The Sexual Division of Labour and Women's Heterogeneity
Catherine Hakim
The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 47, No. 1. (Mar., 1996), pp. 178-188.
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Catherine Hakinl
The sexual division of labour and women's
heterogeneity
The comments by Bruegel and by Ginn et al. (hereafter the Eleven)on my
article 'Five feminist myths about female employmenť (Hakim 1995b)do
not constitute a step forward in research and debate on female
employment. Bruegel agreeswith meon all main issues;herdisagreements
are on points of detail rather than fundamental substance and are
presented too briefly to be clear. The Eleven provide a catalogue of
selective evidence of the kind that characterizes advocacy research rather
than detached and dispassionate social science. What they say is generally
arguable. The problem is that they do not give the complete story and the
parts they leave out change our conclusions fundamentally. T o takejust
one example, the Eleven quote a paper by Rubery et al. showing that
women part-timersare'overqualifieď fortheirjobs, but failtomention that
the paper also shows full-timers tobe similarly 'overqualifieď for theirjobs.
The paper also shows that it is full-time workers, men and women, who
most often wish to change their employer if they could, not part-timers.
This ishardly consistentwith the notion that employers exploit part-timers
in particular. They also fail to note that in the same paper part-timers
report theirjobs tobejust assecureand permanent asfull-timejobs-so this
can hardly be the cause of higher turnover among part-timers (Rubery et
al. 1994:214,225,227).There isa greatdeal of valuable research evidence
in this source and other recent publications that the Eleven similarly
ignore. On balance, the research evidence shows that part-time work does
not changeawoman's primary self-identityasa housewife,doesnot change
her bargaining power and weight in decision-makingand does not change
her role in the household. From a sociological perspective, part-timers can
be grouped with housewives rather than with wage workers in aggregate
data. We cannot expect the expansion of part-time work to be the catalyst
for social and economicchange, and this is the key point about the myth of
rising female employment, which the Eleven do not even address.
It will not do for social scientists to be economical with the truth, giving
one half of the story but failing to mention the inconvenient evidence.
Socialscientists aresupposed totake accountofallthe evidencerather than
relying on sample selection bias and selective perception to support
personal convictions.
Rnt. /*I. O / SIK MIIITC~ ISSN 1MK)i-I315 @l.o*tdonSchml ,f)/Ecnttomtrr 1996VOIUW ,LO 47 Irsttr *to. I 1596
179Thesexual division of labour and women's heterogeneity
The unpalatable truth is that a substantial proportion of women still
accept the sexual division of labour which sees homemaking as women's
principal activity and income-earning as men's principal activity in life. This
acceptance of differentiated sex roles underlies fundamental differences
between the work orientations, labour market behaviour and life goals of
men and women (Hakim 1991, 1996b). The proportion of women who
accept the homemaker role varies from half to two-thirds, depending on
the precise formulation of the sexual division of labour presented to them
in interview surveys. It is true that attitudes and expectations are
changing, among both men and women. But not as fast nor as completely
as some commentators would have us believe. It is precisely because
changes in attitudes are partial, uneven, moving at different speeds in
different social groups and cultures, that we now have a heterogeneous
and polarizing population of adult women.
A few women have rejected the sexual division of labour. Apart from
the isolated defiant souls that occur in all societies and all times, such
women are generally the most highly educated, most highly motivated
women who are the cause of a sudden sharp increase in the female share
of professional, managerial and other highly-paid occupations in Britain
in the 1980s (Hakim 1992: 136). They are found everywhere, in all
countries, East and West, but the size of the minority varies from the
invisible few thousands to the more vociferous minority that gets its voice
heard. However most women still go along with the sexual division of
labour, many actively preferring it and colluding with men, others not
sufficiently inconvenienced by it to be willing to make a stand against it.
Whether they are labelled as the victims of false consciousness or not, or
simply foolish, is a matter of intellectual taste. The acceptability of the
sexual division of labour clearly owes something to the fact that most
women choose to spend a part of their life producing children and
rearing them, and they prefer to be supported financially by someoneelse
while they are doing it, either a husband or the state. Another reason is
that the sexual division of labour can be efficient and mutually advantageous,
as rational choice theorists keep pointing out (Becker 1991:54-
79). Whatever the reason, it is widely accepted, and not only by the men
who gain from the arrangement but also by women, because they too
perceive themselves as gaining from it.
I agree with Bruegel and the Eleven that the key issue is the explanation
for women's position in the workforce. The reason the five mythsi
described in my article are feminist myths is that they all rest on the
assumption that women reject the role of full-time homemaker; that they
seek to participate in the labour market on exactly the same basis as men,
so that sex differentials in work rates or within the workforce can be read
as the effects of discrimination rather than personal choice; and that as
soon as the barriers come down, women will flood into wage work on a
full-time basis if at all possible. I held this view once. My own research
proved me wrong.
Catherine Hakim
TABLE I: Westernviews on the roles of men and women. Percentage disagreeing
with these two statements:
A A husbanďsjob is to earn the money; a wife'sjob is to look after the home
andfamily
B Being a housewife isjust asfu&lling as workingfor pay
Separate roles Housewife job
Men Women Men Women
Britain
USA
Irish Republic
West Germany
47
47
40
33
.58
52
50
35
33
22
17
29
36
2 1
24
32
Source: 1988 International Social Survey Programme data reported in Scott, Braun and
Alwin (1993: 30-1).
'SHE MODERN SEXUAL DIVISION OF LABOUR
Most surveys measure attitudes somewhat crudely in terms of acceptance
or rejection of statements proposing a complete division of labour
between wives and husbands, in the sense that income-earning is
presented as an exclusively male function and home-making as an
exclusively female function. This approach is illustrated in the International
Social Survey Programme's item 'A husbanďs job is to earn the
money; a wife's job is to look after the home and family' which is often
treated as a measure of 'modernity' in attitudes. Throughout the 1980s
and intothe 1990sthis statement (orequivalents) attracted roughly 50per
cent of men and women disagreeing and 50 per cent agreeing or
indifferent, in the USA, Britain and other European countries, with
attitudes fluctuating over time but broadly balanced (Witherspoon
1988: 189; Scott 1990:57; Kiernan 1992:97-99; Scott, Braun and Alwin
1993:34; Haller and Hoellinger, 1994: 102). In Germany, Italy, Austria
and Hungary, support for the statement is stronger than disagreement.
For example only one-thirdof German men and women reject the sexual
division of labour compared to half in Britain (Table I). Attitudes to the
housewife role are less ambivalent and more positive, with a majority of
women as well as men agreeing that it can bejust as fulfilling as working
for pay; only one-third in Britain and Germany and even fewer in the
USA reject the idea (Table I).
However the complete separation of roles has been updated in the
postwar decades to accept wives going out to work as a secondary activity.
Vogler's landmark study shows that the domestic division of labour is now
relative rather than absolute; that attitudesto income-earning can change
at a different,faster pace than attitudes to the homekeeping role; and that
there are qualitative differences between the work orientations of women
181The sexzlal division of labour and women's heterogeneity
working full-time and part-time. The majority of part-timers regard
breadwinningas the fmmary (butnot exclusive)responsibility of men, and
see women as secondary earners whose fmmary (but not exclusive)
responsibility isdomestic work and homemaking. The majority of women
working full-time reject both these propositions (Vogler 1994:45,55).
One EC Eurobarometer survey provides a unique measure of support,
across Europe, for the modern sexual division of labour, which falls
half-way between the completely equal sharing of income-earning and
domestic functions to separate and parallel roles (Table 11). Roughly
one-third of the EC population supported each family model. The
egalitarian model attracted most support in Greece, Denmark, Italy and
France, followed closely by the Netherlands and UK. The complete
separation of roles attracted most support in Luxembourg, Ireland and
Belgium. But in all countries there was a wide spread of support for all
three models of the family, none receiving majority support, with the
single exception of Greece's majority support for the egalitarian model.
This suggests that the 'modern' egalitarian family is really a reversion to a
pre-industrial model. Overall, a two-thirds majority of European men
and women favour the idea of the working wife,and a two-thirds majority
also favour the wife retaining all or the major part of the domestic role.
Within countries, differences by sex are negligible except in Greece, Italy
and France where men are distinctly less favourable than women towards
the egalitarian marriage (European Commission 1984:9).Age has by far
the strongest influence on attitudes (Table 11) and in this case we can
safely read the results as reflecting generational differences. The key
contribution of this survey is that it shows,for all European countries,that
people who reject the complete separation of roles for men and women do
not necessarilyaccept egalitarian or symmetrical roles: at least half only go
as far as supporting a secondary earner role for the wife, who retains the
larger share of domestic and childcare work. Attitude surveys have often
presented people with a false dichotomy which failed to recognize the
modern version of the sexual division of labour, a compromise that stops a
long way short of truly egalitarian attitudes (Table 11).
T H E LIMITS OF SOCIAL ENGINEERING
There have been three important attempts to eliminate the sexual
divisionof labour and create symmetrical sex roles: in the Israeli kibbutzim,
in Sweden and in China. All three have been partially but not completely
successful, revealing that there are limits to what social engineering can
achieve. Tables 111 and IV display the relative success of Sweden
compared with other European societies and of China compared with
other Far Eastern societies.The attitude statement in Table 111proposes
the complete separation of roles; the statement in Table IV does not
completely exclude wage work for wives.
182 Catherine Hakim
TABLE 11: European views on the sexual division of labour. Percentage
supporting each of three models of thesexual division of labour
Egalitarian Compromise Separate 'Total
roles
Greece
Denmark
Italy
France
Netherlands
UK
Belgium
Ireland
West Germany
Luxembourg
Men  15-24 years
25-39
40-54
55 and over
Women  15-24 years
2.5-39
40-54
55 and over
'Total for EC of 10
Notes: 'The question asked: People talk about the changing roles of husband and wife in the
family. Here are three kinds of family. Which of them corresponds most with your ideas
about the family?:
- A family where the two partnerseach havean equally absorbingjoband where housework
and the care of the children are shared equally between them.
- A family where the wife has a less demandingjob than her husband and where she does
the larger share of housework and caring for the children.
- A family where only the husband has ajob and the wife runs the home.
- None of these three cases
Percentages have been adjusted to exclude the 3% not responding to the question and the 

3% choosing the last response. 

Source: Derived from the Eurobarometer report by European Commission, European 

Women and Men 1983(1984) 

In 1993, one-quarter of women aged 20 and over in Britain, France,
Germany and the USA agreed with the rigid separation of roles in the
statement 'The husband should be the breadwinner, and the wife should
stay at home' (Table 111). In Japan and the Philippines two-thirds
accepted the complete sexual division of labour. The long-term trend is
for declining acceptance and a decade earlier, in 1982,acceptance of the
idea was invariably higher, except in the Philippines, even though the
earlier survey was limited to women aged 20-59, excluding older women
who are usually more conservative in outlook. Sweden demonstrates that
Thesexual division of labour and women's heterogeneity
TABLE I I I :  Thes e w 1 division of labour: East and West comparisons.
Percentage of women agreeing with or indifferent to the statement:
The husband should be the breadwinner, and the wife should stay at
home
1993 1982
Sweden 13 16
UK 2 1 28
France 24 . .
Germany 29 38
USA 27 35
Korea 33 . .
Japan
Philippines
62
67
76
.5 6
Notes: ..Not available
Results from nationally representative random samples of 1000 or more women aged 20
and over in 1993 for all countries except Japan where results are based on a nationally
representative random sample of 2000 women aged 20 and over interviewed in November
1992. Data for 1982relates to women aged 20-59 years. 'I'he survey covered West Germany
only in 1982 but the whole of unified Germany (including East Cermany) in 1993.
Source: Calculated from Figure 1-35 in 'I'okyo Metropolitan Government (1994:78).
energetically 'egalitarian' policies, which in this context means policies
promoting symmetrical roles for men and women and supported by
vigorous fiscal and social security rules to prevent backsliding, can
substantially change social attitudes: the vast majority (around 85 per
cent) of women reject the complete separation of roles. However there
remains a stubborn minority of women (16 per cent in 1982 and 13 per
cent in 1993) who still accept this design for living, albeit a lower
proportion than in the rest of Europe (Table 111). While these results
show how malleable attitudes are at the aggregate level, they also point to
small minorities of women across Europe whose perspective has not
changed, for whom the complete separation of domestic roles remains
entirely satisfactory. China demonstrates both these points even more
sharply.
China implemented the most determined social engineering policy
aimed at eradicating the sexualdivisionof labour and associated attitudes.
The Marriage Law of 1950 laid down the principles of equality between
the sexes, monogamy, freedom to choose marital partners and the right to
sue for divorce, marking a break away from Confucian patriarchal values
which supported an essentialist conception of the difference between the
sexes and sharply segregated roles for men and women (Stockman,
Bonney and Sheng 1995: 141-54). The successes and failures of this
largest-ever real-world socialexperimentare immensely valuable to social
scientists,particularly for the study of women's position in society. Success
Catherine Hakim
TABLE I V : Far Eastern views on the roles of men and women
Beijing Seoul Bangkok Fukuoka
Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women
Percentageagreeing with
each statement:
There are no significant
differences of abilities
between men and
women 70 77 62 67 87 90 55 54
The ideal is for men to
have ajob and for
women to take care of
the family 40 24 69 51 68 71 72 60
If my husband earned
enough money I
would rather stay at
home as a housewife
(asked only of married
women) . . 35
~-- ~ --
Notes: . . Not available 

Source: Calculated from Figures 11L.5-1, 11-5-20, 111-61 and II1-&2 in Ma et al. (1994: 122, 

154, 344). The surveys were carried out in 1989 (Fukuoka), 1991 (Seoul), 1992 (Bangkok) and
1993 (Beijing), with representative samples of N = 1736, N = 1608, N = 1570 and N = 1920
respectively.
was greatest in eradicating centuries-old perceptions of sex differences in
ability and in the practice of male dominance in the household. There was
also substantial success in eradicating the sexual division of labour: a
low-wage full-employment policy made it necessary for all adults to work
and hence for couples to share domestic work as well. However in 1988,
after the economic reform programme begun at the end of the 1970shad
introduced a new climate of opinion, there was a major public debate over
a new trend for women to withdraw from wage work and their reasons for
doing so. A survey carried out in Beijing in November 1993showed that
one-quarter of all women, one-third of wives and two-fifths of men
accepted the sexual division of labour as the ideal to aim for (Table IV).
The attitude statement here was worded sufficiently vaguely as not to
completely exclude wage work (sociallabour in China),but the relatively
large minorities of women (especially wives) agreeing with the sexual
division of labour is stillremarkable. Respondents to the surveywere aged
20-69 years (typically30-50 years)and resident in Beijing,thus including
the most educated and most cosmopolitan groups in Chinese society, 40
per cent of them professionals and senior administrators, who had lived
in a communist society for virtually all their adult lives. Half the wives had
earnings similar to or higher than their husbands. The policy of one child
per family meant that in 1993, and for the foreseeable future, the great
majority of couples had only one child to raise, and they had access to
good socialized childcare facilities staffed by professionals. Yet even in
185The sexual division of labour and women3 heterogeneity
these most favourable circumstances, a consistent one-third of wives in all
age groups (varyingsightly 27 per cent40 per cent) preferred to stay at
home as a housewife if their husband earned enough money to permit it.
Similarly, acceptance of the sexual division of labour as the ideal was
found in all age groups,varying only from 20 per cent for people in their
60s to 38 per cent among people in their 30s.
It might be argued in this case that people were simply reverting to
traditional patriarchal values which had been suppressed but not
abandoned.This might have been so in some rural areas,but not in urban
areas, let alone Beijing. The 1993 survey found strongly egalitarian
attitudeson all aspectsof family roles and relationships. For example over
three-quarters of husbands and wives in all age groups stated that family
decisions were made jointly, whereas the husband dominated decisionmaking
in Bangkok, Seoul and Fukuoka, the three other cities surveyed.
Acceptance of the traditional family division of labour was lowest among
people in their 20s,but also among people in their 50s and 60s. It was only
among people aged 30-50 that acceptance rose to two-fifths, clearly
linked to childcare concerns. Four-fifths of men and women in all age
groups thought women should stay at home when a child is young (Maet
al. 1994: 122-33, 344-63). This is strong evidence to support Becker's
argument that the sexual division of labour in the household can be
accepted voluntarily as efficient and mutually advantageous rather than
as something imposed on people by custom and patriarchy. The other
side of the coin is that only one-third of wives (one-quarter of all women
aged 20-69 years) would prefer this option; two-thirds of Chinese wives
rejected it firmly, despite the extra burden of combining wage work and
domestic work, with consistent views on related topics (Ma et al. 1994;
Stockman, Bonney and Sheng 1995: 141-54).
The impact of social engineering in China is highlighted by comparisons
with almost identical surveys in Bangkok, Seoul and Fukuoka (alarge
town in centralJapan with attitudes closer to the national average than to
those of Tokyo residents) carried out in 1989-1992 (Table IV). Acceptance
of separate sex roles is much higher in Bangkok, Fukuoka and Seoul
than in Beijing. The Thai case shows that this is not necessarily related to
beliefs about sex differences in abilities, as the Thais do not believe there
are any significant differences of ability between men and women,
whereas in China this belief had to be eradicated. It appears that the
complete separation of roles between men and women will continue to
attract support, even if minority support, because it does, as Becker
argues, offer certain concrete benefits to couples. The modern version of
the sexual division of labour, which is relative rather than total, attracts
even greater support.
There is no evidence that attitudes cease to be important once women
gain access to higher education and better paid jobs. If anything the
opposite is the case, as women can afford to choose between competing
lifestyles, given homogamy (Table V). A two-thirds majority of women,
Catherine Hakim
TABLE V: Employment rates by sex role attitudes
Percentage of each group in Distribution
employment of sample
Sex role attitudes Highly Other women Highly Other women
qualified qualified
Modern
Ambivalent
'I'raditional
All women aged 20-59 82 65 100 100
Base = 100% 746 2700 746 2700
note.^: .['he highly qualified have tertiary level qualifications, beyond A-level; other women
have no qualifications o r only secondary school qualifications. Sex role attitudes were scored
on the basis of nine attitude statements, including the ISSP sexual division of labour
statement shown in Table I of this paper.
Sozrrr~:Calculated from .I'ables 6.21 and 6.22 in Corti et al. (1995:69) reporting 1991
survey results from the British Household Panel Study.
whatever their level of education, hold ambivalent views on sex roles, with
minorities firmly accepting or rejecting the sexual division of labour. It is
well established that higher education qualifications are associated with
higher work rates -a 'mark up' of 17percentage points in Table V (65per
cent versus 82 per cent). But the impact of sex role attitudes is greater,
especially among highly qualified women, producing a 'mark-up' of 28
percentage points in employment rates when modern and traditional
women are compared (64 per cent versus 92 per cent).
The comments by Bruegel and the Eleven rightly point out that my
evidence and discussion were incomplete. Inevitably a journal article
could not cover all the topics the Eleven wished me to address. A fuller
assessment of the evidence on labour mobility has been made available
(Hakim 1995a, 1996b). Further evidence on change over time and the
marginal nature of women's part-time jobs is presented in two other
articles (Hakim 1994, 1995~).A broader assessment of the evidence for
competing explanations of women's social and economic position will be
published shortly (Hakim 1996a).
We must stop presenting women as 'victims', or as an undifferentiated
mass of mindless zombies whose every move isdetermined by other actors
and social forces, as the Eleven do. Women are responsible adults, who
make real choices and are the authors and agents of their own lives. Some
women choose to be home-centred, with work a secondary activity. Some
women choose to be career-centred, with domestic activities a secondary
consideration. Female heterogeneity is a result of the choices women
187The sexual division of labour and women's heterogeneity
make, reflecting not just different but conflicting preferences between
two qualitatively different life courses.
(Dateaccepted: October 1995)
NO'I'E
1. The Eleven claim that I misused the
term myth, and really meant mistakes. I
used the definition in the Concise Oxford
Dictionary of English: 'A purely fictitious
narrative embodying popular ideas on
natural phenomena etc.'. The feminist
myths I describe embody popular feminist
ideas on human nature and motivation,
on social trends and on women
as universal victims.
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You have printed the following article:
The Sexual Division of Labour and Women's Heterogeneity
Catherine Hakim
The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 47, No. 1. (Mar., 1996), pp. 178-188.
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Bibliography
Grateful Slaves and Self-Made Women: Fact and Fantasy in Women's Work Orientations
Catherine Hakim
European Sociological Review, Vol. 7, No. 2. (Sep., 1991), pp. 101-121.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0266-7215%28199109%297%3A2%3C101%3AGSASWF%3E2.0.CO%3B2-F
Explaining Trends in Occupational Segregation: The Measurement, Causes, and
Consequences of the Sexual Division of Labour
Catherine Hakim
European Sociological Review, Vol. 8, No. 2. (Sep., 1992), pp. 127-152.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0266-7215%28199209%298%3A2%3C127%3AETIOST%3E2.0.CO%3B2-3
Five Feminist Myths about Women's Employment
Catherine Hakim
The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 46, No. 3. (Sep., 1995), pp. 429-455.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0007-1315%28199509%2946%3A3%3C429%3AFFMAWE%3E2.0.CO%3B2-M
http://www.jstor.org
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Labour Mobility and Employment Stability: Rhetoric and Reality on the Sex Differential in
Labour-Market Behaviour
Catherine Hakim
European Sociological Review, Vol. 12, No. 1. (May, 1996), pp. 1-31.
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