Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2002 Method & Theory in the Study of Religion
14, 293-315
MODES OF RELIGIOSITY:
TOWARDS A COGNITIVE EXPLANATION OF THE
SOCIOPOLITICAL DYNAMICS OF RELIGION
Harvey Whitehouse
In this article is summarized the theory of "modes of religiosity", the doctrinal
mode and the imagistic mode. It seeks to contribute to a growing body of research,
by explaining, in terms of underlying cognitive mechanisms, some of the varied
ways in which religious commitments are experienced, organized, transmitted, and
politicized.
Patterns of mental activity, rooted in the biology of brain functions
and the contexts in which these develop, have direct effects on the
elaboration of all domains of human culture. For instance, patterns of
kinship organization are as much constrained by the limitations of
short-term memory for genealogical categories (D'Andrade 1995: 42-
44) as by other, perhaps more obvious biological constraints, such as
the relatively undifferentiated and limited physical capacities of human
infants (Fox 1967: chap. 1). Recent work in the field of "cognition
and religion" has shown in increasing detail that evolved properties
of human mental architecture constrain and shape religious
representations and the forms of action and social morphology in
which these are implicated (e.g., Lawson and McCauley 1990;
Guthrie 1993; Mithen 1996; Barrett 2000; Boyer 2001). The theory
of "modes of religiosity", summarized in this article, seeks to contribute
to this growing body of research, by explaining, in terms of underlying
cognitive mechanisms, some of the varied ways in which
religious commitments are experienced, organized, transmitted, and
politicized.
Framing the problem
It has long been recognized that "religion" encompasses two very
different sets of dynamics: Max Weber (1930, 1947) distinguished
routinized and charismatic religious forms; Ruth Benedict (1935)
contrasted Apollonian and Dionysian practices; Ernest Gellner (1969)
294 harvey whitehouse
explored the opposition between literate forms of Islam in urban
centers and the image-based, cohesive practices of rural tribesmen;
Jack Goody (1968, 1986) developed a more general dichotomy between
literate and non-literate religions; Victor Turner (1974) distinguished
fertility rituals and political rituals as part of an exposition of
the contrasting features of what he called "communitas" and "structure";
I. M. Lewis (1971) juxtaposed central cults and peripheral
cults; Richard Werbner (1977) contrasted regional cults and "cults of
the little community"; Fredrik Barth (1990) distinguished "guru" regimes
spread by religious leaders and "conjurer" regimes in which
religious revelations inhere in collective ritual experiences. And these
are just a few of the many attempts to characterize a fundamental
divergence in modalities of religious experience and practice (see
Whitehouse 1995: chap. 8). At the root of all such dichotomous
models is a recognition that some religious practices are very intense
emotionally; they may be rarely performed and highly stimulating
(e.g., involving altered states of consciousness or terrible ordeals and
tortures); they tend to trigger a lasting sense of revelation, and to
produce powerful bonds between small groups of ritual participants.
Whereas, by contrast, certain other forms of religious activity tend to
be much less stimulating: they may be highly repetitive or
"routinized", conducted in a relatively calm and sober atmosphere;
such practices are often accompanied by the transmission of complex
theology and doctrine; and these practices tend to mark out large
religious communities--composed of people who cannot possibly all
know each other (certainly not in any intimate way). But all the great
scholarship so far devoted to understanding these contrasting sets of
dynamics suffers from two major shortcomings. The first is that none
of the theories advanced in the past was sufficiently comprehensive.
Each theory focused on just a few aspects of the two modes of religious
experience and action. The second major shortcoming is that
none of the existing theories explained adequately why we get two
contrasting forms of religious experience in the first place.
This article summarizes a new theory, set out in detail in two
monographs (Whitehouse 1995, 2000), which distinguishes doctrinal
and imagistic modes of religiosity. These can occur quite separately,
as the organizing principles of religious experience, belief, practice,
and organization. But often the two modes of religiosity occur together,
in a single tradition, and interact with each other. The aim of
the modes of religiosity theory is to tie together all the features of the
modes of religiosity 295
two modalities of religious experience that other scholars have already
identified and to explain why these contrasting modalities
come about in the first place.
The starting point is straightforward. In order for particular religions
and rituals to take the form that they do, two things must take
place. First, these religious beliefs and rituals must take a form that
people can remember. Second, people must be motivated to pass on
these beliefs and rituals. If people cannot remember what to believe
or how to do a ritual, these beliefs and rituals cannot be passed down
from one generation to the next, and so the religious tradition would
not be able to establish itself. Equally, if people do not think that
particular beliefs and rituals are important enough to pass on, they
will mutate or become extinct. Memory and motivation have the
potential to present far bigger problems than one might suppose.
Some religious activities are performed very rarely. Unless some very
special conditions apply, there is a real risk that people will forget the
details of what these activities mean, and even how to perform them
correctly. A potential solution to this problem is to have a very repetitive
regime of religious transmission. One advantage of such a strategy
is that a substantial corpus of complex cosmology can be reproduced
in this fashion. People can learn difficult concepts, dogmas,
and stories--and will remember these in the long run--if they repeat
them frequently. But this can produce problems of motivation. Continually
listening to sermons and performing the same rituals over
and over can be extremely boring. And if people are bored, there is
a danger they won't continue to follow, or pass on, the religion.
There are solutions to all these potential problems, and these solutions
have profound consequences for the forms that religion can
take. But before we can go into that, we need to grasp the general
nature of memory functions (see Figure 1).
Memory
Implicit Memory Explicit Memory
Short-term Long-term
Memory Memory
Semantic Episodic
Memory Memory
Figure 1: Types of memory
296 harvey whitehouse
There are basically two kinds of memory: implicit and explicit
(Graf and Schachter 1985). Implicit memory deals with things we
know without being aware of knowing (such as the varied forms of
procedural competence required in successfully riding a bicycle).1
Explicit memory deals with things we know at a conscious level, and
can be further sub-divided into two types: short-term and long-term.2
Short-term memory enables us to hold onto concepts for a matter of
seconds (e.g., a new phone number, which we might remember just
long enough to write it down before forgetting it). Long-term
memory enables us to hold onto concepts for hours, and in some
cases for a whole lifetime. Long-term memory can also be sub-divided
into two types: semantic and episodic.3
Semantic memory consists
of "general knowledge" about the world (e.g., how to behave in
restaurants, or what is the capital city of France, etc.). We can seldom
recall how or when we acquired this sort of knowledge. By contrast,
episodic memory consists of specific events in our life experience
(e.g., our first kiss, the death of a beloved relative, the day war broke
out, etc.). These types of memory are activated very differently in
doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity (see Whitehouse 1992,
1994, 1995, 1996a, 1996b, 1996c, 1998, 2000a, 2000b, 2001a,
2001b). And this goes a long way to explaining the divergent sociopolitical
features of the two modes.
1. The doctrinal mode of religiosity
The theory of modes of religiosity advances a set of hypotheses,
amenable to empirical investigation, concerning the causal interconnections
between a set of cognitive and sociopolitical features. In the
1
The dividing lines between explicit and implicit memory are difficult to draw
(for a fine overview, see Schachter 1987), but evidence from studies of normal cognition
(e.g., Roediger 1990) and amnesic patients (e.g. Graf, Squire, and Mandler
1984) show that such a distinction (or a series of more fine-grained distinctions) is
difficult to avoid (although see Baddeley 1997: chap. 20).
2
This particular distinction has a long history, and certainly predates cognitive
science. It is apparent, for instance, in William James' (1890) discussion of "primary"
and "secondary" memory, and the first experimental studies of short-term memory
date back to the same period (Jacobs 1887).
3
The distinction between semantic and episodic memory was first fully developed
by Tulving (1972), and is now used by psychologists studying a wide range of phenomena,
including amnesia, aphasia and agnosia, story grammars, schemas and
scripts, and framing and modeling. For a thorough overview, see Baddeley (1997).
modes of religiosity 297
case of the doctrinal mode, these hypotheses are summarized in Figure
2, and enumerated in the text below.
Frequent Repetition
Anonymous Semantic memory for Implicit memory
Communities religious teachings for religious rituals
Religion spreads widely Religious leaders
Need for orthodoxy checks
Centralization
Figure 2: The doctrinal mode of religiosity
1.1. Frequent repetition activates semantic memory for religious teachings.
One of the most conspicuous features of the doctrinal mode is that
the transmission of religious teachings is highly routinized (i.e., frequently
repeated). A great advantage of frequent repetition is that it
allows the establishment of a great deal of explicit verbal knowledge
in semantic memory. Doctrines and narratives that would be impossible
to learn and remember if they were rarely transmitted, can be
very effectively sustained through repetitive sermonizing.4
Repetition,
4
A recent pilot study by Barrett, Martin, and Whitehouse suggests that repetition
is not only important for the learning of religious doctrines, but also to ensure that
they are remembered in the long run. In this study, a class of religion students heard
twice-weekly repetitions of the Four Noble Truths of Buddhism over four weeks.
Recall for these doctrines was tested after the second repetition (Time 1), after the
eighth repetition (Time 2) and after a six-week interval, during which period no
further repetition took place (Time 3). On a scale of 0-8, the Time 1 mean score was
.91 (11.4%), the Time 2 mean score was 3.2 (40%), and Time 3 went back down to
1.18 (14.7%). These findings would seem to suggest that eight repetitions, each
spaced by a few days, would not necessarily be sufficient to transmit even quite
limited doctrinal information (the Time 2 score is not impressive, although motivational
factors in genuine cases of religious transmission may produce better results).
Rather more interestingly, we observe a very rapid decay in recall for the information
that has been successfully learned (possible low motivation among learners not-
withstanding).
298 harvey whitehouse
however, can lead to reduced levels of motivation. In detailed empirical
studies of this phenomenon, I have labeled this the "tedium effect"
(see, for instance, Whitehouse 2000a: 44-46, 115, 142-143, 148,
155). But many routinized religions are successful at holding onto
their followers through a variety of mechanisms. These can include
supernatural sanctions (such as eternal damnation) and, more positively,
incentives (such as eternal life and salvation). Of course, both
of these mechanisms depend on people believing the religious teachings.
In order for people to believe in a set of doctrines, they have to
be cast in a highly persuasive fashion. This is commonly achieved, at
least in part, by special techniques of oratory established over time
through processes of selection. Routinized religions tend to be associated
with highly developed forms of rhetoric and logically integrated
theology, founded on absolute presuppositions that cannot be falsi-
fied.5
All of this is commonly illustrated by poignant narratives, that
can easily be related to personal experience (see, for instance, Whitehouse
1995: chap. 7 and 2000a: 60-63).
1.2. Semantic memory for religious teachings and the presence of religious leaders
are mutually reinforcing features.
Where religious ideas are expressed in words (e.g. transmitted
through oratory), it is likely that the orators themselves will rise above
the common herd. Most religious traditions of this sort have celebrated
leaders, who may take the form of gurus, messiahs, prophets,
divine kings, high priests, mediums, visionaries, disciples, or simply
great evangelists or missionaries. The very fact that there are so many
different types of, and terms for, religious leadership is an index of
how widespread and important the phenomenon is. Partly through
their skills as orators, these leaders become marked out as special.
But, at the same time, their pronouncements (real or attributed) provide
the central tenets of a belief system, and their deeds become the
basis for widely-recounted religious narratives, transmitted orally.
Both forms of knowledge are stored primarily in semantic memory.
5
As Atran (2002) points out, doctrinal traditions are seldom logically integrated
in the same manner as scientific or mathematical systems of thought, except perhaps
in some rather esoteric domains of professional theologizing. For the most part,
dogma is interwoven by strings of logical implications. Since the range of possible
strings is far greater than those that happen to be exploited by religious teachers,
standardization necessitates frequent rehearsal (i.e. a "routinized" regime of doctrinal
transmission).
modes of religiosity 299
1.3. The presence of religious leaders implies a need for orthodoxy checks.
Where religious leaders are upheld as the source of authoritative
religious knowledge, their teachings must be seen to be preserved intact.
At the very least, the credibility of any such tradition depends on
its adherents agreeing what the teachings are, even if other traditions
hold to alternative (and perhaps conflicting) versions. We might call
this the Principle of Agreement. Agreement depends partly on effective
detection of unauthorized innovation and partly on its effective
obstruction and suppression. Religious routinization contributes to
both detection and suppression, by conferring a selective advantage
on standardized/ orthodox forms, over non-orthodox ones. The link
between routinization and detection is especially straightforward.
Frequent repetition of a body of religious teachings has the effect of
fixing it firmly in people's minds. In literate traditions, the teachings
might also be written down, in sacred texts, and thereby fixed on
paper (at least to some extent). But the crucial thing is that standardized
versions of the religious teachings become widely shared and
accepted, through regular public rehearsal and reiteration.6
Once this
has happened, the risks of innovation going undetected become remote.
Rather more complex is the role of routinization in the obstruction
of unauthorized innovation, to which we now turn (points
1.4-1.5).
1.4. Frequent repetition leads to implicit memory for religious rituals.
So far, we have considered only the effects of frequent repetition of
religious teachings, but what about the effects of routinized ritual
performances? Rituals that are performed daily or weekly rapidly
come to be processed, to a considerable extent, in procedural/ implicit
memory (see Whitehouse 2002a, 2002b). For example, a weekly
Christian service might involve praying, listening to a sermon, and
singing hymns. The associated bodily activities might therefore involve:
kneeling with head bowed and hands clasped; sitting still;
standing up and singing. These bodily adjustments can be carried out
to a large extent "on autopilot". And there is no doubt that at least
6
For a fuller discussion of this point, see Whitehouse 2000a: 151-153 and 172-
180. Some criticisms of this aspect of my argument notwithstanding (e.g., Boyer
2002), I accept that literacy is a precipitating condition (perhaps even a necessary
condition) for the independent invention of doctrinal mode phenomena (Whitehouse
2000a: 179-180) but it is not essential for their reproduction (Whitehouse 1992).
300 harvey whitehouse
some people spend significant portions of church services simply "going
through the motions". This is not a slur on people's religious
commitments. It is simply a psychological reality that repetitive actions
lead to implicit behavioral habits, that occur independently of
conscious thought or control. Although potentially accessible to conscious
representation (e.g., for the purposes of teaching a child or
newcomer how to behave in church) liturgical rituals may not, in the
normal pattern of life, trigger very much explicit knowledge at all.
1.5. Implicit memory for religious rituals enhances the survival potential of authoritative
teachings stored in semantic memory.
To the extent that people do participate in routinized rituals "on
autopilot", this reduces the chances that they will reflect on the
meaning of what they are doing. In other words, frequent repetition
diminishes the extent to which people come up with personal theories
of their rituals.7
And they are more likely to accept at face value
any official versions of the religious significance of their rituals. The
processing of routinized rituals as implicit procedural schemas really
opens the way for religious authorities to tell worshipers what to
believe, especially when it comes to the meanings of their rituals. At
the same time, the provision of a standardized orthodoxy tends to
limit individual speculation. The causal role of routinization in the
suppression of unauthorized innovation is, here again, governed by
principles of selection. It is not that frequent enactment of rituals
prohibits exegetical innovation, but it tends to reduce the volume and
elaborateness of exegetical reflection, leading to relatively low rates of
unauthorized innovation across populations of religious adherents.
The question "relative to what" will be answered below, through an
examination of processes of exegetical reflection and independent
innovation in the imagistic mode.
7
This point is elaborated at length in Whitehouse (2002a), based primarily on
ethnographic evidence. Some (admittedly preliminary) experimental support comes,
however, from a study by Barrett and Whitehouse of "spontaneous exegetical reflection"
(SER) generated by repeated performances of an artificial ritual modeled on
the Catholic practice of self-crossing. This study suggested that levels and volume of
SER correlate inversely with degree of repetition and habituation.
modes of religiosity 301
1.6. The need for orthodoxy checks encourages religious centralization.
Not all innovation is a bad thing. The Principle of Agreement simply
requires that innovation is seen to originate from authoritative
sources and is accepted/observed by all loyal followers. Routinization
may have the effect of insulating orthodoxies from unintended innovation
but it does little to obstruct the determined heretic. The problem
here is clearly one of policing. As soon as a routinized religion
becomes well established, we tend to see the emergence of a central
authority and some sort of ranked, professional priesthood.8
It becomes
the task of delegated officials to police the orthodoxy across
the tradition as a whole, and there will often be a proliferation of
sanctions for unauthorized innovation and heresy (ranging from excommunication
and ostracism to torture and execution).
1.7. Semantic memory for religious teachings leads to anonymous religious commu-
nities.
Where religious beliefs and practices are frequently repeated, we
have seen that at least part of this religious knowledge is organized in
semantic memory. This means that the knowledge itself becomes
separate from particular episodes in which it is acquired. For instance,
a Christian may believe certain things (e.g., about the significance
of the crucifixion) and may do certain things (such as participating
in weekly church services) but that is not the same as
remembering how and when all this knowledge was acquired. In
other words, many of the beliefs and acts that define a person's
identity as a Christian are not remembered as special episodes.9
In
8
This argument is elaborated in Whitehouse 2000a: chap. 8. For a similar (and
fuller) overview of these processes, see Diamond 1997.
9
The reality is a bit more complicated than that. Consider, for instance, conversion
experiences in some Christian traditions, which appear to be constructed
around episodic memories. From the viewpoint of my argument, three points are
crucial to make about these sorts of phenomena. First, where episodic memory plays
a significant role in the doctrinal mode, it is typically in relation to highly personalized
rather than collectively- experienced episodes (episodes of the latter sort tend to
produce something altogether different--an imagistic domain of operation, discussed
below). Second, these highly personalized episodes tend to be subjected to such
frequent verbal reiteration that they eventually give rise to quite rigidly schematized,
even stereotyped, narratives (thus "dissolving" into the standardized schemas of semantic
memory). Third, religious experiences encoded in episodic memory are invariably
superfluous to the doctrinal mode, in the sense that the reproduction of the
doctrinal tradition in a recognizable form does not depend on their preservation. In
302 harvey whitehouse
consequence, many aspects of what makes somebody a Christian are
really abstracted properties that, in principle, could be ascribed to
anybody. And, in fact, they do get ascribed to anonymous others. To
understand why, it is useful to think about the issues in a concrete
way. If you ask a regular church-going Christian to tell you what
happened at a service or mass three years ago, he or she wouldn't be
able to remember the actual event. That person could tell you,
though, what happened, because it was the same thing that always
happens. In other words, what makes a particular episode distinctive
gets forgotten. This of course includes the make-up of the congregation:
people in the congregation come and go, people die, they move
in and out of the area, and there may be visitors who come and go.
If it is a big congregation, there may be many people there who do
not know each other personally. Thus, one's memories for Christian
rituals are not memories for a particular group of people. What it
means to be a regular church-goer is not to be part of a particular
group, but to participate in a ritual scheme and belief structure that
anonymous others also share (see Whitehouse 1992, 2000a: 9-12, 40-
41, 50-52, 113-117). Of course, the anonymity principle only comes
into operation if the religious community is large enough to ensure
that no individual follower could possibly know all the other followers.
And it turns out that there are factors at play in routinized
religions that encourage rapid spread, and therefore large-scale religious
communities. One of the most important of these is the emphasis
on oratory and religious leadership.
1.8. The presence of religious leaders is conducive to the religion spreading widely.
The fact that the religious teachings are expressed in oratory, on the
part of great leaders, means that these teachings are readily transportable.
Only one or a few proselytizing leaders or good evangelists
are required to spread the Word to very large populations (see
Whitehouse 1992, 1994, and 2000a: 72-80)
In sum, the doctrinal mode of religiosity consists of a suite of
features that are causally interconnected. When these features coalesce,
they tend to be very robust historically and may last for centuries
and even for millennia. At the root of all this are a set of cognishort,
being a member of a doctrinal tradition (e.g., a "Christian") minimally presumes
some level of commitment to schemas encoded in semantic memory--no
more and no less.
modes of religiosity 303
10
For ethnographic examples, see Lowie 1924; Kluckholn and Leighton [1946]
1974; Turnbull 1962; Meggitt 1962; Allen 1967; Strehlow 1970; Barth 1975, 1987;
Tuzin 1980; Herdt 1981, 1982.
tive causes, deriving from the ways in which frequently-repeated activities
and beliefs are handled in human memory.
2. The imagistic mode of religiosity
The sorts of practices that lead to the coalescence of imagistic features
are invariably low frequency (rarely enacted). They are also,
without exception, highly arousing. Examples might include traumatic
and violent initiation rituals, ecstatic practices of various cults,
experiences of collective possession and altered states of consciousness,
and extreme rituals involving homicide or cannibalism.
Infrequent repetition High arousal
Intense
cohesion
Episodic Memory Localized/
exclusive
communities
Spontaneous exeget- Diversity of religical
reflection (SER) ious representations
Lack of Lack of dynamic Hard to spread
orthodoxy leadership
Lack of centralization
Figure 3
These sorts of religious practices, although taking very diverse forms,
are extremely widespread.10
Archaeological and historical evidence
304 harvey whitehouse
suggests they are also the most ancient forms of religious activity (see
Lewis-Williams 1977; Pfieffer 1982; Martin 2001). As with the doctrinal
mode, the coalescence of features of the imagistic mode derives its
robustness from the fact that these features are causally interconnected
or mutually reinforcing. Once again, this claim rests on a
series of testable hypotheses, depicted in Figure 3 and enumerated
below.
2.1. Infrequent repetition and high arousal activate episodic memory.
Rarely performed and highly arousing rituals invariably trigger vivid
and enduring episodic memories among the people who participate
in them. It appears to be a combination of episodic distinctiveness,
emotionality, and consequentiality that together result in lasting autobiographical
memories.11
These memories can be so vivid and detailed
that they can take the form of (what some psychologists call)
flashbulb memories.12
It is almost as if a camera has gone off in one's
head, illuminating the scene, and preserving it forever in memory.
The effects of infrequent performance and high levels of arousal
should be thought of in terms of processes of selection. Religious
practices that are rarely performed, but which elicit low levels of
arousal, are unlikely to be passed on: people will rapidly forget the
procedures, and especially their meanings, during the long gaps between
performances;13
even if they could remember some aspects of
the rituals, their lack of thought about these practices for long periods
would not be conducive to high motivation. In short, rarely performed
religious practices that survive tend to involve high levels of
arousal, and this is due to the triangular nexus of causes indicated in
Figure 2.
11
The evidence here is somewhat complex, but useful overviews are presented by
Christiansen 1992; McCauley 2001; Atran 2002.
12
This term was first coined by Brown and Kulik 1982, and has since been
examined in a variety of major studies (for further details, see Winograd and Neisser
1992, Conway et al 1992). The role of flashbulb memory in recall for ritual episodes
has been most extensively discussed in Whitehouse 1996a, 2000a and McCauley
2001.
13
The only cases of low-frequency, low-arousal rituals known to me are ones that
use external mnemonics and/or a compositional hierarchy of ritual elements (i.e.,
rarely-performed rituals composed of an assortment of more frequently-performed
rites). For examples, see McCauley 2001 and Atran 2002. But such exceptions seem
to prove the rule--not only because they are hard to find but because they always
constitute practices that are inessential to the reproduction, in a recognizable form,
of the doctrinal traditions in which they occur.
modes of religiosity 305
2.2. Activation of episodic memory triggers spontaneous exegetical reflection.
The combination of infrequent repetition and high arousal may provide
excellent conditions for remembering the details of religious
procedures--such as ritual actions. But it does not seem to help
people to remember verbally transmitted information--such as doctrines
and narratives.14
It turns out that this needn't matter. In fact,
the meaning and salience of rare, climactic rituals usually lies their
capacity to trigger spontaneous exegetical reflection (SER)--often
experienced as personal inspiration or revelation. The key to understanding
this lies in the fact that episodic memory is a type of explicit
memory. This means that rare, climactic rituals are processed at a
conscious level. Not surprisingly, people tend to reflect deeply on
these experiences, and speculate about their significance and mean-
ing.15
An important factor here is that elevated arousal is occasioned
14
A recent pilot study by Barrett and Whitehouse suggests that recall for rarelytransmitted
verbal exegesis is extremely poor, and certainly very much poorer than
for rarely-transmitted behavioral procedures. In this study, a class of a hundred firstyear
anthropology students participated in an artificial ritual requiring them to carry
out a series of unusual actions. They were told that the purpose of this was to learn
about the pressures of ethnographic fieldwork, especially the effects on stress-levels
among researchers of having to participate in strange activities. Participants were
instructed not to write down what they had heard. The theological statement was
delivered loudly and slowly, to maximize the chances of successful encoding. Participants
then completed a short questionnaire asking them to rate their emotional states
during the performance. Seven weeks later, participants completed a questionnaire
asking them to record both the action sequence they had performed, the stated
reasons for the experiment, and the fictitious theology they had heard. The elements
and sequence of the ritual actions were recalled more or less perfectly by the entire
class. By contrast, recall for the fictitious theology and even for the stated reasons for
the experiment was virtually nil. This particular experiment was unsuccessful, insofar
as it was intended to establish correlations between emotional self-ratings and recall
for various aspects of the artificial ritual. The lack of significant variation in recall
performance made this impossible. Nevertheless, our findings do suggest that the
cultural reproduction of ritual actions does not require very great frequency (even
quite rarely performed actions sequences will be well-remembered). By contrast,
even the simplest exegetical and theological concepts cannot survive relatively long
transmissive cycles. In order to be learned in the first place, and sustained in semantic
memory in the long run, they must be repeated and rehearsed.
15
All rituals have the potential to trigger SER, by virtue of being "symbolicallymotivated"
actions (Sperber 1975). Nevertheless, it has been suggested above that
frequent repetition can reduce the likelihood of an internal "search" for symbolic
motivations being initiated, by causing habituation and reliance on implicit procedural
knowledge. This is not the case with respect to low-frequency, high-arousal
rituals activating episodic memory. Whenever recall for the rituals is triggered, this
will involve recall of an explicit kind which is, in turn, eminently capable of setting
off a search for symbolic motivations.
306 harvey whitehouse
typically by sensory stimulation (often using a variety of channels--
auditory, visual, kinesthetic, olfactory, etc.). This in turn encourages
people to draw associations between different images evoked in religious
ceremonies which are rooted in the way perception is organized
(see McCauley 2001). Space limitations prevent a more detailed
discussion of this here, but we can note two important points. The
first is that rare and climactic rituals evoke abundant inferences, producing
a sense of multivalence and multivocality of religious imagery,
experienced as personal and unmediated inspiration. The second requires
a separate hypothesis.
2.3. SER leads to a diversity of religious representations.
The personal experiences and revelations triggered by rare, climactic
rituals tend to be quite unique. They may converge on certain themes
and central ideas, but there is nothing resembling the kind of uniformity
of belief that characterizes doctrinal orthodoxies. The Principle of
Agreement, if it is invoked at all, applies only to the ritual procedures
themselves and not to their meanings (see Barth 1975; Whitehouse
2000a; Martin 2001). If exegesis is verbally transmitted, it is restricted
to "experts" whose adherence to the Principle of Agreement may well
be asserted but seldom demonstrated (see especially Whitehouse
2000a: chap. 4).
2.4. SER and representational diversity inhibit dynamic leadership.
If a fertile and compelling array of religious beliefs and interpretations
is generated independently through personal reflection, dynamic
leadership is almost impossible to establish. If a leader tried to
come forward at rare, climactic rituals, to advance an intricate and
coherent body of doctrine, people might listen. But they would very
rapidly garble or forget what they had been told and, at least in the
long run, their own inspirational ideas are likely to be more compelling
than the content of a single oration. In such circumstances,
admittedly, the possibility remains open for an individual, group, or
class, to be elevated socially, and for this to be expressed in the
structure and choreography of rituals and the accordance of ritual
precedence to persons of high standing. But leadership of this sort is
primarily symbolic rather than dynamic.16
16
In other words, the position of leader (if it exists) does not afford opportunities
to transmit, shape, or direct any systematic program of belief and action.
modes of religiosity 307
2.5. Lack of dynamic leadership, lack of centralization, and lack of orthodoxy are
mutually reinforcing.
The fact that each person experiences inspiration as coming directly
from the gods or ancestors, rather than being mediated by leaders or
priests, means that there is no place here for centralized authority.
And there is no orthodoxy over which such an authority might pre-
side.
2.6. High arousal fosters intense cohesion.
The high arousal involved in the imagistic mode tends to produce
emotional bonds between participants. In other words, there is intense
social cohesion (see, e.g., Aronson and Mills 1959; Mills and
Mintz 1972). People who are bound together in this way tend to form
rather small and localized communities.
2.7. Intense cohesion and episodic memory foster localized, exclusive communities.
Where rituals are remembered episodically, each participant remembers
who else went through the rituals with them. Ritual groups are
based on memories for shared episodes, in which particular co-participants
feature. Consequently, religious communities tend to be
exclusive: you cannot be a member unless people remember you as
part of a previous cycle of religious activities; and, by the same token,
you cannot very easily be excluded once you are in (i.e., your participation
cannot be easily forgotten). This tends to give rise to fixed and
exclusive ritual groups in which there is no easy way of adding to, or
subtracting from, the established membership.
2.8. Localized/exclusive communities and lack of dynamic leadership inhibit
spread/ dissemination.
Unlike the beliefs and practices of the doctrinal mode, traditions
operating in the imagistic mode do not spread widely.17
Since religious
understandings are inspired by collective ritual performances,
the unit of transmission is the entire ritual group (not a small number
of talented orators). It follows that the spread of such traditions would
be inefficient and costly: either the local group must perform its
17
Ethnographic evidence for this is presented in Whitehouse 2000a; historiographical
evidence is presented in Martin 2001.
308 harvey whitehouse
rituals with neighboring groups, or the local group must be mobile
(i.e., migratory or nomadic). But, either way, the practices are likely
to mutate as soon as they get passed on.18
In part, this is because of
the lack of leaders and religious hierarchies, capable of policing an
orthodoxy and, in part, it is because each ritual community is likely
to be fiercely exclusivist (and therefore will tend to emphasize local
distinctiveness over regional unity).
3. Modes of religiosity
The key features of doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity stand
in stark contrast with each other, as represented in Figure 4. It will be
observed that these contrasting features are of two types. First, there
are cognitive features, concerned with differences in the way religious
activities are handled psychologically. Second, there are sociopolitical
features, concerned with contrasts in social organization and politics at
the level of groups and populations. This clustering of sociopolitical
features has been widely recognized for quite a long time, but what is
new about the theory of "modes of religiosity" is the way it places these
features together in a single model, and then explains the clustering of
features in terms of a set of cognitive or psychological causes.
What gives these psychological features causal priority is that they are
founded in the material conditions of brain activity--expressed in the
form of memory effects. Human memory is the outcome of extremely
complex neural functions, which constantly adapt to new
experiences in the light of previous ones. Space limitations prevent a
discussion here of the neuro-logical foundations of these memory
dynamics (see Whitehouse 1996b, 2001a; Atran 2002). But, useful as
it may be, it is not essential to provide a thorough account of the
neurological basis of memory functions in order to explain the coalescence
of modes of religiosity. What is necessary is to understand the
consequences of neural activity in terms of the general properties of
cognitive organization, including the way memory works in the real
world. And then we need to show how the properties of these systems
shape and constrain the selection of different forms of religious
thought, experience, action, and social organization.
18
Classic ethnographic studies include Williams 1928; Schwartz 1962; and Barth
1987. For an extended discussion, see Whitehouse 2000a.
modes of religiosity 309
VARIABLE DOCTRINAL IMAGISTIC
Psychological features
1. Transmissive frequency High Low
2. Level of arousal Low High
3. Principal memory system Semantic schemas Episodic/ flashbulb
and implicit scripts memory
4. Ritual meaning Learned/acquired Internally generated
5. Techniques of revelation Rhetoric, logical integration, Iconicity, multivocalnarrative
ity, and multivalence
Sociopolitical Features
6. Social cohesion Diffuse Intense
7. Leadership Dynamic Passive/absent
8. Inclusivity/exclusivity Inclusive Exclusive
9. Spread Rapid, efficient Slow, inefficient
10. Scale Large-scale Small-scale
11. Degree of uniformity High Low
12. Structure Centralized Non-centralized
Figure 4
Doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity are not types of religion
but organizing principles for religious experience and action. It
is very common for both modes of religiosity to be present within a
single religious tradition. This does not, however, result in a simple
fusion of the two modes. Invariably, those aspects of a religious tradition
associated with doctrinal and imagistic modes respectively, remain
distinct from the viewpoints of both participants and observers.
It is precisely this distinctiveness that prompted the numerous dichotomous
theories of religion listed at the outset. But if we now have
a clearer grasp of the causes of these alternative modes, we may also
be in a better position to understand the nature of their interaction.
Religious traditions founded upon interacting modes of religiosity
encompass large populations but, at the same time, they are composed
of many locally distinctive ritual communities. The cohesion of
the latter may readily be projected onto the wider religious community,
and such processes appear to have been crucial in many large
scale and bloody religiously-motivated wars. In other cases, however,
the effect of the imagistic mode is not necessarily to intensify commitment
to a set of principles codified in language but rather to provide
a substitute for such principles as the main source of religious motivation.
This point requires some elaboration.
310 harvey whitehouse
In many large religious traditions, a fully developed doctrinal
mode of religiosity is apparent only in a rather restricted (typically
elite) domain of operation. For instance, in medieval Christianity in
Europe, the doctrinal mode was substantially (though not entirely)
confined to the monasteries (Whitehouse 2000a: chap. 7). Likewise,
in much of present-day Eurasia, the doctrinal mode may only be fully
operational among educated elites. The "little traditions" (Redfield
1955) of rural tribes people and peasantries are founded on versions
of elite religious practices which (for the laity) lack a systematic justification
in doctrine and narrative. Within all the so-called "world
religions" and their offshoots, an uneven distribution of religious
knowledge is apparent. In some cases, lay populations participate in
highly routinized forms of worship for which there is no widely available
exegesis. And yet lay participants are seldom in any doubt that
their rituals possess authoritative meanings, known to religious "experts"
and elites. How is this to be squared with the expectation,
outlined above, that frequent rituals will motivated by principles
codified in language and stored in semantic memory? Surely, it is not
enough to believe that somebody, somewhere has access to such
knowledge?
Almost certainly this is not enough. If people are to be motivated
to continue to reproduce in action a range of highly repetitive rituals,
they must have some personal sense of the value and necessity of
such activities. This is one area in which the presence of an imagistic
mode can have important consequences. It is precisely within those
populations that lack access to the authoritative corpus of religious
teachings, and so cannot be adequately motivated by these teachings,
that we find the greatest profusion of imagistic practices. Elitist discourses
would have us believe that the prominence of the imagistic
mode among the uneducated and dispossessed is symptomatic of
ignorance. Expressed more precisely, and less snobbishly, routinized
religious rituals that lack a persuasive justification in dogma (i.e.,
learned via instruction) will die out unless they are motivated by
forms of religious experience and understanding that are, at least to
some significant extent, internally generated. A model for this sort of
motivational base is provided the world over by the ancient imagistic
mode of religiosity.
What is being offered here is a selectionist model. A religious
tradition in which the teachings and rituals are frequently repeated is
one in which all the component features of the doctrinal mode, out-
modes of religiosity 311
lined above, will enjoy a selective advantage and (over time) would
therefore be expected to coalesce. Similarly, a religious tradition in
which the rituals are rarely performed and elicit high levels of arousal
is one in which all the component features of the imagistic mode will
enjoy a selective advantage and, similarly, would be expected to coalesce
over time. A religious tradition in which both modes of religiosity
are present is one in which two basic scenarios are possible. The
first is that the core religious teachings are successfully transmitted to
the vast majority of adherents, opening up a particular range of
sociopolitical consequences. Much depends here on whether the
imagistic domain of operation confers cohesion only on the local
communities it encompasses, or whether this cohesion is projected
onto (at least some aspects of) the mainstream doctrinal orthodoxy
and the large anonymous populations over which it presides. The
second basic scenario is that core religious teachings are substantially
restricted to elites, in which case lay versions of the religious tradition
must be augmented and motivated by the imagistic mode. In the first
scenario, both modes of religiosity are potentially self-sustaining (even
though they may also be mutually reinforcing). In the second, lay
religious practices which are incompletely modeled on a doctrinal
mode of religiosity, depend for their survival on the presence of
imagistic practices.
The above is not intended to be read as a functionalist argument,
at least not in the sense normally used in social theory (see Kuklick
1996). The features of each mode are mutually reinforcing but this
does not imply stasis, as in classical forms of functionalism. Since
modes of religiosity are generated through processes of selection, the
theory does, however, lend itself to evolutionary arguments. It has
been mentioned already that the two modes of religiosity are not
equally ancient or widespread: the imagistic mode appears to be the
more ancient and cross-culturally recurrent (see Pfieffer 1982; Diamond
1997); the doctrinal mode probably dates back no more than
about 6000 years (Whitehouse 2000a: chap. 8). Moreover, it is only
in the last few hundred years that it has spread to virtually every
corner of the globe (as part of processes of invasion, colonization, and
globalization). A crucial question, to which archaeology and ancient
history may hold the key, is the role of literacy in the emergence of
the doctrinal mode. But what is already clear is that the evolution of
religious forms is not characterized by a succession of neat stages, nor
is it unilinear. By and large, the spread of the doctrinal mode has not
312 harvey whitehouse
eliminated or displaced the more ancient imagistic mode. Commonly,
these two modes form aspects of the same religious traditions,
and the interaction of these modes has often been crucial in maintaining
religious motivation and commitment in a wide variety of
different traditions. Moreover, in some societies with a long tradition
of doctrinal practices (e.g. in contemporary North America and Europe)
cults founded on an imagistic mode of operation have gained
considerable ground recently. Co-evolution and de-evolution are as
characteristic of contemporary religions as those of the first bronze
age "civilizations". But we may now be on the cusp of knowing a
good deal more than ever before about the why the patterns we
observe historically and cross-culturally unfold in the way they do.
Epilogue
If we are to gain a fuller understanding of the role of modes of
religiosity in shaping not only contemporary religions but the religious
and sociopolitical history of our species, this will require crossdisciplinary
collaboration. British Academy funding has recently facilitated
the construction of a series of specialist research teams in the
study of modes of religiosity. These now consist of a team of social
and cultural anthropologists, a team of archaeologists and historians
of religion, and a team of cognitive scientists (currently involved in
developing experimental research on memory for religious practices
and teachings). Coordinators of these research teams comprise myself,
James Laidlaw (anthropologist, University of Cambridge),
Luther Martin (historian, University of Vermont), R. N. McCauley
(philosopher, Emory University), and Justin Barrett (psychologist,
University of Michigan). Together with our collaborators, we hope to
test out the theory of modes of religiosity much more thoroughly
than I have so far been able to do on my own. And in the process, we
hope to unlock many other previously unexplained mysteries of religious
forms, ideas, and practices.
School of Anthropological Studies
The Queen's University of Belfast
Belfast BT7 1NN, Northern Ireland
modes of religiosity 313
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