DAVIS, F.A.:Seŕŕ/emenŕ Workers in Politics, 1890-1914. in: Mahaffey, M., Hanks, J.W.,Social Work & Poiitical Responsibility, NASW, Siiver Spring 1982 Settlement Workers in Politics, 1890-1914 ALLEN P. DAVIS SETTLEMENT workers during the Progressive Era were probably more committed to political action, than any othejjaxoup of welfare worEersbefore or since. Charity organization workers also cooperated^ôn^ccasion m political reform projects, but Robert Hunter, the itinerant radical settlement worker and charity expert, was probably right in 1902, even if he exaggerated, when he decided that the settlement worker and the charity worker had basically different temperaments. The charity worker was hesitant to get involved with reform, Hunter decided; he had a philosophy of "don't, don't" and was constantly troubled by the fear that his relief would destroy independence. The settlement worker, on the other hand, was more often the victim of ur^punded..ein^n^sjasm than of moral questioning. "He is constantly doing, ur^ng; he is constantly pressing forward, occasionally tilting at wind mills, at times malting mistakes, often perhaps doing injury, but filled with enthusiasm, warmth and purpose, without much question."1 Settlement workers were usually activists. The pioneer settlement workers in the United States haTénthusiasm and purpose as well as afewdoubts, but they had no political theory in mind when they established_their o^t^o^b^injihesbjinsrindeeithey had Front Review of Politics, 26:4 (October 2964), pp. 505- 517. ® 1964, Review of Politics. Reprinted with permission. 32 little interest in politics. Influenced largely by the British settlement and university extension movements, young men and women like Stanton Coit, Jane Robbins, Robert Woods, Ellen Gates Starr, and Jane Addams set out b3_soJyJ!ÜiiiLJEä Jra^y^hvjmjjn^aujrrban worlan^J^s3i§trict._They sought to ŕľe-jsr.eai&ajeeling^f.neighborhood in th^sprawl'ing, crowded cityT They wanted to share their lives and their learning with those less fortunate, but beyond that they were not sure. They were reformers, but not political refonngxsJjS^Ül^ beginning.2 'The early "settlement workers, however, soon discovered that they had invaded a political world. When Jane Robbins, Jean Fine, and the other well-dressed, young Smith College graduates began the New York College Settlement on the Lower East Side in 1889, their first visitor was a local policeman who thought they were opening another house of prostitution. He stopped by to let them know that he would not disturb them as long as they made a regular monthly contribution to his income. The young settlement workers may have been shocked, but at least they learned that they could not reform the neighborhood without clashing with the existing political structure.3 Nearly every activity begun by the settlement workers was interpreted in political terms by the men and women in the neighborhood. Even the picture and art exhibitions that they fancied were bringing meaning and beauty into the drab lives of the work-ingmen seemed to one New York politician, "a cleverly disguised trick on the part of the eminent mugwumps in the University Settlement Society to get a grip on the district in the ante-election months." When the settlement workers moved from picture exhibitions and classes in Dante to attempts to improve the living and working conditions in their neighborhood, they became even more aware of the political structure and of political realities. Jane Addams and the other residents of Hull House stajted a campaign to clean up_ the streets of the nineteenth ward soon after they movecTto the area. At first they thought that it was a lack of knowledge.about the spread of _dis_eas_e and iLdearth of gride in the neighborhood among the citizens that jcaused Jhejilthystreets. Jane Addams began "a campaign of education, but then an investigation by EdwáTcTBurchard; the firs! male resident of Hull House, revealed that Johnny Powers, the shrewd and powerful ward boss, used.the position of garbage collector as a political.plum. One of hisi henchmen collected the-money, but little oJ_the garbage. Jane Settlement Workero 33 Addams's attempt to promote cleaner streets caused her to submit a bid for the collection of garbage in the ward, resulted in the mayor appointing her a garbage inspector, and led her eventually into two un^uccessfu^attenijits_to unseat Fqwers.frorn hisjgosi-tign^s^aldennanjrôinjhe ŕuňejeinffi^ward. In this instance of Jane Acľdäms the settleměnťidea led inevitäßly to political action.4 Other settlement workers discovered as they tried to "recreate a feeling of neighborhood" in the industrial city that the precinct and the ward already provided one form of neighborhood organization. But not all settlement workers could agree with Jane' Addams that they had "no right to meddle in all aspects of a community's life and ignore politics." Mary K. Simkhovitch of Greenwich House in New York argued that political partiesdid not express, in any_yital way, the reláTlrTterešt of the..ciíÍzens_pf the neighborhood, and that the settlement therefore ought to remain aKärffóm partisan politics ^'Robert WbodsTtfie tall and taciturn head resident of South End House in Boston, agreed basically with Mrs. Simkhovitch. He argued that the settlement lost more than it gained by a partisan stand in local politics. He maintained that it was better to cooperate with the ward boss than1ö"{ry"tö~Heteaf Jinn. Of course, the situation in Boston's ninth ward was somewhat unusual; James Donovan, the affable Irish boss, in part because he was badly in need of allies, seemed willing to cooperate with the settlement workers in making the ward a better place in which to live. Despite their statements, however, both Woods and Mrs. Simkhovitch on occasion took_part in reform.campaigns whenj2\^entiy_they_fel^^ by a political organization.^ Mofe" "successful than Hull House, South End House, or Greenwich House in influencing the politics in their ward was ChicagoCommons, founded in 1894 by Graham Taylor. After preliminary anduhsuccessful^ttemots to cooperatej^ith_Üieboss^in the wänQfie seTB^menTmen's club mänä^d^to_5eIeat him,_and then for. nearly two_ decades the settlement_effectiyely controlled elections for alderman in the ward. Instead of running an inde-pendent candidate, tlie_settleraent concentrated.„pn^e^tmg_gop_d candidates nomin_ated_from.the major .parties. The settlement workers controlled enough votes so that their endorsement was tantamount to election. The Commons had the advantage of being located in a ward where the local political boss had little, real power. But Taylor alone could not have made his settlement into a 34 DAVIS successful political machine. He was aided by a group of young,. politically orientegLsgriaLworkers who.Uňlilcé the'settlement pio- nejirj^Dnscin^^ cal reform m the ward and the cky^Such men as Allen T Burns"! whoHmé fo"the settlement after graduate work at the University of Chicago, and Raymond Robins, who wandered into Chicago Commons in 1901 after he had been a coal miner, a fruit grower, a lawyer, and a minister, became e^^rts^ynaj^gi^ gaigns. They made surveys, filed reports, checked for._voting frauds, organized political; ralhes_and t^ and distrib- - úteď posters and handbills. Most important, they became acquainted with the people and the politicians in the ward and the city. For Burns and Robins, Chicago Commons and the seventeenth ward provided practical_lessons in political reform_that they utilizedj^yearjjtfterji^ Chicago had no monopoly on politically active settlement workers. James B. Reynolds, an ordained Congregational minister, gave up his work for the YMCA in 1893 to become head resident of Uniyersityjjettlement in New__Ybrk. As early as 1896 he urged a group of social workers to "Gö into politics." "Be earnest, be practical, be active," he advised, "political reform is the great moral QBEP.rtunity of our day." To Henry Moskowitz politics was more than a moral opportunity; it was a way of life. Unlike most of the settlement workers, Moskowitz, a Rumáňianléw, had grown up in a tenement on the Lower East Side. He was inspired by classes at Neighborhood Guild and eventually became a settlement worker himself at Madison House. He battled the boss in theward, fought f9lJ^£ter_jňty_ government, and dreamed of the day when there would Jie_íLsettÍeměnt in every neighborhood in the city_tö counter-actjhejnjluence of ťrie^poliTicaí machines. Like"Raymond Robins, James B. Reynolds, and Graham Taylor, hebelieyed the settlement could become.the.aatidgte to boss rule in ward politics and the base for political reform in ffieTrty-J The politically minded settlement workers, whether they took an active part in local politics or not, leanied_a^great_deal about the nature of politics in the downtown^aLdsji.Üie~gr.e.aL industnalcitie^Many of them, especially Roberts Woods and Jane Äddamš, contributed to a better understanding of city politics through their writings. They discovered, for example, that often the political machine depended on an elaborate structure_of J3oy_s' gangs that duplicated in miniature the political organization of the Settlement Workers 35 city. It wasjErom these.gangs that the ward heelers as well as_the bogses_got ťjiěír le^ership^^^ejjence. The political boss often remained in power, they learned, through a combination of ruth-lessness and genuine neighborliness. There was an element of truth in Johnny Powers's bald statement: "The trouble with Miss Addams," he announced on one occasion, "is that she is jealous of my charitable worlc in the ward." He was a friendly visitor all right; he gave away turkeys at Christmas time, provided free passes on the railroad, bailed men out of jail, and got the unemployed jobs. There was no charge, no forms to fill out (as there always were at the Charity Organization Society). The only thing expected in return was a vote cast in the proper way on election day. Despite the obvious corruption^f the_bpjs_,jno mattexhow he robbed^řwafd7fiě"was~loíówn for his plu'laTithrr^yjatherl^n for fiis'Hishon^TyrThě^etT:lěměht workers, however, learned from "tKg^nffi^išrAIfHough they soon discovered they could not compete in "handing out favors i they could emulate the politicianjjreal concern for thj; problemsjrfjusj^ojr^ lešTtrrtfícär^thÉLEresent situation, talk less ajbquQheir eTaborate plans for the future, anď^ncentrate, as the bosses did, on, maldng their reforms "concrete"and human..''0 In part because ór^héír vantage point in a working-class neighborhood and their close observation of local politics, settlement workers often put less emphasis than some reformers on the revision of a charter or the defeat of a corrupt politician. They could appreciatethe usefulness of theboss eventas theywerejn despair at his^gj^of civic pndeTJaneTraa^irňTHeHděcTit was not worthwhtleTo oppose Powers after he had twice defeated her candidate. Most settlement workers soon realized that, even if it were possible to defeat the local boss, it was impossible to accomplish mučlTTň^pewarH. For this reason they" weřTo|ten^ctiye, though somewhat cautious, paŕnjjpanfš in~a"variety qi'municipal reform carnrjajgns, especially in Boston, New York, and Chicago.0 Settlement workers seldom ran for poJitical_office in the city, rather they served as campaign managers, advisers on,policy, statistics gatherers, and "brain trusters,rfôFriform adminisfrgBorts-In Boston m the 1890s Mayor Josiah Quincy often depended on the advice and aid of Robert Woods in attempting to provide the_city with pubhcjDalhhpju^es^gy^^ In Boston alTiňother cities, the settlements~cbntributed to municipal reform by demonstrating the need for action, by initiatjng,.kindergartens, 36 DAVIS playgrounds, and bathhouses, and by then convincing the municipal authorities that it was was the city's responsibility to take them over and expand their usefulness. In the first decade of the twentieth century, Boston settlement workers played important roles in the nearly futile campaigns of the Good Government Association to bring honesty and reform into the city government. In the reform campaign of 1909-10, four young men closely associated with South End House virtually ran the unsuccessful campaign of James J. Storrow. One served as his campaign manager, another as his assistant campaign manager, a third as his personal secretary, and a fourth as the secretary of the Good Government Association. In the long run, the^e^lements^ most important contribution J:q a better d.ty_goYernment may have been. tHr^'gh~ffiélr^euůcation of a generation of young men in the tac-to^orimjmcjTjalxeforai and.the^trammg^pfj^grp^ atyganiiSitxation.10 * InTtew YqricTJanies B. Reynolds was a prominent member of the Cruzens Union, and he was in part responsible for drafting Seth Low, the president of Columbia University and a member of the University Settlement Council, to run for mayor in 1901. Reynolds worked behind the scenes tojnanage Low's campaign and enlisted the support of his settlement friends, especially Lillian Wald of Henry Street Settlement, Henry Moskowitz of Madison House, and Elizabeth Williams of College Settlement, in the campaign. WTien Low was elected, Reynolds..became his personal secretary and closest aďyiser. FpřJ^vo J^ar^^e^setümeritwgrk-ers^having ä direct^line to the .majori..used it_to„promo.tejbjtter housing_laws_, more piaygrqujids^jínd a.,cityľsupported systerrLpi vishing nurses in the public schools. Lillian Wald and the others at Henry Street Settlement were primarily responsible for the latter innovation. They had been troubled for some time by the number of children prevented from going to school because they had eczema, hookworm, or some other disease. Doctors had been inspecting the students in the city for several years, but no one made any attempt to treatjhe ill children. Low's reform administration only compíieaterTlľinfficult situation, for it made the inspection more rigorous but did nothing to treat the rejects. Because she knew Mayor Low and many other officials in his administration, Lillian Wald was able to suggest a solution. She offered to supply visiting nurses who could work with the doctors and treat the sick children. Before she began, however, she made Settlement Workers 37 the city officials promise that, if the experiment proved successful, they would maintain it with city funds. After only one month yie Boardi of Estimate appropriated the money tojiire school nurses and_sooiy:he_e2cperim^^ Lillian Wäldand other settlement workers often accomplished much because they wererespected andjistened to by aj leasLsQnTe_of the politicians whg.occup^ed^ositions ofpower in city hall and the state capital."' *""~~.....""......" ":"""' " "*"--- -1 Sometimes the settlement worker's entry into the arena of municipal politics was concerned with opposition to a proposed measure rather than with a positive sugg£ationjEar-.r.eforni. This was the case in 1905 when the settlements on the Lower East Side banded together to defeat_a proposed elevated loop that would have connected the Brooklyn and Williamsburg Bridges. The settlement workers feared that the loop would cause needless bhgJit_ai!djnorej^^ thecjiy.. They favored a_s u b way and suggested malaňgTíelancey Street into a boulevard. LilIíärTWald, Florence Kelley, and Charles Stover, with help from housing reformer Lawrence Veiller, led the campaignjjiat .helped_-to_defeat_the measure. Stover, ■ who had s'peTrrá"lífetíme fighting for more playgrounds in New York, called the first meeting and enlisted the "support of many organizations on the Lower East Side. Sometimes the settlement workers had a difficult time convincing their immigrant neighbors of the need for opposing a ward boss or for supporting a reform bill, but this time it was easy to win their cooperation. The settlement workers organized massjneetmgs, sent out letters, to..influential people, persuaded newsjpjmermen to present their point of view, and bombarded thejľitjLxäuňcu-^with Jetters_and petitions. Henry Street, "College, and University Settlements haTTčTied mošt of the clerical work, gathered most of the names for the petitions, and helped arouse their members and supporters to protest the measure. They had a lot of help during the campaign. One source of aid they never suspected. Only after__the measure was defeated did they.learn J;hat_a^ vated loop would -r.uui.Ms "business, had spent Mj^Jhousaxiáäol-[afs to oppose the..measure. Whether it was bribe money or the aroused social conscience of the Lower East Side that caused the defeat of the elevated loop, the campaign illustrates how settlement workers could organize neighborhood opinion and bring that opinion to bear on public officials.12 38 DAVIS In Chicago, Graham Taylor, Raymond Robins, and an energetic group of young settlement workers, who became experts at ferreting out the records of candidates, worked closely with the Municipal Voters' League and had some success in electing honest and well-qualified aldermen to the city council. Early in the twentieth century Hull House, which Henry Demarest Lloyd liked to call the best club in Chicago, served as the headquarters for a well-organized. butfutUe attemptj; o_promot^tee municipal pwner-slíip.oí street railways. THe"settlement ať its best became a clear-Jnghouse for reform ancf a meeting place for reformers.13 Settlement workers plaveoWm^ox^tj^lesJn^eyeraLeki4ids ojjmunicipal reforrn^^cam^aigris. Many would have agreed with Jane RobbinsTWKén asked why she was so interested in politics, she replied, "I never go into a tenement without longing for a better city government."14 Most settlement workers, however, soon learned that to improve the tenements and the working and living conditions in the city, iL^asnecessary to_go beyond city hall to ,£he_sj££e^oitid^ii.e^^ Much more important, in the long run, than the settlement workers' attempts to defeat the ward boss or elect a reform mayor was thejr infljieiiEe^oj^sta^e and national reform legislation. Robert Bremner notes the important role that social workers played in communicating to the public the great need for reform. This of course they did, but they also played a large part in the practical task of getting .bills. passed_at Springfield, Albany, or Washington. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., describes the "subtle and persistent saintlinešs of the social workers." "Theirs," he says, "was the implacability of gentleness."15 But behind the gentleness many settlement workers were tougjvminded realists whounder- course, that .they were „also, idealists ..who _sometimes^ came^per-iiously close to believingthat, if they gathered enough statistics andfound out enough informa^iqnjyjput.^ m_Amer- ica, the solution would_foUgw^naturaüy. Yet a large numBer of settlement workeTs'TTécame experts not only at collecting sbatis-ijfis^.but also at usingthem to mfluejiayjubUc^^ ggkias. ŤHěýlíad íearneSTííéirpblitics' In the precinct and the ward, not from a textbook, and their experience served them well in Springfield and Washington. The passage of a series of amendments to the:child.labor law inJB97Jßllllinois may serve as a case in point. The amendments Settlement Workers 39 were drafted by Florence Kelley who, more than anyone else, led the crusade_against child Jabpr. There was little publicity or fanfare in the beginning. Florence Kelley remarked to Henry Dema-rest Lloyd: "We want to get them out of committee before the editorial column raises its voice in defense of the infant newsboys and the toddling 'cash' who will both come under its provisions." Persuasion was more important than publicity in the beginning. Jane Addams led a.contingent of social workers^labor leaders^and enlightened businessmeri~tö"£he statecapital to testify before the Senate Committee on ĽäbraT to ^display lmjpressive^tajistí£gfcíand to tell human^toriěg~abou£the_results of child labor. Alzina Stevens, a Hull House resident and also a member of a labor union, got workingmen and women to write to the members of the Senate committee. George Hooker, a settlement worker and ordained min-ister, gôfThe support of various members of the clergy in Chicago. When the amendments were reported out of committee, the settlement workers made sure they got the .proper publicity in the newspapers. They also prepared pamphletsiandscrapbooks^filled withdippings demonstrating the need foPEétter cEílcľläbor laws and sent them to everylmember of the state legislature. The amgnaments passed; they did rioTen3 the problem of child labor by any means, but their passage illustrates the way settlement workers operated realistically in state politics.16 In New JforJiL a committee of settlement workers led by Robert Hunterorganized in 1902 to protegt_against the incredible conditions of labor among children in-the-xity. Florence Kelley, now in New York as general secretary of the National Consumers' League and a resident of Henry Street Settlement, along with young men and women like William English Walling, Ernest Poole, and Lillian Wald, took on the task of collecting information, arousing publ^opinion(- and lobbying-for-better..law^at_AlbSřy. J.UTPHélpTStokes, a wealtKyyoung Yale graduate and resident of University Settlement, used the staff in his father's uptown office to turn out propaganda in favor of jnore.effective child labor.laws. The New Yo1TcCEild~LäBör~Committee played an important part in the passage of a better child labor bill for New York in 1903; it also became the nucleus of the National Child Labor Committee.17 Just as the child labor reformers in New York began to realize in the first decade of the twentieth century that reform to be effective would have to be organized on the national level, so set-_ tlejnentjvorkers in several ciüej^egaritodevote more and more. 40 DAVIS time to national organizations and national legislation. In addition to trie JNationaTTThTíán^DOTPCómmlttee, ^ľeylíelpecľto organize the National Women's Trade Union League, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, a national investigation of women and children in industry, and a national Industrial Relations Commission.18 Men like William English Walling, Henry Moskowitz, and Paul Kellogg became experts at bringing the right people together and getting a program of reform organized. They worked b^Mnjj^s^negand so have never recejyeďthe attention from historiäns,.that.ffiév déšeřm They used much the same tactics on the national level that they had perfected in the ward, the city, and the state. They gath^gdsta^tics, collected information, andJ&ej34jsedUheir_kM electeďgfficiajg. "Tn!1906 when James Reynolds was in Washington lobbying for the passage of a bill that would provide for federal inspection of meat packing plants, he wrote to Jane Addams asking her to ,'securejistronjg;e^ in Chicago favor- ing pässágeor the Beveridge Amendment." Sometimes public sentiment could be effective, but often more direct tactics were needed. The next year Mary McDowell was in Washington JoJahy.-ingjor a bill to provide a federal investigating! ^wqmenmdcfinH-ren in industry. Shěwřoíě"Eó~Anita McCormick Blaine, the daughter of Cyrus McCormick, asldng her to get letters from "conservative employers who have good conditions and are willing to have this significant subject of women in industry freed from confusion." Again in 1912 when Allen T. Burns and Graham Taylor, Jr., were coordinating a social work campaign for the passage of a bill in Congress providing for an Industrial Relations Commission, they asked..the settlement porkersJ^ge^p^intedJ^Uer^a^re^sed tomemhers of the congressional committee from labor leaders and businessmen as well as„ .^Jn_^cial_^prtea_^d^myersij^ professors?9 *'" Despite the realistic political tactics on the local, state, and national level, most settlement workers were disturbed by the | slowano^ialtin^aatii^ hiimániz^the^d&š- \ tfíaTcity. Reform administrations werg,rrjirely reelected^jugdj*£j form biUs wereJoHerLBypassed or ignored. They talked sometimes "of the need of a great cause "to^ünH&3ngcaJ_effort^ In 1912 when Roosevelt bolted the' Republican convention, a group of social workers led by Paul Kellogg and Henry Moskowitz were ready Settlement Workers 41 with a platform of industrial minirnums. When the progressive party adopted their platform, they convinced themselves that this was~the great cause for which they had been waiting. Primarily because of the Progressive platform, Jane Addams, Raymond Robins, Henry Moskowitz, and many other young social workers flocked_to the new party and threw themselyes_into the political campaign. They contributed to the religjpj^ejithusiasm; they also helped jnthe realistic task of organizing anew party.20 Edward T. Devine of thlTNew Yó"r^rChajityiĽOrgsmjation Society could warn that it was "the first political duty~oTsocTal workers to be persistently and aggressively non-partisan, to maintain such relations with men of soaaT^ooTď'wíirin^alI parties as will insure their cooperation in specific measures for the promoting of the common good." But Jane Addams felt differently. "When the ideas and measures we have long been advocating becom^rjaxt_Qtj»,0QJiiicai campaign...would we not be the victims of a curious self-consciousness if we failed to follow them there?" she asked.21 To Jane Addams the settlement idea led inevitably to political action even on the national level, and there were a large number of settlement workers who agreed with her. Of course the Progressive campaign of 1912 seemed in some ways more like a crusade than like politics, and the_coIlapse of the Progressjyejparty^and the outbreakofWorld War! altered, if "ijTeud joFenď, the politíČáJlnterests of_the_5ettlement workers. After 1914 there was a little less optimism, a little less confidence that evils could be righted by gathering statistics. It was perhaps more important that after 1914 settlement workers and other reformers became more interesteoHn international affairs and a little less concerned with domestic reform and politics. In the twenties it was not so easy for settlement workers to have confidence in reform, and.a new land of social wr^^ke^ernergea^who seemed to be more^ri^^pl^'wíH' professionaTstatus ihan with political adfion. ŠomethingoTtKFsettlement workers' interest in political reform, something of their realistic tactics remained, of course, in the twenties and thirties, and something of that tradition survives even today, but it was in the Progressive Era that settlement workers were most concerned with political action—it was a concern that developed from their experience.22 They could not always agree among themselves, but if they took the settlement idea seriously, they became involved one way or another in politics, first in the ward, then in the city, the state, and the nation. 42 DAVIS Notes and References 1. Robert Hunter, "The Relation Between Social Settlements and Charity Organizations," Journal of Political Economy, 11 (1902), pp. 75-88; and Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Correction, 1902, pp. 302-314. 2. Robert- Woods, "The University Settlement Idea," in Philanthropy and Social Progress (New York, 1893), pp. 57-97; Cannon Barnett, Practicable Socialism (London, 1915); and Jane Addams, "The Objective Value of the Social Settlement," in Philanthropy and Social Progress, pp. 27-56. 3. Helen Rand Thayer, "Blazing the Settlement Trail," Smith Alumnae Quarterly (April 1911), pp. 130-137; and Jane Robbins, "The First Year at the College Settlement," Survey, 27 (February 24,1912), p. 1,802. 4. A.C. Bernheim, "Results of Picture Exhibition on Lower East Side," Forum, 19 Quly 1895), p. 612. See also Allen F, Davis, "Jane Addams vs. the Ward Boss," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 53 (Autumn 1960), pp. 247-265. 5. "Are Social Settlers Debarred from Political Work?" handwritten MSS, undated, Mary K. Simkhovitch MSS, Radcliffe Women's Archives, Cambridge, Mass.; and Robert Woods, "Settlement Houses and City Politics," Municipal Affairs, 4 (June 1900), pp. 396-397. 6. "Minutes of the Seventeenth Ward Council of the Civic Federation, 1895-97." Graham Taylor MSS, Newberry Library, Chicago, 111. See also Allen F. Davis, "Raymond Robins: The Settlement Worker as Municipal Reformer," Social Service Review, 33 dune 1959), pp. 131-141. 7. James B. Reynolds, "The Settlement and Municipal Reform," in Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Correction, 1896, pp. 140-142; J. Salwyn Schapiro, "Henry Moskowitz: A Social Reformer in Politics," Outlook, 102 (October 26,1912), pp. 446-449; and Henry Moskowitz, "A Settlement Fotlowup," Survey, 25 (December 10,1910), pp. 439-440. 8. See especially Jane Addamfe, "Ethical Survivals in Municipal Corruption," International f oumal of Ethics, 8 (April 1898), pp. 273-291; Robert Woods, "The Roots of Political Power," in City Wilderness; A Settlement Study (Boston, 189B), pp. 114-147 (probably written by William Clark); and "Traffic in Citizenship," in Americans in Process (Boston, 1902), pp. 147-149. 9. Jane Addams, interview in the Chicago Tribune, February 19,1900; and Addams, "Ethical Survivals." 10. Eleanor Woods, Robert A. Woods (Boston, 1929), pp. 119-123; George E. Hooker, "Mayor Quincy of Boston," Review of Reviews, 19 (May 1899), pp. 575-578; and South End House Report, 1910, p. 6. U. "Reformatory Influence of Social Service Upon City Politics," Commons, 6 (March 1902), pp. 3-4; Lillian Wald, House on Henry Street (New York, 1915), pp. 46-53; and Wald to Dr. Abbott E. Kitteredge, October 29, 1903, Waid MSS, New York Public Library, New York, New York. 12. James H. Hamilton, "The Winning of the Boulevard," University Settlement Settlement Workers 43