was employed there, as it was by several of the contributors to the collection, because it conveyed a dual sense of artistic action - the doing of folklore - and artistic event - the performance situation, involving performer, art form, audience, and setting - both of which are central to the developing performance approach to folklore. This usage accorded well with the conventional meaning of the term "performance," and served to point up the fundamental reorientation from folklore as materials to folklore as communication which characterized the thinking of the contributors. Conventional meanings can carry scholarship just so far, however, before the lack of conceptual rigor begins to constrain analytical insight rather than advancing it. In view of the centrality of performance to the orientation of increasing numbers of folklorists and anthropologists interested in verbal art,2 the Lime seems opportune for efforts 166 RICHARD BAUMAN aimed at expanding the conceptual content of folkloric performance as a i nicative phenomenon, beyond the general usage that has carried us up to thi . ^ That is the purpose of this essay. I:-1- One orientational and terminological point before proceeding: consistent ir chiefly sociolinguistic and anthropological roots of the performance appro . | ' ./ terms "verbal art" and "oral literature" provide a better frame of reference ■ '; '" as a point of departure for the ideas to be advanced here, than the more difli problematic term "folklore." "Spoken art" might be even better, insofar as th is concerned solely with a way of speaking and its attendant phenomena ! ; ■" term has never achieved currency in any of the disciplines where it might hav a useful purpose - folklore, anthropology, or linguistics.3 Many things ha !.' '.' studied under the name of folklore, but verbal art has always been at or i ,, center of the larger domain, and has constituted the" chief common ground I ■. anthropological folklorists and those of other persuasions. Accordingly, t from the "folklore" of the preceding paragraph to the "verbal art" of those tc | is neither unprecedented nor arbitrary, but will serve, hopefully, to make so ■■ .. .,' clearer the universe of discourse within which the ideas which follow ha formulated. Let us make explicit as well that a great deal more is intendt ■ '■ . than a convenient relabeling of what is already known. The concep ■.. ... performance to be developed in these pages is not simply an alt« ■ i perspective on the familiar genres of oral literature long studied by folklór ■ i, anthropologists. It is that, but it is more than that as well. Perfo: i as we conceive of it and as our examples have been selected to illustrate, is a í ■.:. thread typing together the marked, segregated esthetic genres and other of verbal behavior into a general unified conception of verbal art as a ■ ■ speaking. Verbal art may comprehend both myth narration and the expected of certain members of society whenever they open their mouths, í ■ I ■ ■, performance that brings them together in culture-specific and variablt \ : *. ways that are to be discovered ethnographically within each culture an ' *■ ■ munity. The Nature of Performance Modern theories of the nature of verbal art, whether in anthropology, lingui ■ . ■ literature, tend overwhelmingly to be constructed in terms of special us patterning of formal features within texts. General formulations identify a ]■■ "focus on the message for its own sake" (Jakobson 1960:356; Stankiewicz 1Í ■ ■■ 15) or a "concern with the form of expression, over and above the needs of a munication" (Bascom 1955:247) as the essence of verbal art. Others arc m specific about the nature or consequences of such a focus or concern, suggest! for example, that the touchstone of verbal art lies in a maximized "use of the dc\ ■ of the language in such a way that this use itself attracts attention and is percvh et uncommon" (Havránek 1964:10). Among certain linguists, the idea has sonic i rency that verbal art "in some way deviates from norms which we, as member1 society, have learnt to expect in the medium used" (Leech 1969:56; cf. Stankieu 1960:12; Durbin 1971), while others of their colleagues make a point of the "mi VERBAL ART AS PERFORMANCE 167 0f additional formal laws restricting the poet's free choice of expressions" '" . f 1965:72; italics in original). tever their differences, of focus or emphasis, all of these approaches make for ption of verbal art that is text-centered. For all, the artful, esthetic quality of '* . ranee resides in the way in which language is used in the construction of the 1 item. To be sure, it may be considered necessary, at least implicitly, to assess ■ against the background of general linguistic norms, but it is the text itself ■nains the unit of analysis and point of departure for proponents of these ,.;hes. This in turn places severe constraints on the development of a mean-ramework for the understanding of verbal art as performance, as a species of [ human communication, a way of speaking. of course, possible to move from artistic texts, identified in formal or other :o performance, by simply looking at how such texts are rendered, in action ßut this is to proceed backwards, by approaching phenomena whose primary eality lies in their nature as oral communication in terms of the abstracted products of the communicative process. As we shall see, oral literary texts, they may fulfill the formal measures of verbal art, be accurately recorded, ir strong associations with performance in their conventional contexts, may eless not be the products of performance, but of rendition in another com-tive mode. How many of the texts in our collections represent recordings of ints' abstracts, resumes, or reports of performances and performance forms ■ ;han true performances (cf. Tedlock 1972)? By identifying the nature of lance and distinguishing it from other ways of speaking, we will have, other things, a measure of the authenticity of collected oral literary texts, rformance-centered conception of verbal art calls for an approach through lance itself. In such an approach, the formal manipulation of linguistic ; is secondary to the nature of performance, per se, conceived of and defined ■ >de of communication. i is a very old conception of verbal art as communication which goes back at Plato's insistence that literature is lies. The notion, also manifest in Sir Philip > oft-quoted dictum, "the poet nothing affirmth" (Ohmann 1971:5} holds íatever the propositional content of an item of verbal art, its meaning is ■ >w cancelled out or rendered inoperative by the nature of the utterance as '• ' irt. A more recent expression of this conception is to be found in the writings British Ordinary Language philosopher, J. L. Austin. Austin maintains, "of 1 every utterance," that it will be "in a peculiar way hollow or void if said by r on the stage...or spoken in soliloquy." He continues, "language in such - ' itances is in special ways - intelligibly - used not seriously, but in ways pjra constellations of communicative means that serve to key performance in part, ■ I * communities. Features such as those listed above may figure in a variety of wavs" the speech economy of a community. Rhyme, for example, may be used to'fo. performance, or it may simply be a formal feature of the language, as when it figure in certain forms of reduplication, or it may appear in speech play (which may or naa\ not involve performance). It may even be inadvertent. Interestingly, when thi-happens in English, there is a traditional formula which may be invoked to discUm. performance retroactively: "ľm a poet and I don't know it; my feet show it, thev'rť longfellows." This is an indication that rhyme often does in fact key performance in English. The basic point here is that one must determine empirically what are the specify conventionalized means that key performance in a particular community, and tha* these will vary from one community to another (though one may discover area! aiu typological patterns, and universal tendencies may exist). Let us consider soith examples. The telling of traditional folktales, or "'old stories," in the Bahamas, a-described by Daniel J. Crowley, characteristically involves performance. Narrator-, assume responsibility for the way they render their stories, and their performance? are attended to for the enjoyment to be derived from the telling, an< evaluated as displays of competence (for evidence of this see Crowley 1966:37. 137-9). Old story performances are keyed by a complex system of communicativt means. One of the most distinctive of these is the word "Bunday," which serves as ; "trademark" for old stories, "since its mere mention is the sign for an old story to begin----To the Bahamians, 'Bunday ain't nothing, it just mean is old story." Crowley identifies five conventional functions served by "Bunday" as a marker o old story performance: (1) as a means of announcing one's intention to tell a storj and testing the audience's willingness to hear it; (2) as a means of recapturing audience attention (the better the storyteller, the less often he must have recourst to this device, but all storytellers must use it occasionally); (3) for emphasis am.1 punctuation; (4) as a filler to cover pauses and other gaps in the narration; (5) as ;■ signal that the story is ended. In addition to "Bunday," storytelling performance is further signaled by opening and closing formulae. Some of these, such as "Once upon a time, a very good time monkey chew tobacco, and he spit white lime," are stylistically developed in rlu-i own right, while others, like "Once upon a time," are more simple. Closing formula* are more individualized, with the closing "Bunday" coming before, between, or aftui the formula. To take one characteristic example, which brings the narrative back to the occasion of its telling: "I was passing by, and I say 'Mister Jack, how come you so VERBAL ART AS PERFORMANCE 173 ?' And he make at me, and I run, causing me to come here tonight to tell you ;'.■;' jonderful story" (Crowley 1966:35-6). '' * » keying devices for old story performance further include special words and " /e_gt) "one more day than all... " to begin a new motif), special pronuncia- ''' .. elaborate onomatopoeia, and a range of metanarrational devices, such as the ■'' ving of an impossible statement by "If I was going to tell you a story," and then ier even more impossible statement (Crowley 1966:26-7), Finally, old story ' ■, rrnance is keyed by distinctive paralinguistic and prosodic shifts for the purpose • '^rasterization (e.g., Crowley 1966:67). In sum, this one segment of the Baha- '".*" performance domain is keyed by a complex system of mutually reinforcing eins serving together to signal that an old story is being performed. As we have noted, the foregoing inventory of keys to old story performance i-rrains to but a single genre. A full and ideal ethnography of performance would Jtnpass tne entire domain, viewing speaking and performance as a cultural .«strin and indicating how the whole range of performance is keyed. Gary Gossen's tenant analyses of Chamula genres of verbal behavior come closest to any work in he literature known to the author to achieving such a description (Gossen 1972, 9"4). Within the overall domain of "people's speech" {sk'op kirsano), Chamula ■denrify three macro-categories of speech: "ordinary speech" {lo?il k'op), "speech for .«eople whose hearts are heated" (k'op sventa sk'isnah yo?nlon yu?un It kirsanoe), nil "pure speech" (puru k'op). Ordinary speech is conceived of by the people as mnurked, not special in any way. It is not associated with performance. Speech for íetiple whose hearts are heated and pure speech, on the other hand, are strongly selevant to our discussion.? As an overall category, what distinguishes speech for people whose hearts are oicd from ordinary speech is that it is stylistically marked by a degree of verbatim epeiition of words, phrases and metaphors, and in certain sub-categories, or genres, !iy parallelism in syntax and metaphorical couplets. Pure speech is distinguished in urn from speech for people whose hearts are heated by its relative fixity of form and ■hu greater density of parallelism, either through proliferation of syntactically par-llel lines or the "stacking" of metaphorical couplets. l:rom Gossen's description, it is evident that repetition and parallelism constitute :cys to performance for the Chamula. Both speech for people whose hearts i re heated and pure speech involve the display of competence, contribute to the nh;incement of experience, and are subject to evaluation for the way they are done, i here is a crucial point to be made here, however. Speech for people whose hearts rv heated is idiosyncratic, unfixed, and markedly less saturated with those features hnt signal performance. The user of speech for people whose hearts are heated is less ully accountable for a display of competence, his expression is less intensely egarded by the audience, his performance has less to contribute to the enhancement ■f the audience's experience than the one who uses the forms of pure speech. The ■erinrmance frame may thus be seen to operate with variable intensity in Chamula peaking. It is worth underscoring this last point. Art is commonly conceived as an all-or-othing phenomenon - something either is or is not art - but conceived as performance, in terms of an interpretive frame, verbal art may be culturally defined as varying in intensity as well as range. We are not speaking here of the relative quality 174 RICHARD BAUMAN of a performance - good performance versus bad performance - but the deer, intensity with which the performance frame operates in a particular rane culturally defined ways of speaking. When we move beyond the first level disc nation of culturally-defined ways of speaking that do not conventionally jni performance (e.g., Chamula ordinary speech, Malagasy resaka) versus wai speaking that do characteristically involve performance (e.g., Chamula speecí people whose hearts are heated and pure speech, Malagasy kabary), we net attend to the relative saturation of the performance frame attendant upon the i specific categories of ways of speaking within the community. The variable range of performance in Chamula is confirmed by the metalang employed by the Chamula in their evaluation of performance. Because ol importance of the evaluative dimension of performance as communication, metalanguages and the esthetic standards they express constitute an essential sideration in the ethnography of performance; the range of application of esthetic systems may be the best indicator of the extent of the performance doi within a community (Dundes 1966; Babcock-Abrahams 1974). Increased fixi form, repetition, and parallelism, which serve as measures of increasing intensi performance, also signal for the Chamula increasing "heat." Heat is a basic n phor for the Chamula, symbolizing the orderly, the good, and the beautifu derivation from the power of the sun deity. The transition from ordinary speec speech for people whose hearts are heated to pure speech thus involves a progres „„,. increase in heat and therefore of esthetic and ethical value in speaking.10 The Patterning of Performance Our discussion of Chamula performance has centered upon the way in which performance is keyed, the communicative means that signal that a particular act of expression is being performed. We may advance our considerations still further by recognizing that it is only as these means are embodied in particular genres that i hev figure in the performance system of the Chamula themselves. That is, the Chamula organize the domain of speaking in terms of genres, i.e., conventionalized message forms, formal structures that incorporate the features that key performance. The association of performance with particular genres is a significant aspect of the patterning of performance within communities. This association is more problematic than text-centered, etic approaches to verbal art would indicate (Ben-Amos 1969). In the ethnography of performance as a cultural system, the investigator's attention will frequently be attracted first by those genres that are conventionally performed. These are the genres, like the Chamula genres of pure speech or Bahamian old stories, for which there is little or no expectation on the part of members of the community that they will be rendered in any other way. He should be attentive as well, however, for those genres for which the expectation or probability of performance is lower, for which performance is felt to be more optional, but which occasion no surprise if they are performed. A familiar example from contemporary American society might be the personal narrative, which is frequently rendered in a simply repertorial mode, but which may well be highlighted as performance. There will, of course, in any society, be a range of verbal genres that are not rendered as VERBAL ART AS PERFORMANCE 175 f irmances. These will be viewed as not involving the kind of competence that is ■cptible to display, not lending themselves for the enhancement of experience. r l0 be forgotten are those genres that are considered by members of the com- jnity to be performance forms, but that are nevertheless not performed, as when , js no one left who is competent to perform them, or conditions for appropriate formance n0 longer exist. A related phenomenon is what Hymes calls perform- , [n a perfunctory key (personal communication), in which the responsibility for a :. «[ay of communicative competence is undertaken out of a sense of cultural duty, r.uiiuonal obligation, but offering, because of changed circumstances, relatively trie pleasure or enhancement of experience. One thinks, for example, of some !asscs in Latin. Such performances may, however, be a means of preserving perform- na- iorms for later reinvigoration and restoration to the level of full performance. \z should be noted, with reference to the native organization of the domain of nicking and cultural expectations for performance, that the members of a commu- irv may conceptualize speech activity in terms of acts rather than genres. The St. ■'mcentians are a case in point (Abrahams and Bauman 1971). Speech acts and eiuvs are, of course, analytically distinct, the former having to do with speech clijvior, the latter with the verbal products of that behavior. For an oral culture, owe ver, the distinction between the act of speaking and the form of the utterance :nds characteristically not to be significant, if it is recognized at all. Thus a , an ieular performance system may well be organized by members of the community in terms of speech acts that conventionally involve performance, others that may or n?,n not, and still others for which performance is not a relevant consideration. We view the act of performance as situated behavior, situated within and rendered meaningful with reference to relevant contexts. Such contexts may be identified at a variety of levels - in terms of settings, for example, the culturally-defined places where performance occurs. Institutions too - religion, education, politics - may be viewed from the perspective of the way in which they do or do not represent contexts for performance within communities. Most important as an organizing principle in :he ethnography of performance is the event, or scene, within which performance occurs (see, e.g., Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1974). There are, first of all, events for which performance is required, for which it is a criicrial attribute, such that performance is a necessary component for a particular event to count as a valid instance of the class. These will be what Singer calls "aihural performances" (Singer 1972:71). They may be organized and conducted primarily for entertainment, such as Bahamian old story sessions or Vincentian tea meetings, or they may have some other stated primary purpose, like Malagasy bride-price meetings, but performance will be as integral a component for the latter as for the lormer. As with genres and acts, there are other events for which performance is an optional feature, not necessary or invariably expected, but not unexpected or surprising, as when someone tells jokes at a party. Again, there will be a further r.iiii;^ of events in which performance is extraneous, not a relevant variable insofar .is people categorize and participate in the events of their culture. 1 he structure of performance events is a product of the interplay of many factors, including setting, act sequence, and ground rules of performance. These last will consist of the set of cultural themes and social-interactional organizing principles 176 RICHARD BAUMAN that govern the conduct of performance (Bauman and Sherzer 1974, Sect. IJh kind of speaking, performance will be subject to a range of community groiinc that regulate speaking in general, but there will also be a set of ground rules sr to performance itself. Basic, too, to the structure of performance events ai participants, performer(s), and audience. Performance roles constitute a dimension of the patterning of performance within communities. As with events, certain roles will incorporate performance as a definitive attr Performance is necessary to establish oneself in the role, such that one cam-considered an incumbent of the role without being a performer of verbal art, li1 sgealai, the traditional Irish storyteller (Delargy 1945). Other roles may be loosely associated with performance, such that members of the community f certain expectation of performance from a person in a particular role, bu neither required of everyone in the role, nor surprising when it does not < Salesmen may serve as an example here, in that there is a loose expectation ir contemporary American culture that salesmen are often good performers of jokes but no one requires or expects this skill on the part of all salesmen. And, as above other roles will have nothing to do with performance, either as definitive criterion oi optional attribute. Eligibility for and recruitment to performance roles vary cross-culturally in inter esting ways. One dimension along which this variation occurs has to do wirl conceptions of the nature of the competence required of a performer and the vv,u such competence is acquired. Does it, for example, require special aptitude, talent or training? Among the Limba, storytelling is a form of performance, but it is not considered to require the special talent called for in drumming and dancing. Anyone ís a potential storyteller, and it calls for no special training to become one (Finnegan 1967:69-70). By contrast, the Japanese storytellers who perform rakugo or kmhrn must undergo a long and arduous period of training and apprenticeship before they are considered ready to practice their art (Hrdličková 1969). Also to be taken into account in the analysis of performance roles is the relationship, both social and behavioral, between such roles and other roles played by the same individual. We have in mind here the way and extent to which the role of performer and the behavior associated with it may dominate or be subordinate lo the other roles he may play. To illustrate one extreme possibility, we may cite Keil"* assertion that in Afro-American society the role of bhiesman assimilates or overshadows all other roles an adult male may normally be expected to fulfill iKeii 1966:143, 153-5). Sammy Davis, Jr., tellingly reveals the encompassing power of his role as entertainer in his statement that, '"as soon as I go out the front door ol my house in the morning, I'm on, Daddy, I'm on" (quoted in Messinger 1962:98-^). The foregoing list of patterning factors for performance has been presented schematically, for analytical and presentational convenience, but it should noi be taken as a mere checklist. It should be self-evident that performance genres, act*, events, and roles cannot occur in isolation, but are mutually interactive and interdependent. Any of the above factors may be used as a point of departure or point ol entry into the description and analysis of the performance system of a commumt), but the ultimate ethnographic statement one makes about performance as pari of social life must incorporate them all in some degree. It will be useful to consider one extended example here, drawn from Joel Sherzer's description of three major ccrc- VERBAL ART AS PERFORMANCE 177 nial traditions of the San Bias Cuna, to give some indication how the organizing » rures of a performance system fit together in empirical terms (Sherzer 1974). ' Abstracting from Sherzer's rich description of the three traditions, we may note t eaCh is associated with a type of event, within which specific functionaries »rform particular genres in a characteristic performance mode. Thus, in the type of ingress known as omekan pela (the women and everybody), the chiefs {sakla) chant laniakke) long chants called pap ikar. The chants, in turn, are interpreted to the ■sembled participants in the congress house by special spokesmen (arkar), whose peaking {sunmakke) also involves performance, though different from that of the liefs. In curing rituals, a special z'&dr-knower (ikar wisit) speaks (sunmakke) the irticular curing chant (each a type of ikar) for which he is a specialist and which is illed for by the ailment from which the patient is suffering. In the third type of rent, the girls' puberty ceremony, the specialist (kantule) in girls' puberty chants ikantur ikar) shouts (kormakke) the chants for the participants. The three performance traditions may be summarized in tabular form thus: Event congress curing ritual girls' puberty shout ceremony Act Role Genre chant chief chief's chant {namakke) (sakla) (pap ikar) speak spokesman interpretation {sunmakke) (arkar) speak special z&flř-knower medicine chant (sunmakke) (ikar wisit) (kapur ikar, kurkin ikar, etc.) shout specialist in girls' puberty chant (kormakke) girls' puberty (kantule) chant (kantur ikar) For each ceremony or ritual to count as a valid instance of its class, the appropriate form must be rendered in the appropriate way by the appropriate functionary. That namakke, the sunmakke of the arkar's interpretation and the sunmakke of the medicine chants, and kormakke all represent ways of performing for the Cuna is clear from Sherzer's description. All four roles, sakla, arkar, ikar wisit, and kantule, are defined in essential part in terms of competence in these specific ways of performing their respective genres. There is thus, in these ceremonial traditions, a close and integral relationship between performance and specific events, acts, roles, and genres, and the configuration created by the interrelationships among these factors must be close to the center of an ethnography of performance among the Cuna. Constellations such as Sherzer describes, involving events, acts, genres, and roles in highly structured and predictable combinations, constitute the nucleus of an ethnography of performance among the Cuna, and are aptly made the focus of Sherzer's paper. However, it is crucial to establish that not all performance related to the system Sherzer describes is captured within the framework of conventional interrelationships outlined above. We have noted, for example, that the performance of curing ikar by the ikar-wisit has its conventional locus in the curing ritual; such performance is obligatory for the ikar wisit to fulfill the demands of his role and for 178 RICHARD BAUMAN the curing ritual to be conducted at all. Against this background, then, it is n worthy that the ikar-wisit may also be asked to perform his ikar during a chi t," festival associated with the girls' puberty rites, purely for entertainment. Thar is tk performance that has its primary place in a particular context, in whkh it " obligatory, may be an optional feature of another kind of event, extended to tli latter because of the esthetic enjoyment to be derived from it. The associate between performer and genre is maintained, but the context, and of course th. function, are different. Though optional, the performance of curing ikar at puberty rite festivities i-less institutionalized than the obligatory performance of these chants in cur ^ rituals. There is no surprise or novelty in the performance of curing ikar at chicha festivals. Beyond the institutionalized system, however, lies one of the important outlets for creative vitality within the performance domain. Considei following circumstance, involving a group of small girls whom Sherzer was usinj. linguistic informants. On one occasion, knowing that he was interested in performance forms of the community, the little girls launched spontaneous!} int rendition of an arkar's performance as they were being recorded (Sherzer, perso communication). The re marka blen ess of this is apparent when one considers th.it role of arkar is restricted to adult men, and performances of the kind the g imitated belonged, in conventional terms, to the congress and the congress house. Though the little girls' rendition was framed as imitation, a refraining of the atkaľs performance, it constituted performance in its own right as well, in which the girls assumed responsibility to an audience for a display of competence. Consider one further observation made by Sherzer in his study of the Cuna, The congresses (omekan pela) discussed above, in which the chiefs chant their pap ikar and the arkars interpret them to the audience, are held in the congress house during the evening. During the daytime, however, when congresses are not in session, individuals who find themselves in the congress house may occasionally sit in a chief's hammock and launch into an attempt at a chief's chant, just for the fun of it (Sherzer, personal communication). Here we have what is a conventional performance doubly reframed as imitation and more importantly as play, in which there is no assumption of responsibility for a display of communicative competence, nor am assumption of responsibility for or susceptibility to evaluation for the way in which the act of expression is done. "What are the implications of these two circumstances? The little girls' performance of an arkaŕs interpretation represents a striking instance of the use of an element from the conventional, structured performance system of the community in a novel, creative, and unexpected way to fashion a new kind of performance. The playful imitation of the chief's chant involves the reŕraming of what is conventionally a performance genre into another mode of communication - in this case the performance genre is not performed but is rendered in another frame.11 In both cases, the participants are using the structured, conventional performance system itself as a resource for creative manipulation, as a base on which a range of communicative transformations can be wrought (cf. Sacks 1974). The structured system stands available to them as a set of conventional expectations and associations, but these expectations and associations are further manipulated in innovative ways, by fashioning novel performances outside the conventional system, or working various VERBAL ART AS PERFORMANCE 179 f tftnational adaptations which turn performance into something else. This is a tia ,'n(iorly documented aspect of performance systems, but one richly deserving of V ) 'ts a key to the creative vitality and flexibility of performance in a community. The Emergent Quality of Performance stiĽäsŕng the creative aspect of optative performance, and the normative, struc- hI aspect of conventional performance, we do not mean to imply that the latter is f xcd 'ind frozen while creativity is confined to the former. Rather, the argument developed up to this point to highlight creativity in the use of the performance frame . If as a resource for communication provides the entree for the final theme to be developed in this paper, the emergent quality of all performance.12 The concept of emergence is necessary to the study of performances as a means toward compre- idmg the uniqueness of particular performances within the context of perform- ■e as a generalized cultural system in a community (cf. Georges 1969:319). The iioii,raphic construction of the structured, conventionalized performance system standardizes and homogenizes description, but all performances are not the same, and one wants to be able to appreciate the individuality of each, as well as the community-wide patterning of the overall domain. The emergent quality of performance resides in the interplay between communicative resources, individual competence, and the goals of the participants, within the context of particular situations. We consider as resources all those aspects of the communication system available to the members of a community for the conduct of performance. Relevant here are the keys to performance, genres, acts, events, and ground rules for the conduct of performance that make up the structured system of conventionalized performance for the community. The goals of the participants include those that ate intrinsic to performance - the display of competence, the focusing of attention on oneself as performer, the enhancement of experience - as well as the other desired ends toward which performance is brought to bear; these latter will be highly culture- and situation-specific. Relative competence, finally, has to do with relative degrees of proficiency in the conduct of performance. One of the first works to conceptualize oral literature in terms of emergent structures was Albert Lord's influential book, The Singer of Tales (1960), a study of Serbo-Croatian oral epic poetry for the light it sheds on the classic Homeric epic. Consider the following passage: Whether the performance takes place at home, in die coffee house, in the courtyard, or in the halls of a noble, the essential element of the occasion of singing that influences the form of the poetry is the variability and instability of the audience. The instability of the audience requires a marked degree or concentration on the part of the singer in order that he may sing at all; it also tests to the utmost his dramatic ability and his narrative skill in keeping the audience as attentive as possible. But it is the length of a song which is most affected by the audience's restlessness. The singer begins to tell his tale. If he is fortunate, he may find it possible to sing until he is tired without interruption from the audience. After a rest he will continue, if his audience still wishes. This may last until he finishes the song, and if his listeners are propitious and his mood heightened by their interest, he may lengthen his tale, savoring each descriptive passage. It is more likely that, instead of 180 RICHARD BAUMAN having this ideal occasion the singer wi]] realize shortly after beginning that his audic not receptive, and hence he will shorten his song so that it may be finished within the h time for which he feels the audience may be counted on. Or, if he misjudges, he may s never finish the song. Leaving out of consideration for the moment the question of thy of the singer, one can say that the length of the song depends upon the audience. (Loni 16-17} The characteristic context for the performance of the oral epics thai i 0r i describes is one in which the singer competes for the attention of his audienci" with other factors that may engage them, and in which the time available f0-performance is of variable duration. The epic form is remarkably well-suited tc the singer's combined need for fluency and flexibility. The songs are made up of tcn syllable, end-stopped lines with a medial caesura after the fourth syllable. In attun ing competence, the singer must master a personal stock of line and hall-line formulas for expressing character, action, and place, develop the capacity to gen erate formulaic expressions on the model of his fixed formulas, and learn to strim. together his lines in the development of the narrative themes out of which bis en» songs are built. The ready-madeness of the formulas makes possible the flume required under performance conditions, while the flexibility of the form allows thi singer to adapt his performance to the situation and the audience, making it longe and more elaborate, or shorter and less adorned, as audience response, his owi mood, and time constraints may dictate. And of course, the poetic skill of the singe is a factor in how strongly he can attract and hold the attention of the audience, hov sensitively he can adapt to their mood, and how elaborate he can make his song i conditions allow. Lord recorded sung versions of the same narratives from the sami singer and from different singers that varied in length by as much as severa thousand lines. Ultimately, one of Lord's chief contributions is to demonstrate the unique ant" emergent quality of the oral text, composed in performance. His analysis of tin dynamics of the tradition sets forth what amounts to a generative model of epi< performance. Although it has been argued that perhaps all verbal art is generatei anew in the act of performance (Maranda 1972), there is also ample evidence t< show that rote memorization and insistence on word-for-word fidelity to a fixed tex do play a part in the performance system of certain communities (see, e.g., Friedman 1961). The point is that completely novel and completely fixed texts represent thi poles of an ideal continuum, and that between the poles lies the range of emergen text structures to be found in empirical performance. The study of the factor: contributing to the emergent quality of the oral literary text promises to brinj about a major reconceptualization of the nature of the text, freeing it from thi apparent fixity it assumes when abstracted from performance and placed on thi written page, and placing it within an analytical context which focuses on the ven source of the empirical relationship between art and society (cf. Georges 1969:324) Other aspects of emergent structure are highlighted in Elinor Keenan's ethnogra phy of the Malagasy marriage kabary,1 an artful oratorical negotiation surrounding a marriage request (Keenan 1973). The kabary is conducted by two speechmakers-one representing the boy's family and one the girl's. The boy's speaker initiates eacl step of the kabary, which is then evaluated by the speaker for the girl. The latter m:i; indicate that he agrees with and approves of that step, urging his opposite numbei VERBAL ART AS PERFORMANCE 181 the next, or he may state that the other's words arc not according to tradition, °u he has made an error in the kabary. The boy's speaker must then be able to • -fv what he has said, to show that no error has been made, or, if he admits error, lľ must correct it by repeating the step the right way and paying a small fine to the girl's family- Keenan discovered, however, that there is no one unified concept of what confutes a correct kabary shared by all members of the community. Rather, there are ' ".pionah familial, generational, individual, and other differences of conception and t vie. This being so, how is it decided what constitutes an error? There is, first of all, 'preliminary meeting between the families, often with their respective speech-makers present, to establish the ground rules for the kabary. These are never fully nnclusive, however, and it is a prominent feature of the kabary that arguments concerning the ground rules occur throughout the event, with appeals to the preliminary negotiations becoming simply one set of the range of possible appeals to establish authoritative performance. Much of the impetus toward argument derives from conflicting pressures on the boy's speechmaker, who is obliged to admit to a certain range of errors, out of courtesy to the girl's family, but who is at the same time actuated by the motives of good performance, i.e., to establish his virtuosity as a performer. The girl's speech-maker, desirous of representing the family to best advantage, is likewise concerned to display his own skill as speechmaker. The arguments, as noted, concern the ground rules for the kabary with each party insisting on che obligatoriness of particular rules and features by appeal to various standards drawn from pre-kabary negotiation, generational, regional, and other stylistic differences. Of particular interest is the fact that the strength of the participants' insistence on the Tightness of their own way, their structural rigidity, is a function of the mood of the encounter, increasing as the tension mounts, decreasing as a settlement is approached. Ultimately, however, the practical goal of establishing an alliance between the two families involved takes precedence over all the speech-makers' insistence upon the conventions of kabary performance and their desire to display their performance skills; if the kabary threatens the making of the alliance, many are willing to reject the rules entirely to accomplish the larger goal. The most striking feature of the marriage request kabary as described by Keenan is the emergent structure of the performance event itself. The ground rules for performance, as negotiated and asserted by the participants, shift and fluctuate in terms of what they bring to the event and the way it proceeds once under way. This is an extreme case, in which the competitive dimension and conflicting pressures make for an especially variable and shifting event structure, but here again the question is one of degree rather than kind, for all but the most ideally stereotyped of performance events will have discernibly variable features of act sequence and/or ground rules for performance. The emergent structure of performance events is of special interest under conditions of change, as participants adapt established patterns of performance to new circumstances (Darnell 1974). In addition to text and event structure, we may uncover a third kind of structure emergent in performance, namely, social structure. To be sure, the emergent quality of social structure is not specific to situations involving performance. Indeed, there is an important line of inquiry in contemporary sociology which 182 RICHARD BAUMAN concerns itself with the creation of social structures in the course of and thro ■ l social interaction. The principle addressed here is related to Raymond Firth's articulator years ago, of the distinction between social structure and social organ in which the former is an abstract conception of ideal patterns of group re i of conventional expectations and arrangements, and the latter has to do wi i il ' systematic ordering of social relations by acts of choice and decisi , concrete activity. In Firth's terms, social organization is the domain of ">;■. u-i,.. from what has happened in apparently similar circumstances in the paSr Structural forms set a precedent and provide a limitation to the ranee n* alternatives possible,.. but it is the possibility of alternatives that makes for var bility. A person chooses, consciously or unconsciously, which course he will follov" (Firth 1961:40). What is missing from Firth's formulation is the centrality of situated social im. -. action as the context in which social organization, as an emergent, takes form. Tli current focus on the emergence of social structures in social interaction is principe i the contribution of ethno-methodology, the work of Garfinkel, Cicourel, Sacks, a- ' others. For these sociologists, '"the field of sociological analysis is anywhere ť sociologist can obtain access and can examine the way the 'social structure1 i> , meaningful ongoing accomplishment or members" (Phillipson 1972:162). To tin scholars too is owed, in large part, the recognition that language is a basic niiv through which social realities are uitersubjectively constituted and communicat (Phillipson 1972:140). From this perspective, insofar as performance is conceived ■ as communicative interaction, one would expect aspects of the social structure oft; interaction to be emergent from the interaction itself, as in any other such situatit ; Rosaldo's explication of the strategic role-taking and role-making she obseneel in the course of a meeting to settle a dispute over brideprice among the Mongot illuminates quite clearly the emergent aspect of social structure in that event (Rosaldo 1973). The conventions of such meetings and the oratorical performances of the interactants endow the interaction with a special degree of formalization and intensity, but the fact that artistic verbal performance is involved is not functionallv related to the negotiation of social structure on the level Rosaldo is concerned with Rather she focuses on such matters as the rhetorical strategies and consequences ( taking the role of father in a particular event, thus placing your interlocutor in th role of son, with its attendant obligations. There is, however, a distinctive potential in performance which has implication for the creation of social structure in performance. It is part of the essence t-performance that it offers to the participants a special enhancement of experience bringing with it a heightened intensity of communicative interaction which binds th audience to the performer in a way that is specific to performance as a mode c communication. Through his performance, the performer elicits the participativ attention and energy of his audience, and to the extent that they value his performance, they will allow themselves to be caught up in it. When this happens, the performer gains a measure of prestige and control over the audience - prestige because of the demonstrated competence he had displayed, control because the determination of the flow of the interaction is in his hands. When the performer gains control in this way, the potential for transformation of the social structure may VERBAL ART AS PERFORMANCE 183 e available to him as well (Burke 1969[1950]:58-9). The process is manifest following passage from Dick Gregory's autobiography: ricked on a lot around the neighborhood... I guess that's when 1 first began to learn humor, the power of a joke ... irst... I'd iust 8et ma^ ar,d run home and cry when the kids started. And then, I don't just when, I started to figure it out. They were going to laugh anyway, but if I made the hey'd laugh with me instead of at me. I'd get the kids off my back, on my side. So I'd e off chat Porcb talking about myself___ Refore they could get going, I'd knock it out first, fast, knock out those jokes so they uldn't have time to set and climb all over me___And they started to come over and listen nie they'd see me coming and crowd around me on the corner.... Everything began to change then___The kids began to expect to hear funny things from and after a while I could say anything I wanted. I got a reputation as a funny man. And then I starred to turn the jokes on them. (Gregory 1964:54-5; italics in original) Through performance, Gregory is able to take control of the situation, creating a social structure with himself at the center. At first he gains control by the artful use of the deprecatory humor that the other boys had formerly directed at him. The joking is still at his own expense, but he has transformed the situation, through performance, into one in which he gains admiration for his performance skills. Then, building on the control he gains through performance, he is able, by strategic use of his performance skills, to transform the situation still further, turning the humor aggressively against those who had earlier victimized him. In a very real sense, Gregory emerges from the performance encounters in a different social position vis-ä-vis the other boys from the one he occupied before he began to perform, and the change is a consequence of his performance in those encounters. The consideration of the power inherent in performance to transform social structures opens the way to a range of additional considerations concerning the role of the performer in society. Perhaps there is a key here to the persistently documented tendency for performers to be both admired and feared - admired for their artistic skill and power and for the enhancement of experience they provide, feared because of the potential they represent for subverting and transforming the status quo. Here too may lie a reason for the equally persistent association between performers and marginality or deviance, for in the special emergent quality of performance the capacity for change may be highlighted and made manifest to the community (see, e.g., Abrahams and Bauman 1971, n.d.; Azadovskii 1926:23-5; Glassie 1971:42-52; Szwed 1971:157-65). If change is conceived of in opposition to the conventionality of the community at large, then it is only appropriate that the agents of that change be placed away from the center of that conventionality, on the margins of society. Conclusion The discipline of folklore (and to an extent, anthropology as well) has tended throughout its history to define itself in terms of a principal focus on the traditional remnants of earlier periods, still to be found in those sectors of society that have been outdistanced by the dominant culture. To this extent, folklore has been largely the 184 RICHARD BAUMAN study of what Raymond Williams has recently termed '"residual culture," r "experiences, meanings and values which cannot be verified or cannot be exprc s, i in terms of the dominant culture, [but] are nevertheless lived and practised on t-k basis of the residue - cultural as well as social - of some previous social forma tin w ("Williams 1973:10-11). If the subject matter of the discipline is restricted to t-h residue of a specific cultural or historical period, then folklore anticipates its o\v demise, for when the traditions are fully gone, the discipline loses its raison ďfo (cf. Hymes 1962:678; Ben-Amos 1972:14). This need not be the case, however fn as Williams defines the concept, cultural elements may become part of residual culture as part of a continual social process, and parts of residual culture rnav be incorporated into the dominant culture in a complementary process. At best though, folklore as the discipline of residual culture looks backward to the past for its frame of reference, disqualifying itself from the study of the creations of contemporary culture until they too may become residual. Contrasted with residual culture in Williams' provocative formulation is "emergent culture," in which "new meanings and values, new practices, new significances and experiences are continually being created" (Williams 1973:11). This is a further extension of the concept of emergence, as employed in the preceding pages of this article, but interestingly compatible with it, for the emergent quality of experience is a vital factor in the generation of emergent culture. Emergent culture, though a basic element in human social life, has always lain outside the charter of folklore, perhaps in part for lack of a unified point of departure or frame of reference able to comprehend residual forms and items, contemporary practice, and emergent structures. Performance, we would offer, constitutes just such a point of departure, the nexus of tradition, practice, and emergence in verbal art. Performance may thus be the cornerstone of a new folkloristics, liberated from its backward-facing perspective, and able to comprehend much more of the totality of human experience. NOTES 1 In the development of the ideas presented in this essay I have profited greatly from discussions with many colleagues and students over the past several years, among whom Barbara Babcock-Abrahams, Dan Ben-Amos, Marcia Herndon, Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, John McDowell, Norma McLeod, Américo Paredes, Dina Sherzcr, and Beverly Stoeitje deserve special mention and thanks. My greatest debt, however, is to the three individuals who have stimulated and influenced my thinking most profoundly: Dell Hymes, for imparting to me the ethnographic perspective on verbal art and for his ideas on the nature of performance; Roger D. Abrahams, for focusing my attention on performance as an organizing principle for the study of folklore; and Joel Sherzer for sharing in the intellectual process all along the way. 2 Particularly important for tolkiorists is the seminal essay by Jansen (1957), and Lomax (1968), and Abrahams (1968, 1972). Two collections which reflect the performance orientation are Paredes and Bauman (1972) and Ben-Amos and Goldstein (1975). Bauman and Sherzer (1974) reflects a wider performance orientation, of which performance in verbal art is one aspect. Singer (1958a, 1958b, 1972) represents the perspective of an anthropologist on "cultural performances." Colby and Peacock (1973) contains a section on Performance Analysis which, however, ignores the work of folklorists in this field, an omission which is perhaps to be expected in an article on narrative which announces its deliberate neglect of folklore journals. 3 The term "spoken art" was suggested by Thomas Sebeok in discussion of Bascom's ideas on verbal art (Bascom 1955:246, n. 9; see also Dorson 1972:9). VERBAL ART AS PERFORMANCE 185 Richard Ohmann, in two recent articles, employs the same passage from Austin as a point of Heoarture for the formulation of a theory of literature based on Austin's theory of speech acts ŕOhmann 1971, 1972). Ohmann's argument is interesting in places, but its productiveness is severely limited by his failure - like Austin's - to recognize that the notion of strictly referential, '•literal" meaning has little, if any, relevance to the use or spoken language in social life. For a strong critique of the concept of "ordinary language," and the impoverishing effect it has on definitions of literature, see Fish (1973). c The notion of frame, though not necessarily the term, is used in a similar manner by other writers (see, e.g., Huizinga 1955; Milner 1955:86; Smith 1968; Uspensky 1972; Fish 1973:52-3). í Concerning the ecological model of communication underlying this formulation, are Sherzer and Bauman (1972) and Bauman and Sherzer (1974). 7 Mote that it is susceptibility to evaluation that is indicated here; in this formulation the status of an utterance as performance is independent of bow it is evaluated, whether it is judged good or bad, beautiful or ugly, etc. A bad performance is nonetheless a performance. On this point, see Hymes (1973:189-90). tl I have been influenced in this formulation by Hymes (1974, 1975), d'Azevedo (1958:706), Mukařovský (1964:19, 1970:21), and Goffman (1974). A similar conception of performance is developed in an unfinished paper by my former colleague Joseph Doherty (Doherty n.d.), whose recent tragic and untimely death occurred before he was able to complete his work, and prevented me from benefiting from discussions we planned but never had. Elli Köngäs Maranda seems to be operating in terms of a conception of verbal art which is similar in certain central respects to the one developed here (Maranda 1974:6). Compare also Fish's conception of literature (Fish 1973). A special word should be said of the use of "competence" and "performance" in the above formulation. Use of these terms, especially in such close juxtaposition, demands at least some acknowledgement of Noam Chomsky's contribution of both to the technical vocabulary of linguistics (Chomsky 1965:3^). It should be apparent, however, that both terms are employed in a very different way in the present work - competence in the sense advanced by Hymes (1^71 [and this volume)), and performance as formulated above. 9 The aspect of conventionality will be discussed below. 10 Ethics and esthetics are not always as coterminous as Gossen suggests, in summing up his analysis of the Chamula. In St. Vincent, for example, the domain "talking nonsense" is negatively valued in terms of ethics, but encompasses a range of speech activities with a strong performance element about them that is highly valued and much enjoyed in esthetic terms (Abrahams and Bauman 1971). Real, as against ideal, moral systems often accommodate more disreputability than anthropologists give them credit for, and the association between performance and disreputability has often been remarked (see Abrahams and Bauman n.d.). 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