Reinventing Modernity
Reflexive Modernization vs Liquid
Modernity vs Multiple Modernities
Raymond L.M. Lee
UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA, MALAYSIA
Abstract
Modernity has not collapsed under the weight of postmodern criticisms. On
the contrary, it has rebounded with greater vigour as witnessed by the
emergence of new terms such as reflexive modernization, liquid modernity
and multiple modernities. These terms suggest that modernity can no longer
be conceptualized in the singular. Yet the pluralization of modernity does
not necessarily imply that there is a new consensus about the meaning of
modernity. The appearance of these terms can be regarded as specific
attempts to transcend postmodern critiques. Comparison of these new terms
provides an understanding of their usage in the context of the decline of
postmodernism and the direction of contests over the meaning of
modernity.
Key words
 diversity  liquidity  modernity  postmodernism  reflexivity
The emergence of postmodernism in the 1980s challenged modernity as the
reigning paradigm of world development. According to the postmodern view,
the world merely constituted a play of differences and society could be reduced
to a text. Postmodernism could not go beyond its criticisms of modernity, render-
ing itself vulnerable to accusations of relativism and nihilism. Since the mid-
1990s, dissatisfaction with postmodernism has prompted a return to modernist
themes (Alexander, 1995: 86). Several new approaches to the changing nature of
modernity have been proposed. They include `reflexive modernization', `liquid
modernity' and `multiple modernities'. These new approaches do not necessarily
suggest a convergence of views in regard to the redefinition of modernity. Each
connotes a particular response to postmodernism and represents a different
vision of what modernity entails. The aim of this article is to compare these three
approaches to modernity in terms of: (1) their responses to postmodernism; (2)
their central arguments; and (3) their implications for the renewal of modernity.
European Journal of Social Theory 9(3): 355­368
Copyright  2006 Sage Publications: London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi
www.sagepublications.com DOI: 10.1177/1368431006065717
Responses to Postmodernism
The new approaches to modernity constitute theoretical positions that dispute
the emergence of a new era marking the end of modernity. At the same time,
they address the continuity of modernity as requiring new concepts that can meet
the challenges of postmodernism. Of these new approaches, reflexive modern-
ization stands out as a first-line defence against postmodernism in its insistence
on the role of rational agency in a world characterized by the runaway effects of
modernity. Reflexive modernization is associated with the works of Anthony
Giddens (1990, 1991) and Ulrich Beck (1992; Beck et al., 1994). Central to this
discourse of modernity is the notion that individual actors are capable of self-
monitoring activities, which contribute to the way social situations are perceived,
assessed and changed. Reflexivity is not only a concept dealing with rationality
and the decision-making process. It is embedded within an action-oriented
approach to social change that sharpens the awareness of social responsibility and
culpability. According to Cohen and Kennedy (2000: 86), the `widening exercise
of reflexivity is partly linked to the development of mass education and the wide
dissemination not just of scientific knowledge but of the principle of doubt on
which scientific method is built'. In other words, reflexive modernization is not
only premised on the modernization of structures but also on knowledge-based
faculties that provide the means for overcoming the dire consequences of modern
growth. It represents another level of modernity that is self-confrontational (Beck
et al., 1994: 5), critically appraising institutional and individual behaviour
without the ludic sensibility of postmodernism.
Unlike the anti-foundational perspective of postmodernism, reflexive modern-
ization is decisively programmatic in the sense of utilizing individual freedom to
address the risks incurred in the modern context. This entails transforming the
disillusionment with modernity by systematically reviewing and possibly redraw-
ing the boundaries erected in modernity. In a recent statement, Beck, Bonss and
Lau (2003) conceptualized reflexive modernization as a `second modernity' to
question and analyse the construction of boundaries within and between
societies. This constitutes a programmatic effort to identify the nature of
boundary construction and the power to change boundaries.
Reflexive modernization can be regarded as a wary response to postmod-
ernism's claims of transcendence in the context of social changes in Europe that
focuses on neo-liberal reforms. Modernity emerging from these reforms must
stress a new foundation based on a pursuit of economic and political integration
in Western Europe, especially after the fall of the Soviet Union and the develop-
ment of a new optimism for European unity. Under these circumstances, reflex-
ive modernization as a theory of modernity in the 1990s reflects to a certain
extent the political agenda of that period. As such, it is a theory that is pragmat-
ically oriented to questions of reconstruction rather than deconstruction as in
postmodernism. Yet, the issue of risk and uncertainty that lies at the heart of
reflexive modernization is very much a postmodern concern dealing with non-
rational events. This would make it seem as if reflexive modernization is a distant
European Journal of Social Theory 9(3)3 5 6
cousin of postmodernism. However, this is not the case because the risks implied
in reconstruction are not simply experienced as a linguistic game but as a reflex-
ive process involving individual and collective decisions. It means that
confronting uncertainty need not be fatally accepted but can be pragmatically
managed as part of self-monitoring activities. Thus, the theory as applied to
social change in Europe and elsewhere attempts to bring to realization a sustain-
able economic and political environment under the aegis of modernity.
In contrast to reflexive modernization that is programmatically reconstructive,
liquid modernity is critically concerned with the ephemeral condition of
contemporary society. It is a theory of social change that attempts to uncover the
consequences of advanced social differentiation and alienation. This view of
modernity represents the recent work of Zygmunt Bauman (2000) whose earlier
writings on postmodernity (1992, 1993) had earned him the epithet `prophet of
postmodernity' (Smith, 2000). However, Bauman no longer addresses social
problems within a postmodern perspective, preferring to redefine postmodernity
as `modernity in its liquid phase' and `the era of disembedding without re-
embedding' (Bauman and Tester, 2001: 89).
In liquid modernity, Bauman (2000: 14) views the world as inexorably tran-
sient, producing a sense of impermanence that he describes as `the new lightness
and fluidity of the increasingly mobile, slippery, shifty, evasive and fugitive
power'. This approach to modernity accomplishes two goals: (1) overcoming the
limitations of postmodernism; and (2) putting back on track the modern
problem of institutional stability. By substituting liquid modernity for post-
modernity, Bauman is in effect declaring that the modern era is not yet over and
we are not limited to a condition of différance, i.e. an infinite regress of percep-
tual differences. There is the possibility of the postmodern which gives us pause
for thought but the present world is still empirically modern and needs to be
addressed as such. With the concept of liquid modernity, there is no risk of
slipping into a postmodern parody of contemporary problems. Instead, liquid
modernity constitutes a direct critique of contemporary welfare society. As
Abrahamson puts it in his review of Bauman's work:
the road liquid modernity is going down currently leads to unbearable human
suffering and injustice . . . where political and economic instability pushes apparently
increasing numbers of people to escape their place and seek, but not find, decent lives
elsewhere. (2004: 177)
However, the idea of modernity being liquid can be regarded as continuous with
the postmodern stress on the flexibility and mutability of all relationships. In
other words, the modern problem of institutional stability has been reinterpreted
within certain terms inherent to the postmodern perspective. This approach to
transcending postmodernism without abandoning some of its ideas can also be
seen in the concept of social fluids (Turner, 2003). For Turner, modernist
concepts of linearity and order are being `displaced by concepts of social fluids
and social melting' (2003: 9). This new sense of liquefaction and desultoriness
suggests that fixed categories have become otiose, unable to reflect rapidly
Lee Reinventing Modernity 3 5 7
changing circumstances and social or cultural upheavals. It is precisely due to this
inability to appreciate the `global world of social fluids' that the human body is
seen to be threatened and overwhelmed by new technologies and diseases result-
ing from uncontrollable flows of populations and cultures (2003: 8). Social
fluidity has created new frontiers of experience and knowledge, exposing
humanity to uncharted territories of identity formation and management. Like
the endless movements of contemporary society, the human body has come to
represent a site of identity contests. The fluidity of identity brings with it a new
sense of freedom as well as challenges to preconceived notions of institutional
stability. Liquid situations provide ample opportunities for innovation, thus
undermining all efforts to establish firm bases in collective projects.
Like liquid modernity, the term `multiple modernities' began making its
appearance at about the time postmodernism went into recession. Many works
have utilized this term to suggest or advocate a new condition of worldwide
modernity that cannot be accounted for by postmodern theorists (Taylor, 1999;
Eisenstadt, 2000; Sachsenmaier et al., 2002; Kaya, 2004). Postmodernism
assailed modernity's foundations but did not engage with the question concern-
ing the global spread of modernity and its mutation into multiple modernities.
It could not imagine the possibility of other modernities because it was single-
mindedly propounding the end of modernity. For many postmodernists, the
critique of modernity was not necessarily equivalent to a discussion of the fate
of modernity in the Third World and non-Western countries (Lee, 1994a). To
discourse on postmodernism implied a preoccupation with problems of Western
ontology rather than the meaning of modernity in the non-Western/Third
World. Hence, postmodernism circumvented the issue of non-Western/Third
World development and found little or no resonance in Third World debates on
the consequences of modernity (Lee, 1994b).
For this reason, the concept of multiple modernities cannot be construed as
a direct response to the decline of postmodernism. Rather, it can be regarded as
an outcome of globalization issues focusing on the spread of modernity and not
its demise. These issues take into consideration `the dialectics of modernity in its
globalization' which `allows for recognition of both the unities and the divisions
of a contemporary modernity' (Dirlik, 2003: 289). In other words, multiple
modernities can be taken to represent a reworking of modernity by challenging
the assumptions of modernity as equivalent to the West (Kaya, 2004: 50). There
is a convergence here between multiple modernities and postmodernism because
both attempt to undermine modernity's foundation by questioning its
hegemony. Yet multiple modernities is basically a concept of cultural diversity or
multiplicity that disputes a universal approach to modernity biased by Western
experience, unlike postmodernism which poses critical questions for overcoming
modernity altogether. Hence, the implications of multiple modernities are not
explicitly critical of modernity as a metanarrative but as a vehicle of Western
domination.
This comparison of the relationship between postmodernism and the new
approaches to modernity suggests that postmodernism did not kill off modernity
European Journal of Social Theory 9(3)3 5 8
but gave it a new lease of life. Each of the new approaches poses the possibility
of modernity transcending postmodern scepticism. Whether it is in the theme
of reconstruction in reflexive modernization, alienation in liquid modernity, or
cultural multiplicity in multiple modernities, modernity is still envisaged as
maintaining a structural presence that defies the parodies of postmodernism. To
understand the nature of this presence, we will next examine the central argu-
ments of these approaches and their criticisms.
Central Arguments and Criticisms
The central arguments of these new approaches revolve around basic concepts
such as reflexivity for reflexive modernization, fluidity for liquid modernity and
diversity for multiple modernities. Reflexivity is tied to the theme of reconstruc-
tion in reflexive modernization as its concern with experience, knowledge and
change impacts directly on decisions and policies to bring about improved social
conditions. Fluidity is related to the theme of alienation in liquid modernity in
the sense that the lack of institutional stability provides the condition leading to
less enduring relationships and new forms of loneliness. Diversity is undoubt-
edly a concept that embraces the theme of cultural multiplicity since it is not
possible to discuss difference without referring to variations in cultural patterns.
My aim here is to discuss these concepts as they relate to the central arguments.
These arguments also include a discussion of tradition, if by tradition is meant
the established structure of actions predating the onset of modernity. Tradition
is often contrasted with modernity since it constitutes the basis from which social
transformation becomes possible.
Reflexive modernization attempts to say something about the Western experi-
ence with world-mastery. It emphasizes the role of reflexivity as a way of dealing
with Western disaffection with modernity. Indeed, reflexivity suggests the
continuing effort to remodel modernity as the unfinished task of the Western
enlightenment. In this process, reflexivity stands out as an engine of further self-
discovery that fuels the argument for radical reform. This is attested by Beck's
recent statement that reflexive modernization concerns radical social change
through the modernization of modernity's own foundations (Beck et al., 2003).
In this argument, reflexivity is called upon to define new boundaries, which for
Beck and his associates constitutes a theory of second modernity focusing on
the pluralization of boundaries (and identities). Second modernity concerns the
conscious marking or redrawing of boundaries and its consequences, unlike the
first modernity where social differentiation occurred with little or no reflexivity.
The concern with how reflexivity can be used socially and politically has
prompted critics to construe reflexive modernization as a nave quest to resolve
the apparent chaos of the so-called first modernity. Alexander (1996: 133), for
example, dismissed the theory as a return to simplistic modernization arguments
that failed to consider the cultural component of social action. A more poignant
criticism comes from Shields (n.d.) who argued that the theory is parochially
Lee Reinventing Modernity 3 5 9
positioned as an internal critique of modernity rather than a comprehensive one
that includes non-Western or non-First World viewpoints. In particular, Shields
considered reflexive modernization as lacking clarity on the historicity and
cultural specificity of boundaries. These are not only criticisms of naveté but
also of cultural insensitivity. Reflexive modernization seems to represent a type
of quick fix that is immune to its own cultural assumptions.
For Argyrou (2003), this immunity raises critical questions about the possi-
bility of a hidden agenda that further differentiates the First World from non-
First World peoples (known collectively as the Other). The centripetal forces that
are pulling the Other towards modernity's core have come to be seen as threat-
ening the imagination of modernity's own uniqueness. In these circumstances,
how can modernity maintain a sphere of difference while the quest for sameness
in modernization goes unchecked? The key to the strategy of difference lies in
the concept of reflexivity that makes modernity in the West unlike that emerging
elsewhere. In one stroke, reflexivity freezes the traditional in time and banishes
other modernities to alien territory. As a result, modernity reifies itself as a
thoroughly reflexive project `superior to everyone else, to all traditional conditions
and all other, "lesser" modernities in the world' (Argyrou, 2003: 39).
The challenge to reflexive modernization as a programme of reconstruction
lies in its ability to handle the question of tradition in the West and elsewhere.
Does reconstruction through reflexivity imply the exclusion of tradition or its
reorganization as a new order of action? To answer this question, we can return
to Giddens's (1991: 2) choice to treat modernity as a `post-traditional order, but
not one in which the sureties of tradition and habit have been replaced by the
certitude of rational knowledge'. What this suggests is that not every aspect of a
traditional system can be thoroughly exorcised by modern knowledge and prac-
tices because there is a place within modernity for the continuation of traditional
symbols and meanings. A post-traditional order is, therefore, a special arrange-
ment of the modern and the traditional resting on a utilitarian consensus
between them, but it can also result in dissonance. One reason for this disson-
ance is reflexivity, as Giddens puts it:
Today, we see a definite tendency to seek to re-establish vanished traditions or even
construct new ones . . . [W]hether tradition can effectively be recreated in conditions
of high modernity is seriously open to doubt. Tradition loses its rationale the more
thoroughly reflexivity, coupled to expert systems, penetrates to the core of everyday
life. The establishment of `new traditions' is plainly a contradiction in terms. Yet . . .
a return to sources of moral fixity in day-to-day life, in contrast to the `always revisable'
outlook of modern progressivism, is a phenomenon of some importance. Rather than
constituting a regression towards a `Romantic refusal' of modernity, it may mark an
incipient move beyond a world dominated by internally referential systems. (1991:
206­7)
Thus, reflexivity is not only an instrument of doubt that jeopardizes traditional
foundations, but it also agitates modern individuals to seek pre-modern sources
of moral understanding. In other words, reflexive modernization attempts to
overcome tradition by its self-monitoring activities that can set in motion a trend
European Journal of Social Theory 9(3)3 6 0
of continuous revision to differentiate the modern from the traditional. It can
lead to an internally referential system of knowledge and power that is diamet-
rically opposed to the moral governance of everyday life in traditional terms
(Giddens, 1991: 145). Yet, reaction to the `evaporation of morality' forms the
condition for the perceived necessity of tradition to re-anchor the self in a rapidly
changing world. Therefore, contrary to Argyrou's argument, reflexive modern-
ization cannot really distance itself completely from tradition because of its
ambivalence towards tradition. The power of doubt in reflexivity frees internal
criticism from its own dogmatic tendencies, such that the critique of modernity's
foundation is not necessarily a unilateral return to tradition but a reconsidera-
tion of the meaningfulness of tradition in modernity's own unfolding. Hence,
the post-traditional order provides reflexive modernization with the occasion for
re-calibrating the meaning of tradition without insisting on an absolute separ-
ation of modernity from tradition. Whether this rapprochement with tradition
can be extended to the modernizing experiences of the non-Western world has
not been tested and remains an open question that reflexive modernists will have
to tackle in the future.
Unlike the criticism that reflexive modernization resembles a type of
parochialism that sets it off from other forms of modern development, liquid
modernity connotes an alternative condition of development that does not
differentiate between modernities. It suggests a scenario of rapid levelling in
culture and economy, originating in the West and spreading throughout the
whole world. Through the concept of fluidity, Bauman (2000: 6) tells us that we
are now witnessing the dissolution of `bonds which interlock individual choices
in collective projects and actions'. All are subject to the processes of homogeniza-
tion stemming from the unimpeded flow of global capital. As developments in
science, technology and rationality, bolstered by global capital, exert pressures on
all societies and cultures in the world to modernize, reflexivity may be no more
than a pin-prick on a juggernaut that sets out to dissolve all boundaries and
differences. In short, liquid modernity is contributing to a new global mass
society (Lee, 2005).
In liquid modernity, borders and boundaries are superfluous in a world char-
acterized by unrestrained changes that promote the ethic of consumerism. To
Bauman (1998: 85), consumerism connotes the quest to satisfy increasing needs
and so the consumer `is a person on the move and bound to remain so'. Everyone
in this liquid world is by definition a nomad of novelty because fluidity creates
new needs that are not constrained by space and time. To be fluid is to be
nimble, being able to blend in with the others and reduce signs of difference.
Consciousness in a liquid situation expands to absorb the mish-mash of objects
produced and offered in a widening modern environment. Unlike reflexive
consciousness that is a judgmental consciousness, liquid consciousness becomes
more beholden to the senses than to individual reason. Such consciousness
cannot but turn modernity into a vast playground of sensual sameness. Reflex-
ivity then becomes an insignificant or inconsequential aspect of a largely de-
sublimated environment.
Lee Reinventing Modernity 3 6 1
Unlike reflexive modernization, liquid modernity is less likely to generate
ambivalence towards tradition because it implies a condition of dissolution and
absorption that subordinates tradition to modernity. In liquid modernity, `[a]ny
dense and tight network of social bonds . . . is an obstacle to be cleared out of
the way' (Bauman, 2000: 14). Bauman himself did not explicitly bring tradition
into his discussion of liquid modernity, probably because he considered the social
bonds in tradition to be vulnerable to modernity's melting powers. Indeed,
Bauman's suggestion that liquid modernity is nothing more than a process of
`disembedding without re-embedding' (Bauman and Tester, 2001: 89) is a
commentary on the fading of traditions. What is wrenched from tradition
cannot be securely reestablished as another foundation under conditions of
liquid modernity. In other words, tradition does not necessarily disappear when
liquefied but is likely to be realigned or recomposed as a new experience that is
commensurate with the desires and expectations of the present context. New
arrangements come into place, not as a result of reflexivity, but as the taking over
of one form of experience by another ad infinitum. Liquid modernity is, there-
fore, a generator of novel experiences surpassing all traditions. Cultural mixtures
and collages of traditions become accepted as the `real thing' in a borderless world
that places no limits on the production of ersatz images. This is most vividly
brought out in global tourism where hundreds of thousands of itinerant
consumers travel the world to seek new sights and experiences without the need
to know or understand traditions. Hence, dead traditions are revived or new
traditions invented as a form of entertainment for global tourists. MacCannell
(1976) called this phenomenon `staged authenticity' to highlight the loss of the
original meaning of tradition as customary practice untainted by global changes.
Global tourism promoted by liquid modernity is likely to devalue tradition as a
basis of cultural continuity. Instead, tradition is placed on a consumer's pedestal.
It can still generate a sense of cultural identity but not necessarily the solidarity
defining the future of a particular cultural group.
There is a sense of an eternal present built into liquid modernity. The world
is changing at a rapid pace, fuelled by capitalist expansionism, technological
innovations and rabid consumerism. It would appear that such change makes it
necessary for people to live feverishly for the moment, going along with the latest
fashion and being seen as highly responsive to the new and the popular. Bauman
is, in effect, describing a kind of alienation in liquid modernity where the break-
down of social bonds does not necessarily lead to personal disintegration but to
heightened flexibility that blocks out critical consciousness. In other words,
fluidity creates more gullibility and egocentrism. Given this condition of
modernity, it is surprising that Bauman does not offer a theory of resistance to
a world that is so fluidly commoditized, a dystopia of delight where no one feels
the need to be sceptical.
Although such a world seems to have arrived, it does not remain unchallenged
as a singular global condition. Resistance to a universal view of modernity takes
as its starting point the idea that modernity is an inclusive, mutating project
leading to multiple modernities. This implies that modernity cannot be sheltered
European Journal of Social Theory 9(3)3 6 2
from its own potential to become unlike itself. In other words, the experience of
modernity in different societies undermines its plausibility as a unidimensional
project. By taking on modernity as a project of social transformation, each society
comes to question the linear path of development assumed by the agents of
modernization.
By pluralizing the word, modernity, the distinction between First, Second and
Third Worlds was erased to suggest that former colonies have now overcome the
divide between modernity and tradition that once stigmatized their condition.
Multiple modernities can be regarded as an incisive critique against the assump-
tion that modernity is an exclusively Western project. If colonialism had through
its institutions of domination contributed to the hubris of modernity, advocates
of multiple modernities can now claim to disprivilege colonialism's self-
aggrandizement of its civilizing mission by offering alternative interpretations of
social change. For instance, Kaya has argued:
the assumptions of modernity as equivalent to the West must be problematized so as
to show the tenability of the concept of multiple modernities. For this to be shown,
it must be argued that the modernization of non-western societies cannot be viewed
merely as westernization or Europeanization. Existing social theory, a product of
Western experience, cannot be valid for analysing non-western experiences of
modernity. We would insist that the openness of modernity to interpretation provides
an important opportunity for anyone who aims at arguing for multiple modernities.
(2004: 50)
This statement reflects dissatisfaction with a universal approach to modernity
biased by Western experience, which is influenced by the vast colonial projects
of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. By inventing multiple moderni-
ties, it is possible to ask how modernity affected colonial subjects to produce new
attitudes that reshaped the meaning of modernity. It implies that `former colonial
"subjects" of Euro/American projects of modernity are empowered in a post-
colonial world to assert their own projects of modernity' (Dirlik, 2003: 286).
The realization that modernity is not a project but one encompassing many
possibilities of development places tradition in a unique situation of facilitating
social change by readjusting cultural practices. In a sense, such change does not
destroy traditions but redefines them through innovative actions to produce a
modern context not shorn of traditions. Thus, multiple modernities guarantee
the continuity of tradition but not necessarily in its original form. The concept
of diversity emphasizes the localization of modernity in which diverse traditions
do not disappear completely, but are transformed or absorbed into new forms of
thought and action. In effect, it is this diversity that determines the multiple
trajectories of the modernity project.
However, it can be argued that multiple modernities are actually modernities
at risk because the transformation of traditions can promote as well as challenge
the legitimacy of existing institutions. Whereas colonialism tends to introduce
modernity from the elite level down and thus presents a semblance of elitist tran-
sition, multiple modernities are likely to encounter a highly complex situation
Lee Reinventing Modernity 3 6 3
of multi-level interaction between the new and the old. This type of situation
increases the possibility of resistance because it cannot be assumed that agents of
modernization are able to determine precisely the appropriate level for fusing the
new and the old. Furthermore, elites may not even play a vital role in such fusion
since the postcolonial context does not call for the collaboration between a
colonizing power and local leaders. In multiple modernities, it is the historical
background that provides a perspective to the risks entailed in social transform-
ation, and thus emphasizes the particularistic aspect of the emergence of
modernity.
The particularism of multiple modernities suggests an expanding arena of value
conflicts. Each of the emerging modernities represents a specific mixture of the
modern and the traditional that may be in sharp contrast to others. For instance,
the Confucian factor in East Asian modernization may be at odds with the
individualism of Western modernity. Confucianism represents a type of cultural
conservatism that seems to have worked in tandem with the rapid economic
growth of several East Asian societies. However, it does not fare well as source of
individualistic values because the moral fabric it advances places little or no
importance on the satisfaction of individualistic desires (Lee, 1997). Conflict of
values arising from multiple modernities means that it is futile to speak of a
common core of values inherent to any effort to modernize. If modernity is
generally interpreted as a systematic drive to seek world-mastery, then multiple
modernities represent the myriad cultural routes to attaining control of various
aspects of the life-world. Each cultural route may attempt to assert its influence
over the others. Hence, the conflict of values in multiple modernities reflects the
struggle of identities in redefining the meaning of modernity.
Each identity involved in this struggle is free to invoke traditions as essential
to the reworking of modernity. The role of traditions in organizing identity
suggests that multiple modernities can be perceived as specific expressions of
culture. It implies that the conditions under which modernity is reorganized and
represented have symbolic value insofar as they come to encompass cultural
meanings vital to identity needs. The incorporation of traditional elements in
multiple modernities is, therefore, an exercise in the rearrangement of symbols
that comes to project an exclusive identity for a specific modernity. The admix-
ture of symbols may be imprecise in the sense that it is a loose arrangement, which
can be manipulated or even politicized for the expression of a particular identity.
Multiple modernities are in effect arenas of symbolic differences in which one
type of modernity is set off from another in terms of the cultural content organ-
ized around the meaning of identity. Thus, the Confucianized modernity of East
Asia is said to represent a set of symbolic values rooted in East Asian culture that
allegedly reinforce the ethics necessary for the construction of a modern society.
Consequently, this type of modernity can be depicted as unique to East Asia
because Confucian values lack relevance in other societies. Even within East Asia,
the common core of Confucian values found in China, Japan, Korea, Taiwan and
Singapore may not be sufficient to represent a specific modernity, since each
country with its individual historical and cultural development has generated its
European Journal of Social Theory 9(3)3 6 4
own niche in the modernity bandwagon. Certainly, the Chinese are not likely to
have developed the same sense of modernity as the Japanese or the Koreans even
though all three cultures are deeply influenced by Confucian values.
Multiple modernities exist as cultural entities because they are concerned with
the creation of unique identities arising from the intersection of tradition, inno-
vation and the quest for world-mastery. This struggle to establish unique iden-
tities suggests that multiple modernities are potentially nationalistic because it is
impossible to speak of the emergence of one kind of modernity without refer-
ring to its national identity. Thus, the idea of a Chinese modernity or a Japanese
modernity bespeaks the notion of nationality as an underlying factor in the
construction of modernity that is fundamentally unique to a particular nation.
By attempting to divest modernity of Western exclusiveness, the postcolonial
voices of multiple modernities are likely to end up promoting different forms of
nationalism to address the meaning of new cultural foundations.
The Fate of Modernity
Comparison of these new approaches suggests that modernity is unlikely to
return to a singular vision of world-mastery. It means that modernity has lost its
classical standing and now represents a spectrum of meanings marked by differ-
ent cultural agendas. Each of these approaches can be construed as a way of
reconceptualizing the foundation of modernity undermined by postmodern
scepticism. Reflexive modernization represents an attempt to reconstruct the
foundation of the `first modernity'. Liquid modernity offers a view of modernity
with an aqueous rather than a solid foundation. Multiple modernities suggest
the unlimited mixing of the modern and the traditional under conditions of
vertiginous variability.
These approaches do not converge with regard to the renewal of modernity.
Reflexive modernization is a theory of modern reconstruction advocating a
programme of reform in forging a sustainable condition of equality and unity. It
speaks to defenders of modernity who are not yet convinced that its foundation
is a mere illusion. Reflexivity is seen to provide the means by which the social
and political environment can be critically appraised in the maintenance of this
foundation. However, for theorists like Bauman, this environment is far from
ideal in forging a sustainable condition of equality and unity because the foun-
dation on which it rests has been liquefied without any prospect of returning to
an original solid state. Liquid modernity is inadvertently the antithesis of reflex-
ive modernization because it is not a theory of modern reconstruction but of
rapacious change due to the relentlessness of global capital. The liquidity of the
world suggests that everything is readily absorbed, dissolved and adulterated. It
lacks the optimism implied in reflexivity because fluid situations cannot easily
be controlled and contained. This means that reflexive modernists would have
to argue the case for a strong foundation that can withstand the process of lique-
faction. They can possibly accomplish this through a reflexivity that initiates and
Lee Reinventing Modernity 3 6 5
leads to new institutions to meet the challenges posed by liquefaction. In short,
reflexivity implies a process of re-embedding.
On the other hand, multiple modernities tend to represent non-Western/
Third World expressions of postcolonial social growth. It means that multiple
modernities do not necessarily identify with the reconstructive programme of
reflexive modernization or the image of fluidity in liquid modernity, both of
which are associated with developments in the West. As a corollary of post-
colonialism, multiple modernities seek to deconstruct the colonial assumptions
of modernity as universal and hegemonic. For Kaya (2004), it is the openness of
modernity to interpretation that can lead to the perspective of multiple moder-
nities without excluding the different features of non-Western cultures. Yet this
would imply that such an interpretation must consider how multiple moderni-
ties relate to the distinction between first and second modernity raised by reflex-
ive modernists. Are multiple modernities based on foundations without invoking
a reflexive process as in the first modernity, or are they by definition reflexive, as
in the second modernity, because of a conscious need to include non-Western
features in their foundations? Multiple modernities do not grow on trees, so to
speak, and therefore require a definition of their foundations. In that regard, they
also have to confront the question of liquidity that threatens all foundations. Are
multiple modernities immune to the fluidity of global capital or are they liquid
in nature but with non-Western features? In other words, multiple modernities
cannot develop in isolation of the considerations of reflexivity and liquidity and
must engage with these questions if they are to attain some plausibility.
What, then, is the fate of modernity in the light of these new strands of post-
postmodern thinking? First, these new theories of modernity suggest that it is
futile to return to another round of postmodern deconstruction. The world is
seen as adamantly modern but requires new perspectives for understanding
contemporary problems. These perspectives, informed by the concepts of reflex-
ivity, liquidity and diversity, place modernity on a multidimensional path that
does not lead to a single destiny but to a variety of outcomes yet to be system-
atically studied. What seem to be lacking at this stage of theorizing are empiri-
cal studies of modernity that utilize the concepts of reflexivity, liquidity and
diversity. Each of these concepts can be applied to specific settings where the
dichotomy between the modern and the traditional is undergoing rapid trans-
formation. The breakdown of this dichotomy in the light of how reflexivity,
liquidity and diversity are contributing to new social patterns is likely to provide
a better picture of the direction modernity is taking in different societies. The
implication here is that we can endeavour to examine whether the three concepts
are complementary, i.e. can reflexivity be institutionalized as a means to assess
and control liquidity and in the process provide new cultural ways to determine
the extent to which diversity can be maintained? In other words, despite the
different agendas posed by these three concepts, future empirical studies may
possibly demonstrate the varying levels in which these concepts operate as `checks
and balances' in contemporary processes of modern development such as labour
migration, consumerism, technology transfer and class/ethnic formations.
European Journal of Social Theory 9(3)3 6 6
Second, modernity is no longer considered an exclusively Western phenom-
enon but is undeniably global in its current phase. The classical theorists offered
explanations of modernity based largely on Western experiences, but in its
current phase it is necessary to go beyond these explanations to include both
Western and non-Western experiences. If such a view is taken, then it is possible
to apply the concepts of reflexivity, liquidity and diversity in a global manner
without limiting each to a particular country or area of the world. The reality of
a borderless world suggests that future studies of modernity will have to take into
consideration the influence of these concepts across countries and areas of the
world. For example, we can ask if reflexivity in one society affects reflexivity in
another society, and if so, how that alters the relationship between modernity
and tradition in both societies.
Third, contests over the meaning of modernity suggest that its unfolding
cannot be isolated from the plural condition of the contemporary world. This
was the condition celebrated by postmodernists but must now be accepted by
theorists seeking to offer new perspectives of modernity. Postmodernists insisted
that the era of modernity was past but they failed to realize that the plural
condition touted by them was also the source of new forms of modernity. It is
this condition that has given rise to competing ideas about the current phase of
modernity and can be empirically analysed for a better understanding of how
these ideas have come about.
It can be concluded from this comparison that the paradigm of modernity
has not only survived the criticisms of postmodernism, but it has also blossomed
into multiple paradigms to reflect the plural condition in the world. Conduct-
ing empirical research for each of these paradigms would give us a chance to
assess their applicability in different parts of the world.
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 Raymond Lee was formerly Associate Professor of Sociology at the University
of Malaya, Malaysia. He is the co-author of two books on religious identity and
change in Malaysia, Heaven in Transition: Non-Muslim Religious Innovation and
Ethnic Identity in Malaysia (University of Hawaii Press, 1988) and Sacred Tensions:
Modernity and Religious Transformation in Malaysia (University of South Carolina
Press, 1997) and a recent book on The Challenge of Religion after Modernity:
Beyond Disenchantment (Ashgate, 2002). He is also the author of The Tao of
Representation: Postmodernity, Asia and the West (Nova Science, 1999). His
recent publications concerning the problem of death in modernity appeared in
Illness, Crisis & Loss and the Journal of Near-Death Studies. Address: c/o Anthro-
pology and Sociology, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. [email:
rlmlee@tm.net.my] 
European Journal of Social Theory 9(3)3 6 8