15
'city and hnmigration
l FULlGNL DIA"iE L HUGHES. A"iD 1'-:"IOB£ WAY
proportion af ethnic-minority adolescents
general population of the United States
many other countries has continued to rise
years. Some estimates suggest that
.n'".....I.."'r of individuals from ethnic-minority
will equal the number of indi­
2004). A key source of the grow.nority
population has been immiOver
the past 40 years. the number of
entering the United States has risen
sueh that a record of 35.7 million
individuals lived in the country
(Batalova & Ten-azas. 2007 J. As a
are cun-ently from an immigrant fam'~LU""'U"""
2004). Today, the vast majority
to the United States come from
ethnic-minority and immigrant famibut
the past decade has witnessed a
increase in such studies. The goal
chapter is to summarize research in a
number of key domaim in the lives of
.Acy!·csc:ents from ethnic-minority and immifamilies.
We selected four topics based
eir significance for adolescent developas
well as the availability of sufficient
work that allows for the drawing of
527
at least tentative conclusions: ( J) family relationships
and parenting, including parental
control and autonomy. family obligation and
assistance. and ethnic and racial socialization;
(2) friendships. induding their characteristics,
qualities, and the contexts that
influence these relationships; (3) educational
achievement and attainment, including motivation,
values, and actual performance and
attainment; and (4) identity, focusing on the
predictors and outcomes of racial-ethnic
identity. Attention is paid to ethnic and racial
variations and sirnilaritie!> as well as the role
of immigrant generation in these aspects of
development. Although we do not have ~eparate
sections devoted to psychological and
behavioral adjustment, each section addresses
the extent to which the relevant developmental
factors playa role in these outcomes.
Finally. each section explores the role of two
broad contexts that are known to vary across
ethnic and generational lines and that often
int1uence the specific aspects of development
being addressed. Variations in cultural norms.
values, and beliefs likely play a role in the
motivations, behaviors. and activities of adolescents.
Yet these norms, values. and beliefs do
not exist in a vacuum, and any consideration of
the development of ethnic-minority children and
adolescents must also take into account two key
contexts of their Jives (Garda CoIL Ackerman.
& Cicchetti. et al., 1996). The first of these is
the collection of socioeconomic resources possessed
by the family. As discussed in the following
sections. ethnic and generational groups
;..;dUL'atio!1. I III lll11e, and
v l~alti1, Th,',c re,uurcc'., iii tum, mal
h"th inl'lll..:ne:,,· \ aiLle, and i'eliei, and dlr,,:ctl~
affl'Lt ~tc'Pl'L·h Ill' LlU,lk"_'elll" dC\l.:'luplIlellL
The: 'cc:ond n.lllle\' l' [he ~ct oj' ,lruL'lural und
"lcial Iallm, that CUll ~'un,train the ()ppllrtunilit',
L\\aildhk tt' adoJe.'l'enl.' and their fdlllilil'"
n,H'glllg Inlm "L'I1(101 and Ilelghborhood qualit)
t" largel ,ocll,tal ,lcreotypes about the abilit)
tilld jlulential pi' leenagcr, rrom dilkrcill ethnic
,!ilL! illlmigrant bal'kgmund" The uniount of
alll'ntioll paid tu these socioeconomic. structuraL
and social factor.s ill each ,CeliOIl depemb
Oil tht ct\ailabilltv of eXl,llng evidence for their
infiul'licc.
FAMILY RELAT] ONSHIPS AND
PARENTING
A, perhaps the primary socialil:ing agent of
adule,(.:ent' that mediates tile effects of many
struclUral and .,ocial facLOr~ in the larger society,
the bmily i~ a likely source of ethnic \a;'iability
in development during the teenage
years. Relationships and socialil:ation techniques
within the family have been de,erihed
a~ being highly dependent on hoth cultural
tradition;, and the immediate adaptation challenges
facing family members (Kagitcibasi.
1090: Levine, 1974), Interestingly. however.
the few sludie~ thal have focll'>ed on dyadic
relationship~ ht'tween individual ramily memher~
(e.g.. mother-adolescent. father-adulescent)
have found relatively few variations across
ethnie groups. either in relationship quality or
in thc links between variations in relationship
quality and adolescent adjustment. For example.
Fuligni I 10')0! oh.served similar levels and
de\elopmcnlal rattern\ oj parent-adolescent
con1licl and cuhesion ucross families from
Latin i\meric<lll and ASian hackgruunds, Also.
Smetana {2002l IJUs n()tl~d similarity in tile
n:asoning and Justificati()n hehind parentaO(lkscent
coni'licls \\itilin African American
and [,urnpCtll! Amcrican (amilies. SOIllC slUciles
hal e \uggesteti that ethnic \ ariations ma~
be e\ ILienl at slll'cific periods of adolescence
i e.g.. lalt adule.,cence: Greenberger &:. Chen,
I llY6i. or that thert· may be important differ_
ence" in hO\1 connict ma: be re,ol\ ed i Lee. Su.
6.: Y(),hitia. 20051. But thcsc findings remain to
be further \wdiecl. and the) du not change the
01 <.:rall picture of dyadic intt'raction:. hetween
parelll' and ,ldolesCCIlCl' during the teenage
years a\ beillg lairly similar £lUll" etilillc and
iI1111ligra11l gt~nerationaJ group'.
Rather than dyadic reiatillll..;hips. other
aspect~ of Llmil) rclati(lnshlp,' appcar 10 show
more significant variability according tll ethnic
background. Specifically. n:sL'arch ha~ sugt!e';ted
important I ([riability in three aspect, of
family relationship, during ad(ile'L'enl'c parent
control and di\ciplint:, lal1lil) obligation
and a~~i~lance, and ethnic or racial socialization,
A, de~crihed belo"", each of Ihese aspects
of family relatiollShips hale\OU1CeS in the
cultural background~ and ~oci()economic
resources oj families. a~ well as the immediate
social context and structural challenges faced
by the families b) virtue of their dhnic-minority
and immigrant statw.,.
Parental Control and Discipline
Familie" from all ethnic and cultural backgrounds
must deal WIth the fact that during
the teenage years, their children become
increasingly mature and capable of independent
decision making and action. In addition. all
families endeavor to socialize their adolescents
to eventually take Oil adult-life roles
and responsibilities and to be capable of taking
L'are of themselves and others I.-vho depend
upon them. Yet it is clear that c()mpletc independence
i, neither de"irahle nor healthy for
adolescent development. so lamiiies face the
challenge of striking Ihe right halancc between
autonomy and relatedne~~ during the teenage
years. The ideal balance will be ~pecific
III indi\idual adole,cents' compctcllce and
malUrily and to the famdic< cultural \'alues
and life circumstances. NUlllerou\ ethnic and
immigrant &cneratiollal difft:rcllce, have been
noted ill regard,; to the allowance' or indi\idual
autollomy and the c:\enioll or parental cOlltrol.
An important aspect of adole~cent autonomy
is the age at which parent), allow children to
engage in \ariou~ personal and ~ocial behaviors.
A number of studies have shown that
adolescents with Asian backgrounds generally
expect 10 receive autonomy at later ages as
compared to their U.5. peer~ from other ethnic
backgrounds. For example, adole!-.cents
from Chinese backgrounds are expected to
be able to do thing!-. like go on overnight trips
with friends. date, go to parties. and choose
to do things with friends rather than family at
significantly later ages than their peers from
European backgrounds (Feldman & Quatman.
1988; Fuligni. 1998). These findings are consistent
with international comparisons that
have shown that adolescents in Asian societies
(e.g., China, Hong Kong) expect to receive autonomy
in these areas at significantly later ages
than adolescents in Western societies such as
Australia and the United States (Feldman &
Rosenthal. 1990: Zhang & Fuligni. 2006). Yet
generational differences in these expectations
exist such that immigrant adolescents in the
United States have later expectations for autonomy
as compared to U.S.-born adolescents of
the same ethnic background, suggesting that at
least in the area of behavioral autonomy, Asian
families may acculturate to the norms of U.S.
society across generations. Indeed, controlling
for generational differences reduced ethnic
differences to nonsignificance in the Fuligni
(1998) study, suggesting that the original ethnic
difference was due to the later expectations for
autonomy among the immigrants.
Differences in autonomy expectations exist
largely in the domain of socializing with peers,
suggesting that ethnic and generational variations
in autonomy and parental control may be
specific to certain domains. This argument has
been made by Smetana (2002), who has argued
that among adolescent~ from all ethnic and
cultural group!>, there exists a "personal" domain
over which they believe parents should have
limited authority. Indeed. numerous studies
have shown few ethnic differences in adolescents'
endorsement of parental authority
Family Relationship~ and Parenting 529
over issue~ such as control over one's body.
privacy. and the choice of one's friends and
activities. Smetana argue, that the prevalence
of the beJief in personal jurisdiction over certain
aspects of one's like is a critical aspect of
the development of agency aDd personhood.
which are generally agreed to be fairly widespread
developmental imperatives. F:.Jligni and
Flook (2005) suggested that this is consistelll
with viewing ethnic differences in family
relations from a social identity perspective.
That is. even within ethnic and cultural groups
that emphasize interdependence and reciprocity.
it is important for family members to be
allowed a degree of individual agency and
respect that serves to enhance their identification
with and obligation to the larger family.
A great deal of research has focused on
valiation in parenting styles acro~s different
ethnic and generational groups within the
llnited States. A general finding has been
that adolescents from Asian. Latin American.
or African American families report higher
leveis of authoritarian parenting, which is a
global characterization of a parenting style that
focuses on control, obedience, and conformity
among children. Adolescents from European
American families, in contrast. report a comparatively
higher frequency of authoritative parenting.
a style that emphasizes the development of
autonomy and self-direetion Dombusch.
Ritter. Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987:
Steinberg, Mounts, Lambom, & Dornbusch,
1991). Many rea~ons for the ethnic variation
in parenting styles have been offered. Chao
(1994; Chao & Tseng, 20(2) suggested cultural
explanations for the higher level of parental
control in many Asian American families,
focusing on a traditional belief that parents
should engage in what is called "child training"
that focuses upon inculcating hard work
and discipline in children. Other source" of
ethnic variations may lie in the lower socioeconomic
resources of many ethnie-minority
parents. and parents who have lower levels
of education and lower status occupations
are more likely to report authoritarian-type
3J(t LthJlieit, and Imllll~ratioll
<::1 al.. 't)Ll' l. ,.
\lurk hI Knill! and Schoole: I I\)7:~ \ lIla\ "u;c.
)!e'tl:Ll parenh who II urk In iU\IL'r "t~llll" ()CUIpaiJUlh
arc mure likely It! "due cunt'Unllll) in
rileircllilurell. Finalh.tllL' higher lelel (licollt rol
<lnd el1lplHl"IS Llpon obedience ellllont' ,OIllL'
dllllic-lliinUril: lamillc' Illal be duc [(! the fact
thill tile:, arlO ll1UJ"<: lik·,,!.' to 11\ III threatening
Ill'l)!hhorilouu,. ':It!"il·t p~lrentaj l'ontrol m,IY be
all adapt/ICC ,[r,ilcgy in the,c j",II11iiie' ill oruer
i( I pro\c'ct tecnager, I"n\III the dangcrs oj" the
ilcigllhuriJ(,ud, in whiell the) Ilvl' I hIP,tenherg.
("u()k. LcciL.'~. Elder. &.: ~aml'roll. II)(!I»)
Ue'pitt' till' t'ellcral Ht'rl'ement abuut etll1lil'
tlif"icrence' ill tile di,trihutioll (Ii IlliTeren! par<:'n1int'
"tyk,. there ha, h<:'ell illon' ulntmler,:
ah(lut \Ihether the impact of udlcrent slyks
of pdrcllling 1m ad()lc~celH adjustment varie~
Clem,s ethnic and cultural hackground, The
basil' questiull ha~ been ",-,hether the eullUml
or soci;t\ context in v,hil'n Ilw parenting occurs
ll1udij"i\:'s Ill\:' dleet ()j the parenting on adole,cent
adjustment. T\\·(; reviews (Sorkhabi. 2(0):
Steinberg. 2()() 1 ) have suggested thai the pO\\er
assertiun and eAcessj,e control that is typical
of amhoritari:.l11 parenting have generally Ilt;gative
implications fm adolescent adJustment
aero" a variety of domains. including psychological
well being, externalizing hehavioL and
psychosocial maturity.
The one exception to the rule, acknowledged
hy Steinberg (2001) and Surkhabi (20())). is
in the area 01 academic achievement. A number
of studies han: Ilotcd that whereas autlHlritarian
parenting IS associated with lower
grade point averagt:s (GPAs) a1l101l& several
gr()Llp~. il i, LlIJass(\cialeu with GPA <l1l](\11&
A,ian Americans i Dornbusch. el aL. I'J~):
Stt:inberg, 1L)9 II. Sorkhahi f 2(0) l has argucd
thai these i"indinp Illay be an anilucl 0" the
uw of adole"L'cnt;," ,elf-reported grade point
average (GPA) ill thesl' studies. and Ihal otber
sludie.s il~iug ollkial measurc.S or adlievemcnt
in /\"':<11) societies han' C()[l!ld thai
authoritarian parenting I" ~ls."Ol:iated \~ Itl1
pl)Ort:l achil'lellll'nt in tllese ,-'()ulllries. Yet
,,"other e\plalHtllUIl is that lhl' lal'~ oj assoeiu_
!JO)] beL\1 een <luthuritarian j1ill"elHing alili GPA
Illal be limited to A,ian iallliile' 1IJ the United
-"talc.'. \\h\) arl' lar!!el) imllligrant falllilie:"
in CUlllr~lst to .'\,ian ~ld(\lL'..,ecnt;. ill Asia und
!lOll-Asian adu\esl'enh in the l;nitnl States.
InLiecu. Chao i 2UO I I reportt:d that the assol'iatloll
bell' et:11 <lutitunldriun parcllllng and
C;p"" actuall) hecarne stronger in luter generation,
of Chinesc iamilie, in the (uiteU States.
It i., po,sihk that lor immigrant Chinese ramiiie"
wlw cillphasi/.t: IIll' impurldllce or educ<lt!(lnal
Sllcce" perl lap' llIt>re than an) other
ethnic or generatiunal group ill the l'niled
Slate;" their focus on acauelllic <ll'hievement
outweighs an) 'ie Impact (\1 mllhoriturian
parenting. Tlli, !Ol'U' can he ,een in the
hi&ll aspir,llion, or the parent" Iheir helief
ill the dire C()Il~l~ljllcnccc (\f 110/ doillg well in
,choul. and the high leI e l of academil' '·1Ij1j10rl
alllong ,""sian peer gruup, in the United States
(Fuligni, ILilJ7: hli;c.ni &. Yo,hika\·\,Cl, ~()04;
Kao 8:.. Tienua, 1905: Steinherg, lJurnbusch, &
Brown, 11)l)2). It is aho possihk that the
"model minority myth" of the high academic
competence or A,ian American slUdent, fosters
high l'xpt:ctatillllS <ulHlng teachers and
this in turn enhances academic achievement
among Asian American studellls (Qin. Way, &
Muhkel~iee. 20()~: Rmenhloolll &. Way, 2004),
Togetht:r, these fac[or, muy serve to huffer the
'-\udenh [rom the negati\ e implicutiol1;' of
authoritarian parenting for their achievement
at school.
Finally. there ha, been a reccnt surge of
interc,1 in variability in the freyuel1cy and
ill1plicatinfl~ of different disciplinary practices
for ado\e\ccnt de\ elul'men1. 1n plrticular.
,tudies have exami ned the !"\lie (\f physical
discipline. ;,lIch as spanking or hand ,lapping,
that doe, not eros' tht: lille into abuse or
maltreatmellt. Stud ie, of earlier agc:- llh~erv'ed
110\1 althou&h African American falllilil". particularly
lov.'-illc(\llle families. may !lIOI"C frequclltly
elllploy slIch di;.ciplinary techniques
when compareu to European AlllL']"ic,Ill', ,uch
technique, did 1](1\ seem 1.u 11<I1l' the same
implication~ for children\ adjustment
did in European American families
. Dodge. Bate~. and Pettit.
1996: Gunnoe & Mariner. I997). Lansford.
Deater-Deckard. Dodge, Bates. and Pettit
(2004) extended this work to the adolescent
years. observing that African American parents
. of early adole::.cents reported infrequent. but
nevertheless greater use of physical discipline
as compared to European American parents.
Yet whereas physical di!>cipline was associated
with greater externalizing behavior among
European American adolescents. it was linked
to lower levels of externalizing among African
American adolescents. Lansford and colleagues
suggest that the social and cultural context
of physical discipline is different in African
American families, where it can be seen as a
more legitimate expression of parental authority
and is done out of concern for the behavior
of the child as opposed to being done out of
anger. It should also be noted that Lansford
and colleagues distinguished between physical
discipline such as spanking from more extreme
practices that are abusive. which have negative
implications for adjustment among adolescents
from both African American and European
American groups (Lansford. Dodge. Pettit.
Bates. Crozier. & Kaplow. 2002). Additional
work is needed to replicate these intriguing
results, as \Yell as explore the possible explanations
for them. In addition. understanding
the variation of the use of physical discipline
by socioeconomic status and how the impact
of physical discipline may be moderated by
socioeconomic status is lacking. Research is
also needed to explore the frequency of physical
discipline and implications for adjustment
for adolescents from immigrant families within
the United States and for adolescents outside
of the United States. Preliminary findings
suggest that physical discipline is com111on
among many poor Chinese American families
as well Chinese families with parents who
were raised in China before the economic and
social transformations of the 191\05 (Way &
Yoshikawa. in progress). Yet little is known if
Family Relationships and Parenting 531
and how these parenting techniyues are
associated with adolescent adjustment.
Family Obligation and Assistance
Many ethnic-minority families in American "ociety
have cultural traditions that emphasize the
role of children to support and assist the family.
Within families with Latin American root~, there
is a traditional emphasis upon family solidarity
and togethemess that is sometimes referred to as
"familism" (SabogaL Marfn-Otero-SabogaL &
Marin. et a1., 191\7). Families with Asian backgrounds.
such (L', those from China and Korea.
may have Confucian tradition~ of filial piety and
respect that focus on the importance of children
providing instrumental and financial support
their parents and siblings throughoUl their live,
(Chao & Tseng. 2002; Ho. 1996). Immigrant
parent'> from Latin American and Asia. having
been raised in their native societies. are thought
to place particular emphasis upon these traditions
when raising their children (Fuligni &
Yoshikawa, 20(4). Similar values of family
togethemess and mutual support have also been
cited as existing within the cultural backgrounds
ofAfrican American and Nalive American families
(Harrison. Wilson. Pine. Chan, & Buriel.
1990; Joe & Malach. 1998).
Ethnic-minority and immigrant families
also face numerous social and economic challenges
that may enhance and maintain the tradition
of adolescent>; supporting and assisting
the family. The challenging eCCInomic circumstances
of many families with Latin American.
African American. and Native American backgrounds
create the very real need to help the
family. Parents who work in low status jobs
with irregular work hours may need then
adolescent~ to assist with the maintenance of
the household by engaging in tasks such as
sibling care. cleaning. and meal preparation.
The irregular income of some poorer families
may mean that adolescents. once they hecome
of employable age. may work in order to
contribute financially to the family. Immigrant
parents often know very little about the working~
of American society. have limited English
532 Ethnicity and Immi!!:ratilll1
"kill". and oilen need 10 rely upon thell' adoIe,cenh
10 negotiate II1leraclion" with government
agencies. senice~. and utilit.' companies.
Finall~ ..simpl) Knowing thut one i" a member
of all ethnic or racial group that i~ derogated
and under threat by elements of the larger
society leads fumily member" to helieve they
mllst hand logether and support one another in
order to laces the challenges of heing an ethnic
minority in }\meri..:an society.
Numerous ,tudies have reported that indeed.
aliolescenb from many ethnic-millority groups
have a.;lronger sense of obligation to support.
assist. and respect the authority of the fami Iy
when compared III their European American
peers. Ethnographies of several immigrant
groups have noted the emphasis adolescents
place 0\1 providing help to their parents and
siblings hoth currently and in the future
when they become adult., (Caplan, Choy. &
Whitmore. IYl) I: Suarez-Orozco & SuarezOrozco.
1<)<)): Zhou & Bankston. I':1':18). For
many of the~e ado1e~cents. part of their sense
of ohligation stems from a desire to repay their
parents for the many sacrifices they made
ill order immigrate and provide hetter lives
for their children. This sense of obligation is
strong regardless of the adolescents' country
of origin. with one study noting that those
from Asian and Latin American backgrounds
together reported substantially stronger values
regarding family as:-.istance and support than
their peers from European American backgrounds
(Fuligni. & Lam. 1999).
Although many observers :-.uggested that
the cultural tradition of family obligatioll and
a,sistHnce would wane acros;. immigrant generations.
there IS \ ery little eVIdence to suggesl
that tilis is the C<l'e. Instead. a sen~e of obligation
to SLlPPOl1 and a"sist the family appears to
remain strong across several generations such
that even U.S.-horn adolescents from U.S.born
IXlrelll', with Latin American and Asian
bm:"grollnds reponed a stronger \'all1e of family
as"istance than their peers from European
backgrollnd" (FLII igni et al.. IYI)<): Sahogal
et aL. 1<)1'171. Fuligni and Flook (200)) have
sugge,ted thal the retell\]illl oj tradition, of
ramil) ohligatio}] ~ll1d as~istal1ce aeros.' generallons
mu) he due to the fact that family
memhcr,hip "ene, a' a ,ocial identit) for ado]e,cenh
from erllllic-minorlt) backgrounds.
That I". even though l..S.-horn parent, and
ado]e,cents grow up in a more individualisti_
cally OI'iented American society. they are still
memhers of ethnic anu r'lci<.1! minority groups
wl]() face numeroll.' challenge, and c>-perience
social threat. Hundreds of studies that have
focused on (lther social identitie". whether real
or experimentally manipulated. have shown that
experien..:ing threat rt.'sulh 111 a greater identification
\vith the group and a greater \villillgness
to support the group (Hogg. 20m). Fuligni and
Flook suggest tilat the sallie may he true for adolescenh
from U.S.-born lamilies with ethnicminority
background;, who understand that
their families still face challenges succeeding
in American society simpl) by virtue of their
ethnic group membership.
Neverthele,.... there i" some e\idenee for
relatively lower sen~e of family obligation
among some adole~cel1ts in the United States
from East Asian backgrounds who are ahle
to pursue postsecondary schooling at 4-year
colleges and are ahle to take advantage of the
social and economic opportunitie~ this affords
them. Fuligni and Pedersen (2002) observed
that even though the sense of obligation of
these youth increased from high school into
young adulthood. as it did for all youth regardless
of ethllic background. the sen:-.e of obligation
of those from East A"ian backgrOllI;ds did
not increase the same rate as their peers from
Latin American backgrounds. resulting in a
value of family obli)!ation thaI \~U:, qUIte similar
to that of their peers from European background;,.
As a college graduate from u Chinese
immigrant family reported to Fuligni. Rivera.
and Leininger (2007):
You \..no\\. lihl' It 1\11 of ASian peopll' start tn feel
turn . I mean I uo feel compelled l(l hell' Ihem
out. hUI yet. I abo Jee! compelled to do what
r wanna Ul) ... hecause il', liJ.;c you're
to do that. you're suppo;,ed to go out and make
a name lor yourself and be the pen,on you're
supposed to be. but then at the same time. it\., kind
of like you. there', thi~ ohligation there. (p. 2561
The implication for other aspects of adolescent
adjustment of an emphasis on family
obligation and assistance is an important consideration.
On the one hand. family obligation
and assistance may be seen as inherently
negative for several aspects of development
during a developmental period that emphasizes
the development of autonomy in an
individualistically oriented American society.
On the other hand. a sense of obligation may
provide adolescents from immigrant and ethnic-minority
backgrounds a sense of purpose
and meaning that provides them with a meaningful
role to fulfill in an American society
that is often criticized as offering teenagers
few opportunities to be productive. Numerous
studies have suggested that a sense of family
obligation has a number of positive correlates
among adolescents from both ethnic-minority
and -majority backgrounds. but high levels
of actual assistance to the family may be problematic
for some youth in more difficult life
circumstances.
Most work has focused on adolescents'
values regarding family obligation. A sense of
duty to support and assist the family has consistently
been related to a higher level of
academic motivation in both qualitative and
quantitative studies. In a study of adolescents
from immigrant Vietnamese families. in which
teenagers were asked to rank the relative
importance they placed upon several values.
the top five values were "respect for family
member:::.," "education and achievement."
"freedom." "family loyalty," and "hard work"
(Caplan et al.. 19l)I). A factor analysis of
these values. in turn. yielded a "family-based"
achievement factor that included "education
and achievement" "loyalty." and "cohesion
and respect.'· Similar patterns of a link between
obligation and educational motivation have
been observed in studies of immigrants ii'om
Family Relationship~ and Parenting 533
Latin America and South Asia (Gibson &
Bhachu. 1'::191: Suarez-Orozco & SuarezOrozco.
1l)95). Finally. Fuligni (2001) has
noted a significant correlation between adolescents'
"ense of obligation to the family and
their belief in the utility of education. such that
a stronger sense of obligation significantly
accounts for the higher level of academic
motivation among adolescents from Asian and
Latin American backgrounds as compared to
their equally achieving peers from European
backgrounds.
A sense of obligation to help the family also
has been linked to better psychological and
behavioral health. Fuiigni and Pedersen (2002)
noted that those with a grcater sense of obligation
report better positive psychological well
being, and other studies have linked a sense
of family duty to higher self-esteem (Bush.
Supple, & Lash. 20(4). Similarly. a number of
studies have linked higher leveb of familialism
among Latino adolescents to lower levels
of problem behavior and substance use. For
example, Gil. Wagner. and Vega (2000) found
that familism was associated with less alcohol
use and a lower deviance. and Ramirez et al.
(2004) reported that higher familism led to less
use of marijuana and inhalants among families.
Sommers. Fagan, and Baskin ( 199.1) observed
that familism was associated with less violence.
theft, and drug use. More recently.
German. Gonzales. and Dumb (in press)
showed that familism mitigated the negative
etfects of deviant peers on adolescents'
externalizing behaviors.
Much less work has been dOfie on the actual
provision of assistance to the family, but this
research has sugge;,led that. wherea~ modest
leveb. of a~sistance lllay have no negative impact
on youth. high levels of actual assistance in
the context of difficult family circumstances
may be more problematic. For example. young
adults from poorer families who provided
financial support to their families have a
more difficult time completing their postsecondary
degrees (Fuligni & Witkow, 2(04).
Adolescents from economically distressed
5J-t Lthnidl.\ ,mel immigratiull
iamilie' \':1](1 ~h(lllldLT tilt: burJen uJ tool1lllch
hOLi ,Clllllli mallltl:n uncc rna: h~1 \C dilflC U1lic'
; Bunol' 8.:. Slll1lle:'. 21)(j:,\ j, {Jther re,earch
ha~ '>ugge,ted Ilegat! \e outcOll1e, whl:ll ram·
il;. a,,,"tancc I' ;>rm iJed bec~lu,e (>1' parental
mClhal u: phY,lcal di,tre." iJurku\ic. 1l)l)7 J,
Thcn:fo!t:. i! appear, tilal the lI11plicalion"
of a",],tatlCC hcl1,l\ lor" "hould depend upon
the family conte\.t. The implicalion, may bc
ncgalin: whell a"i,tancc talc, in rami·
lie, charaderi/ed by sen:n: ecollomic .'irain.
parental distres". ami famIly relatillibilips,
Future n;,earch should concentrate
lIl(ln: Oil the implication, of actual
ramil) assiq;lllcc 1'01' adjustment. and how it
may depend OIl the humly context in \\ hich
IItat a,>.,istancc OCClIr"
Ethnk and Radal Sodalization
Ethn ic-minority ami immigrant families face
unique challenges III the ,ocialization of their
adolescent" that are not shared by Eurupean
i~l1lericall families, As members of racial and
ethnic group" that ufteu derugatiull
and discrimination. parents must prepare their
adolesn~nts for the kind of treatment
that the adulescent, may receive from peers,
adults. and societal institutions, In addition,
some of the values and traditions of ethnicminority
and immigrant families differ from the
norm" of the larger society, Therefore, rather
than bcing able to rely on larger institutions
such as ;;choob and the media to teach their
adolescents about their cultural background,
parents in ethnic-minority familics need to
make special effort" to teach their adole"cents
about their ethllic
Tlle,e parlicular socialization cha] knges of
ethnic-millOrJly parents were largely ignored
until only recentI:;.. and there has bet:ll a rise
in research Into what has been called racial
or ethnic sociali/at iUll. Several thenrie, and
modeb of rncialiethnic ~(lcializatioll have been
offered, hut tht'~ all share an empha~i, on the
key dill1cn~i(lns of preparation for discrimination
and about one\ cthnic and cultural
bad:ground. One poplllar cOl1t:eptuali/ation ha.'
been offered b.\ HL1ghe" und Chen (ISl97),
eth~
~o~
are
see
who
()utllllec.i lhre(' tllmen."I()nS oj racial and
. '1" T ..
11IC ,(lCIa l/atlOn, he 111''-1 dimen~ion, call
c{{i/Jiroil(Jcioli:.cllioll. incillde~ teaching u:!
t()CU"C' on the cultural traditiun.' \If the gr
. . . .
to II1,ull Jeellllg., oj ethillc and racial pride.
Thc ,(;'cond dii11cIl~i()n, I)rel)ormioll f{)}' bias
ineilldes clT\lrh tu teach children about eth~
nil' und raCial stratification in the larger ~ocicly.
<tllli ho',\ w deal with !legati ve treatment.
hnally. prolJlo/iUI! or milfrll.l! me,sages
more ncgati\ e in tone and teach children to
be su~pici()Ll' of other group,. Other models
hall' included addlll()nal dimensions such as
egalitarianism. rdigiusity. caring for extended
and achievement (for a review,
Hughes ct al.. 20()6),
Ethnic and racial "ocializalion should be
particularly releV<llll during lhe teenage years.
Teaching about discnmination and the fact that
one'~ child may be a target of negative treatment
simply because of his or her ethnic background
i~ a difficult and sensitive topic for parents
to hroach. Many ethnic-minority parents are
reluctant to diseus~ such topic~ until their children
are cognitively and socially mature enough
to understand their complexity, Even though
children can understand di'icrimination during
elementary school (Brown & Bigler, 2(05).
parents understandahly want their children to
maintain u positive and optimistic view of their
place in the \\iorld, But experiel1l'CS with aetual
miqreatment and discril11inalilln inerease
during the teenage years as adolescents increasingly
interact with the larger wciety outside
of the protection and purview of their parents
(Grt:cne. Way. & Pah!. 2006: Way. Santos,
Niwa, & Kil1l-Gcrvey, in press), In addition,
adolescenb become alA are \If tile di"paritics
and stereotypes that are allached to ethnic and
racial hackground a~ they witness the unequal
distrihution of sludent:-, across achievement
le\'els and academic tracks (Rosenhlollill &
\\'ay, 20()41. Finally. the unequal respol1',e to
adole.-.cents' risky beha\'ior by the criminal
jllstict: ,Y'ilcm make, some adole,cents
African American Hullcs) aware that society
. 2
them to gel in trouble by virtue of their
or ethnicity.
As noted by Hughes et aL (2006) in their
lffil)rellensive review. research on ethnic
raci"al social ization ha" been conducted
y with African American families. In
<,~.,rirl1n()ll. studies have rarely included multiple
. ,11~''''YV to allow for the comparison of rate~ of
and socialization acros" different ethnic
Nevertheless. two studies have sugthat
ethnic and racial socialization is
In particular. messages about preparation for
appear to be more common in African
ArrlprlGln families than other ethnic-minority
(Hughes et a1.. 2006).
is assumed that ethnic and racial
:socialization is more common among ethnicfamilies
than European American
{;families. That assumption has rarely been
."	tested, but Huynh and Fuligni (in press)
found that U.S. adOlescents with Chinese and
Mexican backgrounds reported more frequent
cultural socialization and preparation for bias
messages from their parents than did their U.S.
peers from European backgrounds. Among the
different types of ethnic and racial socialization,
cultural socialization appears to be the
most common, being reported by the majority
of families in many different studies (Hughes
et al., 2006). Preparation for bias occurs somewhat
less frequently. and promotion of mistrust
tends to be reported by only a small percentage
of ethnic-minority parents and adolescents.
Because of the predominant emphasis
upon African American families. there has
been little work on the nature of ethnic or
racial socialization among immigrant families
living in the United States. It is reasonable
to expect that the dimension of cultural
socialization may be higher among immigrant
families. given that the parents were raised in
the native society and often maintain tie;., to their
countries of origin. Indeed. several studies
have suggested that immigrant parel1ts are
Famil~ Relationships and Parenting 535
more likely to try to teach their adolescents
about their families' cultural norm;." values.
and traditions (Knight Bernal. Garza. COla. &
Ocampo. 1993: Umana-Taylor & Fine. 2004).
It is unclear. however. how immigration might
int1uence other dimensions of ethnic and racial
socialization. On the one hand. given the status
as both newcomers and ethnic minorities in
American society. immigrant parents may be
expected to engage in relatively higher levels
of preparation for bias as compared to their
counterparts born in the United States. On the
other hand, some studies have suggested that
immigrant parents' relative lack of historical
experience with American discrimination and
their optimism about succeeding in their new
countries may lead them to deemphasize discrimination
against their racial or ethnic group.
Along these lines, Hughes (2003) found that
immigrant Latin American parents were less
likely to deli vel' preparation for bias messages
than African American parents. Future work
that compares adolescents and families from
different generations with the same ethnic background
should be done in order to examine the
impact of immigration more closely.
The implications of ethnic and racial socialization
for other aspects of adolescent development
are not well understood. Studies have
often obtained mixed results because of inconsistency
in the operationalization of ethnic and
cultural socialization, and because researchers
have not dearly distinguished between specific
dimensions of socialiwtion that may have
different outcomes (Hughes el aI., 2006). Yet
when studies have clearly measured cultural
socialization, this dimension ha~ been fairly
consistently related to positive developmental
outcomes such as higher ethnic identity.
self-esteem, and lower rates of externalizing
behavior. The link!> between cultural ~ocialization
and academic outcome:-, are inconsistent
as are the association:-, between preparation for
bias and a host of deveiopmental outcomes,
largely because of the difficulty of distinguishing
between a proactive. positive preparation
for bias and a more negative promotion of
rlli~lnhL "rbI" \\·,Jukl :--'CCJll ttl hr' a Jil".::uiull
h)l' lUI lin: rC~L',,!\.:IL Iii illitl lor bia,
tilcureli:':all,\ ,llu~t1d "lunic adllloc:cnb (rulll
l·tJlnic~llilnml1: ,lIld imilligram Il;lCkgrulIIlJ,
tt> mOl": L'Ii"cui\c!: l1cal \\ ilb oj
di":III! Ii nallllil
FRIE"lI)SHIPS
Thcm) ,[nd I\:,t';[n:il hal l~ rencah:JI:- lInJcr,UJI"l::ti
lilt' impUn,IIlCl' ()j Irit:'IlJ,hip, in
sali,1\11112 adull'",xnh' deslrc i"or intimacy:
cnhancing till:ir illlerpep,\lllal skill" ,em,iti\
il\, all(.I um!chl<tIIJII1)2, and cOlllrihllling l()
tlwir cognill\ c and ,uual dc\eiopmellt and
p,ycilolo)2ical adlu,tmclH ! Crod,elL Lo,ofL &:
Pell'r,ell, 19x·L (',ik,/l'ntmihalyi &: Larson.
I ()i\..L Harlup. 1<)%: Say il1~William, &: BernJt.
I ()\)O; Durin12 aJoil"lTIlCC. the ,igniricancc ()f
fricndships bec()me, e\c'1l mort' paramoulll a,
ad()lcscCnl~ begin tu ,pcnd increased tiIlle with
their fnc'nds l Cmd,ell et aL IYI\-\) However.
despite the fact thal friendship, are critical for
adolescent, acro,;, multiple culture:, (Hinde.
1l))-;7: PalleN)]!' DIShioll. & Yoerger. 2000:
Sherer. Jl)l)!). researchers rarely focus on
friendship processes <lm,)ng ethnic-minority
ad(l!escent". Although there has been some
research on peer group processes. :-.w:.:h a" peer
victilllizali()n. among ethnic-minorilY adolescen[~
(Graham. Bellmore. & Juvonell. 2007:
Graham. Bellmore. &: Mize, 20(6). there exists
only a h;mdful of rescarch Oil the frienJships.
in particular. of ethnic~rl1illority adolescenls,
The re<;earch thaI does exist on lhe friend;.hips
oj I.'thnic-minorily youth (Callcc. 191i6:
COLt'. 1l)\)6: DuBois &: Hirsch. Il)()(): Hamm.
2()()(). MOUIIh. 2(){J4: Way &: Chen. 2000:
\\;ay &: CJreenc. 2006: Way & Pahl. 2()()1)
lends to hc cOll1parati\'t, in nature. aiming 10
lit'tecl cthnic!r;lCial dllTercnces in Iltl' dillroe/1'liSI;t.\
I e.g.. numher of cross-cthnic/racial
rriendshq)s I alld Ijl/1I/ill fQ2 .. Ie\ eI oj .,uppurl
ur intimac).1 01 IrienJ,hip~ anlllllt' ethnically
diverse Ylluth. In <Iddilion. a ,l1Iall but growing
hody ()f rl'''carch lira\\ s Irolll ccolog1caJ
lhc()ne~ ur hUllian tin L'iopmcnt to t'\plurc the
\1 ;1) ~ in \vlm;h ialllili(Cs and ,cim,,1 shape the
Incnllship:' 01 ad()le~ccllb, iJlL'iuding tho\e of
ethnic-millori!) alloie'l'enh (i\,1oUllt-.. 2004:
. l'vIadden~Dl'rdich. Estrclda. Sa!e". &
LcollarJ 2002: \\a) 6.: Grec'nc. 20()()).
Tht: Characteristics oj' Friendships
Research Orl thl' chaml'lcriSlic:s of friend_
ships clllHlIlg elhl1il'~lllillorily aJukscclll:-, has
lYPlca1l: focused 011 thc nlenl to which eth­
111(~llIin()]'i!y and ·majori!\ youth h;I\"(' crossdhnidracial
iriclllbhil's. Th(C~c studics suggest
lliaL lUI" the l1lost part. adulcscl'llls. including
those who altend ethni~'ctll) ch l'l'Se :-.ciloub. are
Ie~;, aC:Cl'r1ing of pccr:-. hOIll (lthl'r cthnic/racial
group, than lhey arc oj peers 110m their own
ethnic/racial group \Bellmorl'. Nishincl. Witkow,
Graham. &: JUVOllell. 20()7: Brown, I!J90:
Hamill. 1991\: Tatum. 1YY7). InClHlsislcncy,
h()wc\'(Cr. is e\ ident regardi ng the prevalence
of cross-ethnic/racial friendships. Some sludic~
shuw African American :tndhlr European
American youth a~ uillikd~· to have ;my Crll;,Sethnic
friendships l. Bc'lI111Of'c el al.. 2007:
Shrum. Cheek. & Ha!1leL I0X7: Way & Chen.
200()). whereas others depict adolescents who
atLcnd ethnically diverse school" as commonly
expcriencing ethnically diverse friendship networks
(Hamm. I90l-\).
In addition. the likelihood of cf()s,,~ethl1ic/
racial friendships appears to difCer depending
on lhe race/ethnicity of the adoie"cenl (Clark &
Ayers, Iyl)l: DuBois & Hirsch, 1990: Hamm.
11)9R), Hamm (I Yl)/\) showed. for example.
that 7YIr of the Asian American and Latino
adolesccnts in her study reported having at
least one LToss~etl1l1ic friend. where"... ()nly
'::;0'/; of the African American anJ Eumpean
American adoleseenh did ;"0. Other scholars.
hl)Wever. have shown African Aml'rIccl!l
adokscenh 10 bl:' alnll)sl lv.'ice a~ lih'ly to
report ha\ing olher~race friends than White
adoleslenls (Clark & Ayers, I(N I' DuBob &:
Hirsch. 1(90). Way and col!cagues louml thnl
the vast majority I7Yd) of Blael-... Latino. and
/\\ian American stUticllh report hml!lg -;amcrUl'c/elhnll'
friend,llip nc!\\ orb IWa;. &: Chcll.
20()()). HO\Ae\cr, illconlrasl to H~1I11l11"! j()l)i\)
in Way's study Asian American stuwere
most likely not to have cross racial/
'endships (85% of Asian American stuin
comparison to 73% and 640/< of Latino
American students, respectively).
discrepancy in findings regarding
of cross-ethnic friendships a" well
having such friendships draws attenfriendships
may be more likely
contexts in which there are academic
as well as the dominance of particular
groups within the school, is likely
al friendships. The discrepancy in findings
may also be due to the type of friendship being
examined. Closest friendships may be less
likely to cross the racial/ethnic divide than less
intimate ones (Way & Chen. 2000).
The prevalence ofcross-ethnic/racial friendships
within particular ethnic/racial groups
is also likely influenced by social status, language
preference. and gender. Research finds
that Asian American students who may be
a numerical majority in the school but have
very low social status often report high levels
of peer discrimination by their non-Asian
peers and thus few cross-ethnic friendships
(Rosenbloom & Way. 2004). Furthermore.
language barriers are likely to further enhance
ethnic segregation. with Asian American
immigrant students often reporting that they
prefer to speak Chinese with their peers
(Rosenbloom & Way, 2004: Qin & Way,
in press). Although most studies have not
explored gender differences, Way and colleagues
find that girls are slightly more likely to
report having same-race/ethnicity friendships
than boys, with approximately 78o/r of the girls
and 670/, of the boys reporting same-race/ethnic
friendship networks (Way & Chen. 2000),
Qualitative interview data reveal boys as being
Friendships 537
more flexible or open regarding friendship selection
than girl<,. which may be the product of boys
being more likely than girls tu be involved in
informal or formal sporting activitiec., that forced
them to have more contact with adolescents from
different ethnic/racial group, (Way. 2004).
Research on the characteristi<:s of ethnicminority
adolescent friendship;.. has also shown
context-specific ditferenceo. in the S(lUrCe of
friendships. DuBois and Hirsch (I t)(}OI. for
example, found Black adolescents to be more
likely than their White peers to report having
a large network of neighborhood friends,
whereas White adolescents reported having
more school-based friendships. Supporting tIm,
finding, Clark and Ayers (J (}t) I) ::.howed that
African American adolescent;, had more contact
with their best friends outside of schooL
whereas European American adolescents' best
friendships were more likely to take place
within the school context. Way and colleagues
find that while most of the ethnic-minority adolescents
in their studies report having schoolbased
friendships, less than half. particularly
in the first 2 years of high school, indicate
having best friends who attend the same school
(Way & Greene. 2006: Way & Pahl. 2001). In
the 9th grade, only 25o/r of the Black students.
40o/c of the Latino students, and 38o/t- of the
Asian American students repOJ1ed having best
friends who attended the same school (Way &
Chen, 2000). These findings are consistent with
previous research showing ethnic-minority
adolescents as less likely than European
American adolescents to have school-based
dose friendships (particularly in the early
year!'. of high school) and underscore not only
the importance of examining the diversity of
characteristics of friendships among youth.
but also of distinguishing between types of
friendships (e.g.. school vs. neighborhood,
dosest vs. general friendships).
The Quality of' 'Friendships-Quantitative
Research
Research on the quality of adolescent friendships
has typically been grounded in Weis~'s
53X Ethnicit~ and immigration
i Il)/-l, cOlllelllioll thai children and adole,cem
,eek ;.uclal pro\ i,ion, in their cio,e lnend,hir'
(F·urillan. 19Y(1 I. Such provision, include inti·
mae) ie.g.. shanng secrets together>. altcctiol1
I e.g.. "howing w:.innth toward (Jne anOlher).
l'ol11paniol1,>hip (e.g.. having fun together!. and
'>Cni,JaClion (e.g .. denying rleasun: from the
relaullllship I (Shulman. 19Y.') l. A large bod) of
research over the past decade has focused on
ullderswnding the pre\ alellee and correlate,
of these dimension, of friendship 4uality (.,ec
Buhll11Lster. IYY(): Bukowski. Newcomh. &
Hartup. IY<)6: Collin, &: Laur,cn. 199'::: rurman
&: Builrlllcster. 19X5 J. and the extent to which
they val') hy gellder and. more recently. h)
ethnicil).
Studics havc fuunu that the quality of
friendships do vmy by gender and ethnieity.
June" & Cmtin. ( 19(4). for example. explored
friendship quality among Mexican American.
African American. and European American
sixth and ninth graders and found that African
American males were more likelv to reveal
their per,onal thoughts and feelings with their
male friends than were Mt:xican American or
European American boys. Furthermore. signific:ant
gender difference" in levels ofselfdisclosure
in their same-.~ex friendships were apparent
only among European American adolescents:
European American girb were more likely 10
reveal their personal thoughts and feelings
to their friel1lls than European American boys.
Similarly. in their study of Blac:k and White.
socioeconomically diverse. middle school
children. DuBois and Hirsch (IY90) showed
White girls as having significantly more supportive
friendships than White boys. No gender
diiTercn<.:l's were detected among Blm:!.: youth.
Black hoy" were also shown to be more likely
to have intimate con\'er'-.atiol1s with their best
friends than were White boys: no difft>rences
\\ere found hetween Black and White girls.
Way and wlleagues find ethnic differences
in perceptions of friendship support
\\ith Black and L.atino adolescenh reporting
higher level:; oj friendship support than their
Asian American peers (Way & Chen. 200():
Wu: &. Greene. 2(){)6. \Iva: 6: Pah!. 2001,.
Their qualitati\'e res'?arch abo suggesh that
Asian American immigrant aclok..,cel1l' often
reporl being unhappy wilh their friendships
and yearning lor friembhip, that are more sup.
poni\e IQlIl et al.. '::OOX: ()In &: Vvay. ill pre,s:
Wa) &. PahI. IYYY). They 1'1 nd. 11\\We\er. few
gender ditlerence, in friendship support. with
olll;. lhL L.alino youth ill the firsi years of high
"chool intiil'ming such ditlen:nces (Way &
Chen. 2000 J. Rcsearc'h i, needed to explore
why gender differences in friendship '-.Upport
arc con,iSlelltly found among White youth but
not among among Llhnic~l1lin()nt) or immi.
grant youlh.
Longitudinal research on friendship ljuality
across ad()k~"cents from di rtl.'relll ethnic groups
is extremely limitLd. With nlllst longitudinal
studies conducted with young children (e.g.,
Ladd. IY(0). over hriel periods of time. or
with middle clas,. European American adolescents
(e.g.• Buhrme~ler & Furman. 19H7;
Rice & Mulkeen. 19LJ5) Researeh c()nducted
primarily with European American, middleclass
adolescents hu;, shown that from early to
late adolescen<.:e, (1) friendships are perceived
as increasingly more intimate and/or supportive
and (.::) gender difference~ in friendship
qual ity become less apparent a" boys and girls
begin to rely more on friend~ to help ;.olve
their problems (Azillitia, Kamprath. & Linnet,
19l)g: Berndt. IYH9: Furman & Burhmester,
199'::: Rice & Mulkeen. 1995: Sharabany.
Gershoni. & Hofman. 19X I: Youniss &
Smollar. llJH5). Longitudinal studies of friendship~
among ethnic-minority adole...cenh have
also indicated that the percei ved leve I of support
in both close friendship... and friendships
in general increase" over time from age 13 to
age IH(Way & Greene, 200(J). Tbese findings
support theory and research indicating that
as young people become increa,ill,1!ly selfaware.
cognitively skilled. and confident in
their identitie, (McCarthy & Hoge. 191-:2).
thev become hetter able to have mutually
supportive an(I satisfying friendship,. In Way's
slUdie" of the dnelopment of fricmlships
of ethnic-minority adole~cents, the rate of
improvement~ over time in friendship quality
. was similar acras" African American, Latino,
and Asian American adolescents. Boys, however,
showed sleeper improvements over
time than girh in the quality of closest samesex
friendships even though the mean level
of friendship quality at age 16 did not differ
by gender (Way & Greene, 20(6). This latter
finding is consistent with previous longitudinal
research with European American adolescents
that suggests that intimacy in best friendship
increases at a sharper rate for boys than for
girls from 8th grade to 12th grade (Rice &
Mulkeen, 1995).
The Experience of Friendships­

Qualitative Research 

Although research has examined the extent
to which adolescents feel supported in their
friendships. very little research has focused on
how adolescents make meaning of or experience
their friendships. In-depth interviews over
4-5 years with over 200 ethnic-minority youth
living in an urban context revealed themes of
closeness, desire. and distrust in their friendships
(Way, 2006; Way. in progress; Way,
Greene, & PahL 2004; Way & Pahl, 2001),
Each of these themes suggested subthemes that
underscored the complexity of each theme. For
example, closeness was experienced in friendships
not only as a result of intimate disclosures
within the friendship but also as a result ofborrowing
and loaning money. Furthermore, the
three themes were interwoven such that, for
example, the theme of distrust formed a type
of "context" for the experience of closeness for
adolescents.
Closeness
Closeness was defined by the youth in Way's
studies as believing that one could trust his or
her best friends with secrets and money (Way,
2004: Way, Becker, & Greene, 2004: Way
et aL. 2005: Way & Pah!. 1999). For example,
when Amanda, a Puerto Rican young woman,
was asked what she liked about her best friend,
Friendships 539
she replied. "she keeps everything a ~ecret.
whatever I tell her," Maria, a Puerto Rican
young woman, responded similarly saying
that: "1 can talk to her about anything, like if
I can her, r m hysterically crying or something
just happened or whatever. .. and maybe
she'll be doing something, she'll stop doing
that to come and talk to me and to help me."
Brian, an African American male, staled about
his best friends: "I tell them anything aboulme
and I know they won't lell anybody else unles~
I tell them to." (Way el al., 2004). Similarly,
adolescents, particularly the boys, consistently
indicated that borrowing and loaning money
was a key component of closeness between
themselves and their peers.
In addition, adolescents, particularly the
boys, voiced feelings that they could trust that
closest friends to protect them from harm and
that they would "be there" when needed. When
Raphael, a Puerto Rican young man, was asked
by an interviewer, "What kinds of things could
you trust with your [closest] friends')" he
replied: "Let's just say I had a big fight, 1 got
beat up, 1 had like five guys against me, they'll
come and they'll help me out." Similarly,
Akil, an African American male, responded to
the same question: "You get into a fight with
somebody else; [my best friend] will tell me
to calm down, chill ... like when someone
jumps me, he will help me." Although trust
was consistently the foundation of closeness in
friendships, the ways in which the adolescents
trusted their friends, or how they felt close 10
them, varied across gender (Way et aL 2004).
Finally, adolescents conveyed feelings of
closeness to their best friends due to the fact
that their family knew their friends and their
friends' families (and vice versa) (Way el aI.,
2004), Michael, an African American young
man, said about his best friend: "Since we
were real small I have known his whole family,
he knows everybody in my house, we just
walk over to his crib, open his fridge without
asking or something, that's how long we've
know each other." Similarly, Armando, a
Dominican young man, responded when asked
::..." Ethnieil~ lind Immigratioll
wllal make, him clo,t' ttl hi, nc,tiricnd: '"L;m,
h,,<,lc<.di:, 'l'Lllhe 11t' klltl\\' my tamily, If you
kno\\ ,(lIl1l'hod~ '.' ral\.:nh, then you kl1(l\\
ltu" lar lhe trust e<ln be ,,,trctehelL'" Rringil1!:,
their friend, in[(l tilt' fold of their lamilic'- ano
hecoming pan (11 thcir frieno,' family alloweo
the dd()\e,ccnt, to trllsl and feel dose to their
Iricl1lb,
/)e,\ire
Wuy and her collcuglles al,o fino that the
hoy;, in thcir qualitative stllllie" consistently
expre;.,sed a strong yearning for intimate,
,allie-seX friendship;., For example. Alhert. II
Puerto Rican young man, [old the int.:.:rviewer:
"I would like u iricmlthat if I got llnything to
say 10 him or likc dlly prohlems or unything
I'll tell him Jnd he'll tell me his prohlems."
(Way et aL. 20()4), In contrast to what the
research literature :,uggesb about hoy,,' fricndships
(Belle. 19X1): Buhrmester & Furman.
1l)~7). Alhen ',~ wish for a cio,e friend wa., not
hased 011 a desire for friends with whom to "do
thing<' hut instead. to discuss personal prohlems,
After oescrihing the hetrayals of friellds
wi1(l will "talk behind yuur hack," Victor. a
Puerto Ricun male. similarly stated: "Basically
I hate it. I hate il. cause you know I wouldn't
mind ulking to somebody my age that J Gill
relate 10 'em on a di1ferent hasis," Boys. like
Albert and VictOl'. expressed yearning for
friends who "would really be there" and with
whom they could share their "true fcelings.'·
Significantly. these stories of desire for
fricndships that invol\c high levels of selfdj~c1osure
were not ~,torie, revealed exclusively
<lCluely sensitivc hoys who were socially
i:-.olated in tile ,choul cont'~xL They were ~t()ries
heard from popular boys wll(\ wcre Illemher~
of athletic teams as well as tho,e involved in
theater arts, The"e storh:s were heard from
straight "A" slUdents and studcnh who were
qrut'!,!ling academically. The lan!,!uage of
yearnin.l' for intimacy with other males W,\;,
used hy laid hack. macho. "hip hop" h(\.\.~ wearing
I{)w-ridlllg panls. baseball CHP" drawn low
o\,el' their hrow". and :-.neaker:- llillied, Boys.
I\IJu ha\t' hcen punra\eJ in pupular eu!ture
a, lllore InterC,led in ,hooting each otht:r than
111 ~huril1g their though\;, and li:elil1,:!, spoke to
u,- ahout wantin!:, mule 1riend,hip" with whom
tile) could "slwre thcil secn:h," "tell e\er\_
thing." and "gct insldc" (\\a\ e\ al.. 20(4) .
lJi.~lrusl
Finally. a h'y thcme in the teens' disclIs"ions
or frlendship,- was distrllst (WU) et ul.. 2(04).
For c.>.,Cll1lplc, adolescents "poke of a world in
whieh peers will '"try [(I take over you and lake
you forl'verything you've ,:!ot and slepon you."
For exampk. in n':spol1se to ,I queQioll about
his male peer..; in gencraL Anthony responded:
") dOIl't trll',t Itheml. 1 trust me. IllyseiL and
J. That'" the way I am, I trust nobody," Although
he rep(Jrted having a best friend during all four
years of the study. a friend in whom he \oieed
being able to confide and to whom he felt
clo~e to. hi~ overall perceplion of hi,,- peers in
gencral involved Illuch mistrust. Richard. too.
spoke about distrusting his male peers. saying:
"Can't trust anyhody nowadays, They are
trying to "cam you, or scheme. or talk ab(,ut
you," Richard admitted that although he had
never directly experienced these type" of
betrayals 1i'om his male peep" he "knowls]
what 1110st of Ithem I are like." The;-,e youth,
however. often also spoke of having close
friendships oespite tileir perceptiolls of distrust.
Thus. distrust of peer." appeared to be " type
of context ill which close friendships develop
(\V,IY, 2()04: Way et aL 20(4), III other words.
the distrust of theil pcer" in general i" the
larger context in which they develop cio;.e and
trusting same-sex friendships,
The Context of I;riendships
Drav.'ing from ecological theories or IUlman
dcvelopment. a ;.mall but !,!I'OWillg hody of
re~earl'h examines the lInks <Illwn!' falllily.
school. and neighborhood C()l1te\t~. :llld lhe
development of friendship alilong L,thnicIIllllority
ynuth, Finding" sug,l,!c,t that many
of the association, hetween contextual fal'tor~
and variati()l1~ in rriclld~hip, arc ,inliiar across
Friendships 541
ethnic groups. However. studies Vv ith ethnicmmority
youth. particularly those from urban
contexts. shed light 011 the ways in which
families. schools, and neighborhoods shape
the development of friendships.
The Family Context
Research on the linh between the quality of
relationship~ with family members and with
peers has been based primarily on attachment
and/or social .\UPport theories (Updegraff:
McHale. Crouter. & Kupanoff, 200]) and has
typically found the quality of family relationships
to be positively associated with the
quality of friendships (Greenberg. SiegeL &
Leitch. J983: Kerns. 1994: Kerns & Stevens.
J996: Procidano & Smith, 1997: Youngblade,
Park, & Belsky, 1993). According to attachment
theorists. children internalize their
parents' responsiveness toward them in the
form of internal working models of the self
(Ainsworth & Bowlby. 199 I). These internal
working models. in turn, influence nonfamilial
relationships. as children provided
with security, warmth, and trust are more
likely than others to experience similar qualities
in their relationships with their peers
(Armsden & Greenberg, 1987; Greenberg
et al., 1983: Kerns & Stevens, 1996; Sroufe &
Waters, 1977). Moreover, attachment theorists
also emphasize the enduring and stable nature
of attachment styles. showing significant associations
between current parent attachment and
peer relationships (Armsden & Greenberg.
1987: Cauce, Mason, Gonzales, Hiraga. & Liu,
1996).111 a similar vein, social support theorists
also maintain that a positive association exists
between adolescents' perceived support from
families and the extent to which they feel supported
hy friends (Procidano. 1992: Procidano
& Smith, 1997). In the social support literature.
perceived family suppol1 is generally understood
as the extent to which adolescents feel they can
depend on family members for advice. guidance,
and emotional support. When a child's
need for support is met at home. that child will
likely experience others outside of the home as
suppOltive as well (Bartholomew. Cobb. &
Poole. 1997: Sw·ason. Pierce. & Sarason. 1990).
The few studies of ethnic-minority friendships
have found significant links between
parent-child closeness and adolescent friendships
among ethnic-minority youth (see Cote.
1996: Updegraff et al.. 20(1). Thi~ research
has suggested tl1:.lt the association between
parent and peer relationships varies as a
function of race/ethnicity. and gender. For
example, using a sample of early adolescents
from Latino and European American
families. UpdegrafT and her colleagues (2002).
examined adolescents' experiences with
their mothers. fathers. and best friend::. and
found both mother and father acceptance to
be significantly linked to friendship intimaL:y
among European American adolescents. For
the Latino adolescents. however. only mother
acceptance was related to friendship intimacy.
Similar to Updegraff and colleagues
(2002). Way and colleagues find that father
support is unrelated to friendship support among
Latino. Black. and Asian American adolescents.
However, support from mothers is
nificantly associated with change over time
in adole&cent reports of friendship support
(Way & Pahl, 20(1). These findings extend
the relevance of mother support for friendships
to other ethnic-minority group::. (e.g.,
African American and Asian American).
Strikingly. however, adolescents who reported
the least amount of support from their mothers
in 9th grade (at time 1) show the sharpest
increases over time in reported levels of support
from friends, suggesting a compensatory
pattern of relationship (Way & Greene 2006;
Way & Pahl, 200 IJ. However, increases in
perceived family support are as~ociated with
improvements in friendship quality over time
(Way & Greene, 2006). Although these findings
seem contradictory. they are con~istent
with much of what we know about the development
of relatiomhips. Improvements in one
type ofrelationship (i.e.. family members) may
be associated with improvements in another
type of relationship (i.e.. friends). However.
3-1:: Lthuil'iJ' llnd JrnllliJ,!rutiol1
tile: ,hdrl';:q 11l1pt',,\;:tlH::nh mel) be .,c<.:tl III
tjIU~l' r~lalJ()n~h:p, ii,c,. 1n;:m\'i lhat an: comp;:Jl~"lillg
lUI the: lack III suppon III uther relatlunshil's
(sec ahu Cin.:bctlL bnch, Shonk, &:
i\laniy Il)y~ I
In addili,)Jl to '-ludics examining the assoCIation
hel\l<.:ell thl' quality 01 ramil: SlIppo)'t
;U1Li p<.:l'J' 1<':laliuIlShip~. ,t glowing hody
oj' rcscardl ba~cd ()n so-:ial I;:allllng thcory
!la- ":\illllllll'd til;: [illl-.:-- hctween parental "tlltUcles
ahout p;:ers dllli jnelldship~ and aU(llc~cent
inendshIJ1s According to ,social learning
tilc'uri,ts, chlldn:n acquilt: the rcquisitc ,"ilLs
lor fn;:1ll1sliip, through Illudding and uhs;:rvati()lIal
karning ;Mhcll;:i. 19(6), Sueh n:scarL'll
ha, primarily focliscd ,)11 i",ue;. oj parental
munitoring. e\.,ull1ning Ill'W parental monitoring
al hume inrlu;:nce th;: qual it) anu charLlctcri;.tlc~
of peer relatl()Il':lip~ (Brown. MOUllb.
Lamborn. &: Steinherg. Ic)!J.\: Fuligni & Ecck~'.
J l)l)3: Snyde:' &: Hoffman. 19\)0). Findings
from these studies have suggested thattllcre is a
c1e;u' as,ucialloll hetwe;:nthe extent of parcnt;:)
ntonitoring and a range of acloles;:enl oLlt;:omes.
including involvcment with deviant peers
(Ary. Dum:alL Duncan. &: Hops. 19l)9: Snyuer.
Dishioll. &: Pall;:rsofl. 1\)86) and pllsitive peer
contacl I Brown et aL. I!JY3: Mounts. ~O(ll),
The degre~ of parent",! llluniloring ha;. also
becn related to friend;;hip Lievelopment. with
the two extreme;, of rnonilOrillg~-exce"sively
high and cx;:essi vely I()w~-interfering with
,"'hildr;:n'" ahi lities to e,lablish friendships
(Pallersu!l &: Stollthamer-Locber. 1\)84).
Reselrch \,ith ethnic-minority youtil ha;. also
found par;:nlal nl'lIliloring \0 hc significantly
relaied to tlw perceived quality of c1o,est
:Jnd !:=ellcrai J'n;:nd"hips (!~()sl'nbaum. 20(0).
;\liolescenl" who rqlOrted that tlwir pareHts
kne\1 thcir wh;:reah()ub. what they arc doing
alkr ,clmo\. ho\'l th;:) spend thcir money. and
wiler;: lh;:y are duri.llg the uay and cvclling
hours rcportell haying more ,upportin: cios;:st
and ,~~cner,il1ricll(bhips (Ro;.enhaul1l. 20001.
I'arl'nlal gUldancc, !II the dcgree to which
parellt;. dir;:;:tlv assist <tJulesccnts v.ilh friclld~hil"
hll' also heen lInked Iluh the qual It)
oj uUOk'CCllL' fn;:ndsillps, \/ernb;:rg. Beer"
Ewell. ,[nu Ahst.:nliet" I It)lj.') i. jor ;:\alllple. doc~~
Illent;:u \ ariuus stnltegle, used b) parellts to help
lill:ir s;:\cnlh and eil:'ilth grade chIldren devel_
()p friellu.,hips alkl' lll()\ing til a 11e\\ schOol
distnel. such ct.S Illeeting With other parents
facilitating pro:\illlll\ to pcer~. lalkill2! v,jlh the;;
adokscellt chilurel1 ahULa pe;:r relationships.
and cllcouraging thl'ir chilJren tu participate in
aCljlities witll nlh;:r aliok,,;:ellls, Murc r;:cently,
In a "tlJU) III Latino and European American
adolc,cenh and tll;:ir parcnt.-.., l;pdt:gratl and
;:ollcaglIC~ (~()() II rcp0rleu lhat parcntsIll'llht:r~
in particular-~onell !CO! l() know and
spcnt time \vith tll;:ir children's Iri;:l1ds as a way
io influen;:e thes;: Iri;:lIlbhips. MUlIIlls (2001
~O()2, ~()ll41 ha:-. also dcscnbed 'anous sllategi;:,
parenh use to i!lfluCllcc ttleir ad()lesc~nts'
fricnd;,rlip;.. sueh ,b guiding I i,c" talking ahout
(he consequencc oj 11;:;ng friends with panicular
people). neutrality (i.e" not illl;:ri'ering with
their children's peer r;:lalionship'l. prohihiting
(i,e,. forbidding adolescents' as,ociation, with
particular peers I, and supporting (Ll~.. providing
an envirunm;:1lt at hOE1;: v..herc adoleseents
can have th;:i!' ,'riend" OVCrJ.
Studies have also indicated thal parental
rule" and attitudes regarding their adolescents'
friends are nitical eorrelales of the quality
of auole!,ct:nt friendships lor bOlh cthnicminority
and -nlaJority adolescents (Mounts,
~()()4: Way e! al.. ~()07), In one slUdy (If ;:thnicminoril)
adolescents. ad()le~c(?nt;.· perceptiolls
of parental rules and attitude,. prcdicteu the
quality of closest fricndships over ano ahove
the dlect of mo(hcr ami lamily support (W;;y.
Grcene. &: \1lthkerjec. ~(J{)7). Tlm,e adolescent.,
who pcrcci,;:d tikl1hCl\c':' a:, h~I\'jng
p<lrcllls with it 1l1ore encouraging altilllties
"Ill) parents think it is important to have
lri;:llds") alld rules It:.g., "Ill: pan:nts allow me
I() spcnd limc wlIh Illy fl'lcnds dllliJig tile week;:nds
or aftcr "ciloo]"] regarding friendships
rcported haling Illort' sUpp01'lI\ C close fricndships.
Flinhen]l()re lcs;:arl'il \\ Itll botli dhnieminorilY
and ..majority llllddk ~ch()()1 s\LIdcn!;.
indicatcs that parellt;.· praL'lI;:;:, rcbtcu \() thclr
'5 friendships le.g.. be1l1g 1l1vo]ved in
children's friendships). a~ reported by
rents. wa~ significantly associated with
over time in adole:..cent perceptiom of
quality of their friendships (Muhkerjee.
& Hughe~. under review). No ethnic difwere
found in thi:.. analysis. Parent~'
of their practices related to friendhad,
in fact a stronger association with
adolescents' perceptions of the quality of
friendships than did the adolescents'
ceptlOllS of their parents' practices. Thus.
support, parental monitoring, and guidance.
attitudes, rules, and practices related
their children's friendships shape ethnicand
-majority adolescents' perceptions
the quality of their friendships.
Qualitative data also underscores the sigof
parental rules and attitudes about
for ethnic-minority adolescents. In
as wanting them to have friendships.
they also perceived their parents as
and of the tendency for nonfamilial
to be deceptive and to pressure them to
in deviant behaviors. Previous research
suggested that many families from loware
not part of one's immediate or extended
. should not be trusted (Salguero &
McCusker. 1996: Stack, 1974: Way. 1998).
Thus, the particular parental messages and
attitudes regarding friendships may be unique
to a low-income. urban sample.
.The School Context
. It is typically assumed tilat family
relationships-both the quality of these relationships
and the level of parental guidance
and monitoring-are the most important factors
shaping adolescents' experiences of friendships.
Friendship~ 543
However. such beliefs ignore the significant
role of the ~chooJ context (Rosenbloom & Way.
2004: Way et a1.. 2004: Way & Pahl. 200] J.
Perceptiom of the school climate. or the qualit)
of interaction~ and feelings of trust, respect. and
support that exist within the school community.
have been found to int1uence (both conculTently
and prospectively) students' self-esteem. psychological
adjustment. level of anxiety. problem
behavior. academic self-concept (Grobel
& Scharzer. 1982: Kuperminc, LeadbeateL
Emmons. & Blatt. 1997; Roeser & Eccles.
1998), and school behavior (Hoge. Smit, &
Hanson, 1990; Sommer, 19~ti). Theorists also
argue that students who perceive the ::,chool
environment a~ respectful, supportive. equitable.
safe. and dependable find it easier and
are more willing to make and maintain supportive
friendships wifu their peers than those
who perceive the school as hostile (Epstein &
Karweit, J983; Minuchin & Shapiro. 1983:
Hamm, 2000). Indeed. Epstein and Karweit
(1983) note: "Negative features in a school
environment-ridicule, discrimination. low
expectations, stereotypes, repressions, punishment,
isolation-may increase the disassociative
quality of the setting and affect the thought
processes and social behavior of the students"
(p. 60). Although the objective reality of the
school (e.g., number of students in school.
ethnic diversity) is likely related to the characteristics
and quality of friendships. adolescents'
perceptions of fue relational teacher/
student and studentlstudent relationships) and
the organizational (e.g.. sense of safety in the
school) climate may also have a powerful
int1uence (Andersen. 1982; Roeser & Eccles,
1998).
Whereas much research has investigated
the ways in which perceptions of school
climate influence adolescents' psychological
adjustment and academic development (Hoge
et aL 1990; Kuperminc et al.. 1997; Roeser.
& StrobeL 1998; Way & Robinson,
2003). substantially less attention has been
directed at exploring the way~ in which adolescents'
perceptions of school climate shape
!!L::r '('deli dClc:ioPlllclll !CrU"I1()C' el al.. 200::;:
I k' &: RDe~cr 20kl). The L'\ISlin;.: re~careh
v. ill, c:li;llll-lllin()riI\ and -malorit) uli()ic\cenl,
Illdil':tle, that thl effect~ or aliolc:,cenu: pcrlepli
i )il~ (l! ,~'h\ 'ui cl illIatl:' un fricndship quali t)
(l\tT and ah(l\t~ the influcnce ut
relali(ln~hlp, and psycholui,'ical adjust·
!lIen: {\\ay 8: Paid. 2IJUi i. Mort:'()\cr. challi,'c,
III Ic"clL~r/'lLIdclll relations and studcnt!
.slULle'lll rl'blions ill panicular is "ii,'lliricC!ntly
as,uu:llcd \\ illl chan;;es ()\ IT till!l' ill adolescent
pekCpllll!l, tli Iriend,hip LJualny fm African
.-\I1it'ric<ln, Lnin(). alld A,ian American adoie,CClll~
!\\a) &: (ircenc, 2()06), Strikini,'ly, when
l'>':llllIiled together with pern:ption, oj famil)
on!: tc,lchcr/,tlllknt rel:nioll,lllp,
il'mainL'l1 l! ,igniri~"tnt prcdictor of the
'!u,dit:. 01 IrieJldship, for adolescents acro,s
dlll1K gruup". \iv'hcll ;,[udents perceived thcir
[cadlers as ;,upporlive. tlIe) alsll perceivcd
thl'ir Iricndships a~ supportive as well.
t'\cn ~dlcr controlling for the effects of family
,relationships I Way & Greene. 200nl,
Ethlwgraphic work also has revealed thai
the ra,:iallethnic dynamics of Ihe school arc
,tl'lllli,'ly ussociated witl; the yualit) and chard\;tenslics
oj ethnic-tmnorilY adlliescent fnendships
i R(J,cnhlooJn &: \Vay. 2(04), III the urhan.
10\\ ·incomc, e>-.c1usively elhnic-minority high
~L'hool studied hy Way and colleagues. Black
:md Latilll) studl'nls arc typically in either
niainstre~llll or special education dusses while
i\,ian American students are generally overfcpre<.,cllled
in honors classrooms, According
[() teachers, these dlvi,iuns are oftell made
]lTC'spedilc of the actual abilities or students.
\\ itll A~ial1 American ~tlldenlS with very low
skilL. bci:lg placed :n honor" cla~sc:,
',(, tilat the\ call "he with their peer"'-' IWay
,:1 al.. 2()(J..+L Such actions lJpenly and acti\cly
rein/urcc the model minority myth of A,ian
,\Illcrie<ln ,1lIdCIllS and the I(lea that Black
and Lalino sllIdelll, \1 en: Ilol in honor., clu"cs
h'c'.;all~L' the\ 1al'hell moti\ <ltion (Tatum, 19lJH L
l\, ~\ C()Il,cqucIllT. Black and Latino slUdellt,
l[,I\ C ollcll becll joum11O hara", !"sian American
'iullcnh due. at lea.'1 in pan, tll lileir fru"tralion
and i.l1lgcr re;;arding the Uh\'I()U, preference for
the Asian American studellt~ h:- the teachers
(Ro,enhloolll &: Way, 20()4 L
Such i.1 negative and hustile reli.1tiunal climate
in the school e\ en makes It llifriculi lor ,;tudents
to form friend,htps 11ililinthcir own ethnic/racial
group (Way el al.. 2()(j..h Rc,earch find, that
tho,c ,lUcienh \vho repol1 school a, hell1g a particularl:-
ho,tiit: (u:-.ually ha,ed on incidenb of
taci,m and discrtminatioIl) place often indicate
having c()ntel1liou~ friendships-i ITespcctive of
whether they are ,allle-ethnielly/race friendships
i Ro,enbioofll. 2(){J..h However. studcnh who
recount more pm,itive school experience, tend
to describe more slable and sentre friend"hips
(Ruscnbl()oll1. 2()04 J,
The l\'eighborlwod COlltext
Studies have also inuicated that fricndship
experience, vary depending 011 the yuality
and characteristics of the neighborhood
I Berg &: Medrich. 19XO: DuBois & Hir\eh.
1990: Epstein. Il)X9: Homel &: Burn" 19Xt)J,
For example. children living in neighhorhoods
with easily acces"ihle "play spaces" have more
contact with friends outside of ~cho()1 and
more friends in general than those who live in
neighborhoods without such places (Berg &
Medrich. It)80: Homel & Burns. It)Rt)).
Similarly. youth residing in dangerous neighborhoods
with a high prevalence of \' iolenee
tenu to have fewer neighhorhood friends and
les, contact with their friends outside of school
than their peers who live in les, violent neighhorhoods
(Rosenbaum, 20()O; Way. IYl)~),
Neighhorhood climate has abo been founu
to influence friendship satisfaction, In their
study of urban low-inC()I1lC carly adple:-,ccnls,
HOlllel and Burns ( It)XY) iOLilld neighbori1o()u
social prohlems !e,g.. crill1e. dcllllquellcyJ to
predict lower le\'(>I, or percelwd satishlctioll
wilh friends and a luwer pruhahility or liking
one', c1asslllales, Other studie, have f(lund
famil) 's n::,idence to he strongly linkeu 10
the quality or social oppOrllll1ille:. (Berg &
Medrich, 19i1O; DuB(lis & Hir,ch. 1990:
Hirsch & DuBois, jI)90)
Educational Achievement and Attainment 545
Ethnographic work indicates that urban
and Latino boys often choo~e not to
spend time with their neighborhood friends
because doing so often means heing stopped
and harassed by policemen or by groups of
boYS "looking for trouble" (Way, 1998). As
a consequence. some of these boys choose
instead to spend time alone or with family
p:lember;,. For example. one male Puerto Rican
sophomore stated in his interview in Way's
studies that he did not have friends from the
neighborhood because he did not like "hancin'
with people getting killed" (Way. 1998,c
p. 119) and thus he often stayed home during
nonschool hours, Similarly, when a Black
11th-grade male was asked why he thought
he had not found a close friend he could
trust, he replied that the betrayal or "backstabbing"
that was typical in his neighborhood led
people to further "diss" one another in order
to "feel important" (Way, 1998, p. 118), After
learning that his closest friend was talking
about him "all throughout my neighborhood,"
this young man decided not to "really bother
with it. you know. trying to make best friends"
(Way. 1998. p, 116). Survey research has also
found that Black. Latino. and Asian American
youth's perception~ of neighborhood cohesion,
defined as levels of trust, familiarity, and reliability
among neighbors and level of safety in
the neighborhood, were significantly associated
with reported levels of friendship support
(Rosenbaum. 2000).
In summary. research with ethnic-minority
and -majority adolescents has found that the
context of families. schools, and neighborhoods
playa significant role in predicting the
qual ity and characteristic~ of adolescent friendships.
Strikingly, few ethnic differences have
been found in this body of research suggesting
that the impact of the context on friendships
is similar across adolescents. However. the
ways in which these contexts shape adolescent
friendships may not be similar. Whereas families.
schools. and neighborhoods may influence
the friendships of adolescents regardless
of the cultural context, the ways in which these
contexts innuence friend~hip" may look
dramatically different across contexts, The role
of teachers, for example, in the social wellbeing
of adolescents may be more important for
those being raised in cultures ill which teachers
are highly valued China) than for those
being raised in cultures that place less value
on the role of teacher", Future research should
explore the processes by which the contexh of
development shape adolescent friendships.
EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT
AND ATTAINMENT
Because it is predictive of numerous indicators
of a successful transition to adulthood, academic
achievement is one of the most significant
developmental tasks facing adolescents in
contemporary American society, Individuals
who receive high school and college degrees
are more likely as adults to be employed,
work in higher status occupations, have
higher incomes, and even to be married and
have better physical health (Halperin, 1998).
Unfortunately, substantial differences in academic
achievement exist according to adolescents'
ethnic background, with the members of
some ethnic groups facing particularly acute
educational challenges. Variations in different
aspects of academic achievement are described
below, followed by a discllssion of the potential
role of motivation and values, the socioeconomic
resources of adolescents' families.
and social and institutional barriers in creating
these often substantial differences according to
ethnic and generational background.
Variation in Achievement and
Attainment
Ethnic differences in educational achievement
and attainment exist at all levels of schooling
during adolescence. from middle school
through the college years. American students
from African American and Latino backgrounds
generally receive lower grades and
have lower score" than European American
and Asian American students on ~tandardized
achievement tests during the middle and high
:'4(, Lthnidl\ amI Immigration
'ciJoul .,ear, Althollgl1 tile difference in dropOLil
rate, hel\\ cen European American and
AI'rIcan Anl~>ncan slUden!:.. narrowed ciuring
tht' I 97(J-., and i9H(b, " gap in high ,ci1o()i completion
belween these l\\'(l group, ha, remained
stahlt' i'or lhe p1!"t 1:,\ ye:n, isee Figure 15, I)'
The drorollt r,<{e 10r Latino 'IUtien!:.. has fiuctllaleu
0\ er thc [last 3(J years, hullt rcmains essentially
uIlch,lngcd since 1970 and is higher than
an) other ethnic group in the United Slates, In
l'oillrast. the grade, and test scures of Asian
American ,wdenl.s arc higher than any other
ethnic group, and thev complell' high school al
raiL'S equal to their European American peers,
The higher high school dropout rates among
Arrican Allll'rican and Latino students are
('nl' rea,OI1 wh~ their icvels of college enrollment
and completion are lower than those of
their peers from other ethnic hackgrounds,
,Asian students, in e()ntra~L ~l11end college and
received poslsecondary degrees at higher rates
than theIr European American peers,
De.spite the many challenges ,that adolescents
from immigrant families face in their
adaptatIOn to American society, numerou:-,
studies have ~:uggested that they often do just
a~ well. if 110t better. in school than their peers
from American-born families, Both national
and local studies have suggested that first- and
100
80
60
0
0
40 

20 

0 

While Black
,uoml-generatiol1 adule'Ct.>lll:', reCt;l\e either
similar or <:\<:11 hlghu grade, and leS1 scores
than their third-generation peer', 11'0111 sinti!:::r
l'llllllC hackgrounds i htiiplL Il)l)7: Kau &.
Tiemja, I9c),'i;, College atll'ndancc and lOmpletion
ratl'S shov. sill1ilar patterns, \\ llh those
from the 1'ir.,1 and second gem:ratiDn, enrolling
in coJlegl' and reCCll degree, at fates
similar to their third~gel1eratioll coetlinic fleer~
(FuJigni &: Wilkow, 200cl: Gild: &: White.
200-1- ),
There i, some slIgge,tion. 11m, eler. that the
immigrant ad\<lnwge lI1ay he stJ'(lllger :.md more
consistent aillong Asian stulienh lhan among
thost' with Latino had,grounds, FuJigni (1997)
noted lhat de,piIt' the I'acl thaI lht'~ Llld a" Ivell
in English classes as their third-generation
peers, first-generation Latillo ~tudents received
significantly lower l:!rade~, III mathematiC." and
Kao and Tienda ( I'll)5) reporled that the iI1lmigrant
advantage in gr,\(ie\ wa, most ~'Ol"islenl
among Asian studen\-' III a national sample,
Cel'sus Bureau statistics sllgge:~t that the high
school completion rate of foreign-horn Latinos
is dramatically lower (49(;; or those 25-44
years of age) than their second- and thirdgeneration
counterparts 11Q(k and ~2(/(. respectively:
U,S, Bureau of the Census. 2007). Yet
census statistics often include immigrants who
Asian Latino
:. High School Graduate Cl Bachelors
Source: u.s, Census Bureau (20U7), Cucrenl POpulatlor S:Jfvey, 2006
Annual SOCial and Econom,c SupolemenL
1'1(;( RE IS.I l'cree-IlI:lgl" "f the popula[i(llJ. a;,:t:d 2."-::9 \car', \\ ill! l!igh "I]e'lll alld hal'llcl,,!, degrec\.
:lct'llniing [ll ethnic' ba..:"grolilld
the United State~ a~ adult~ and never
enrolled in school. A recent national study of
adolescents who attended U.S. schools. in
contrast. observed little generational variation
in dropout rates among Latinos (Pen·eim.
Harris. & Lee. 20(6). The inconsistency in
research findings regarding the achievement
of the foreign born from Latin America may be
due to the rapid fluctuation of population tlows
due to immigration. regional variation in the
nature of the Latino population. and significant
differences within the larger population ofLatin
American immigranb according to country of
origin (e.g., Mexico vs. Cuba). Future research
needs to isolate the role of these factors in order
to most accurately determine which aspects of
the immigrant Latino popUlation have more
difficulty in school than others.
Ethnic differences in educational achievement
among the immigrant population itself
generally mirror those observed in the larger
popUlation, with immigrants from Asia demonstrating
higher levels of educational attainment
compared to those from Latin America
(Larsen, 2(04). Yet these overall comparisons
can mask often dramatic variations within each
panethnic group. For example, students from
South America and Cuba typically receive better
grades and enroll in college at higher rates
than those from Mexico or Central America
(Porte:.. & Rumbaut, 2001 ), In addition, students
in immigrant families that hail from Southeast
Asian countries. such as the Hmong and the
Lao, have more difficulty in school than those
from China or Korea. Although it is often
difficult to break samples down into specific
ethnic groups because of their relatively limited
size;.; in the larger popUlation, it is important
to remember that achievement estimates for
panethnic groups such as "Asian" or "Latino"
youth may not readily apply to all of the specific
immigrant groups included in these broad
categories.
Motivation and Values
Explanations for ethnic differences in adolescent
achievement have often focused on the
Educational Achievement and Attainment 547
role of students' value of education and theil
motivation to succeed. For example. a noted
theory offered by Ogbu (1987 I suggested that
the academic difficultle~ of African American
adolescent:.. were partially attributable to thc
students' devaluing of education and academic
efi'ort. Despite the popularity of this theory.
however. subsequent research provided very
little evidence to suggest that African American
students have lower values of education
(Ainsworth-Darnell & Downey, JY(8) Similar
results have been obtained III studies of adolescents
from other ethnic-minority backgrounds.
For example, Latino and Asian adolescents
often report higher educational aspiration~ and
a stronger belief in the utility of education for
their future live!"> (Fuligni, 200 I).
Once source of the academic motivation of
many ethnic-minority students is their identification
with theirethnic and cultural background.
Rather than developing an "oppositional identity,"
in which a strong cultural identity among
ethnic-minority students includes an opposition
to engaging with educational institution:..,
most students attempt to create an ethnic identity
that includes a value placed on trying hard
and doing well in school. Most studies have
been conducted with African American adolescents.
For example, Chavous et a1. (2003)
found that adolescents with a stronger ethnic
identity possessed greater academic motivation
and were more likely to enroll in college.
Oyserman, Harrison, and Bybee (2001) reported
a positive link between ethnic identification
and feelings of academic efficacy, and Wong.
Eccles, and Sameroff (2003) observed that
African American adolescents with higher levels
of ethnic identity actually received better
grades in school. Recent work has observed
similar links among those from Asian and
Latin American backgrounds. For example.
Fuligni. Witkow. and Garcia (2005) found that
a stronger attachment to one's ethnic background
was associated with greater interest in
school. a stronger belief in the utility of education.
and a greater identification with the actual
high school among adole~cents with Mexican
5-'1\ I,t1mkil~ and Illlmigratioll
Iii :al'L thl' greater
k'h'l III ~lhlll,' ide:lliCica!Hlll <JIImn!:, \lHI,e
hUIll Mc'\I;';~lIl ,U1d Ciline,e il"ckgrllulllb 1\ ~l' d
,Olll'l'C of thl' hlght:! lc\ eb or n1Dti~
\ alllll: ()f tile,e ,ludelll:, a, c()l11pan:J tu their
II aci1ic\ in!:, European American peer"
I-amih I,' ,11'1<. )thcl ,Ignific:lllt ,ource ()i Jll()l;~
\ aliI 111 I()r illiLD\ ettJIlic-nllI10rll; ado]e,celll."
.'\~ Lie"cribed in lhe prl'\iou:, '.eelion Oil ramil)
"Cblioll~hip" adokscelll,s [mill ~l \anel) or
IXIl'i,groullcIS hall' ,trullg 'Clhl~ 01 obligaliollLO
,upport, a,sis!. and colltrihutc to their iamiiie",
Trying hard and doing well in ,elm()1 \, ,cell a"
el kc\ obiigal1oll (If the,c students. hoth to ful·
fill lile hope, and dream,s of their parent:, and
l() ohtain beller j()h~ ill thc fUlurc s(' lhat tl1L'Y
call pr()\ide fm,lllcial ,upport 10 their parellt~.
,ibhngs. and e:xtenued lamity (Su,ire!-OrOico
&:. Suarc:z-Oro/co. J l)95: Zhou & Bankston,
Il)l)k I. The link betwe('n family ohligation
and academic n1oti\'aliorl has been particularly
sludied among aclule:;cenls from immigranl
Ltmilie~, and it appear, to exisl regardless of
the lamilte< coulllry of origin, Similar to ethnic
identity. <1 gre:ater ~en,e of family obligalion
among ad()le~cellts from Asian and Latin
American hackgrclL:nds is ~t "ignificant source
of the extra mOII"'alion it takes these sludellls
to achieve at the same: level as their European
American peer, fFuligni, 200 I),
Ahhough academic motivation doe, not
expliiin the protound ethnic differences in
aLinle:se('lll;.· actual achievement al sehoul. it
appears to be 011(' suurce of the :-.urprising SUl'ce,s
of many students from immigrant families
when compared to their peers from similar
dhnic lind eL'(lnOlllic backgroUllds, Immigrant
aspir~lll()nS for their ado!es·
CCIlI< educational atlainll1Clll. wanting rheir
I('ellagc!'s to receilcd college Jegrce~ at higher
rate~ .han Al1leric~lIl-h()rn parcnts (Fuligni.
l')(n: Keto & Ticllda. 1995: SlI;irc/-Oro/co &
Sli;\rt'l~Oro/c(l. 19()'iL Lducalional opportunity
:.' a prilllary reason v,ll~ lllallY i'()reign-b()rn parenh
illlllllgratc ltl the llniled Slates in the nrs:
pielce. and thcl! bl'iit:l in the opportuilitie, <1\ ailabit'
111 /\lllcrican soCiCIY kads thelT! tl' c\pect
therl' will he greater returns (rulll Iheir cduca.
lioll~d il1\ CSliJlL'lIh a, C(lmpared In American.
horn parenls IFullglli 6: ) (),hika\\~:. 200·h The
\',due' placed Oil cducatioil h; illll1ligral1l parems
IS readily ,hared by the:!! aliulc,ccn\s, Who :liSll
11:1\'e higher educalional aspirCltioll" and greater
academic 11100i\atioil than Ihei!' PCL'!" from
/\lIleriCall-b()1'Il bmilie.\ The grt:alel ll1otiva.
tion of ,sllldenh from Il1lll1igr,dl1 laillilic, haS
heen .,howll til C1CCllUIl! Il\l tllcir iligher level
of achil:\'Cmcllt In "ccundar.' scll,)01 (Fuhgni,
IY9h
Inlere,ring1y, it l1la~ he thai thl' heliel in
lill' importance of educatioll among immigram
parent:, i, largely in,Uumelltal a" upposed 10
bl'ing an ah,tract \'aluc: placed "n expioratiun
and s~'lr-impr()\l'Il1l'IlL Con,islen! wilh
tili, idea. Caplan el aL ( 1(91) reported lhat a
Vietnamese n:fugee motiler stated:
According 10 our culture, h wdJ-educClll'(] pt:rson
always i!et, respect. even whell !lui rich, But [his
C()UIllI) is difkn:llt: eliululion goe:, ,dong with
the wealth. I "ollid like 1lI\ children to be well
education. hoth to he re,pL'cll::d il1 ,)ur ,'llI11munity
and al,o III gel a
(p. 1161
The emphasis on the utility of education can
be seen in the lendency for many college studems
from immigrant families 10 pursue lechnic'al and
husiness degrecs thai have a clear lillk III slable,
well-paying ot:cupati(ln~ (Tseng, 2006L
It is important to HOle tllal ,uh,tantiai
variability exists among differenl immigrant
group, in their al'ademic l1IotiYalion and educational
aspirations, however with adoJe;cems
from Asian immigrant families lending to
rcport a stron2er helid in the utili[\ uf ,-'duealinll,
higher educational a~pirations. and more
time each \l;L'ek stuclyin).: and doing homework
a, compared to those from other illlmigrant
groups (Fuliglli, 1997' K~:(\ &:. Ti:.:nJa. P)9,~).
DilferL'llces cxisl e\cn wit!Jin Ihest' iKIIK'thnic
larger group" For example, ;ldo!e'L'ellts
frOI11 <. 'iJincse imilligr;lnl families plan' il!ore
emphasis upon educati()11 thall their peers frolll
illlmigralit Filipino ba~'k2:!l'lJlInd, (f-uhgni, IIN7).
eater returns from their
'Is as Compared to
gni &. Yoshikawa,
lCation bv imml'"'"" e,ant
their adolescents
ual aspirations ~d
than their peers
'So The greater
'nmicrr&nt fam'li. e I es
tor their higher
lary school
to the generational differences in
these ethnic differences among
immigrant families have a lot to do
the often significant differences in sociobackground
and resource~ among
immigrant group~. as discussed below.
BCi()eCIOD()mllC Resources of the Family
.contrast to motivational differences, variain
socioeconomic resources play an
role in ethnic differences in adolestwo
panethnic groups that have the most
in school, African Americans and
tend to have lower level!> of educaas
compared to European American and
American adults (U.S. Bureau of the
, 20(7). African American and Latino
also are more likely to work in lower
occupations and have lower incomes as
'r-r.f"nr.<lrF·rl to other adults (Webster & Bishaw,
and financial resourees of families. which are
important predictors of school success, partially
account for some of the differences in educational
success among adolescents from different
ethnic groups. Yet families' socioeconomic
resources do not explain all ethnic differences,
which often remain after controlling for indices
such as parental education and occupation.
For example, the achievement gap between
African American and European American
students exists at virtually every level of
the economic distribution (Ferguson. 2007).
Many observers note that this may be due to
the underestimation of economic variability.
For example, even when parents of different
ethnic groups have similar levels of education
and income, they can have substantial
differences in wealth (e.g., home ownership
and value, inheritance), financial stability and
income regularity, and generational continuity
of social class (McLoyd & Ceballo. 1998).
These additional, potentially significant aspects
of the socioeconomic resources of adolescents'
families have rarely been considered in studies
of ethnic ditlerences in academic achievement.
Educational Achievement and Attainment 549
Interestingly. variations in the socioeconomic
resources of adolescents' families do
little to explain the differences in achievement
between those from immigrant and Americanborn
families. On average, immigrant parents
tend to have lower levels of education. work
in lower status occupations. and are more disadvantaged
than American-born parents on
most other socioeconomic indicators. such as
income. poverty, home ownership, and neighborhood
quality (Hernandez. 2004). Yet. as
discussed above. students from immigrant
families tend to do just as well. if not better, in
school than their counterparts from Americanborn
families. In fact. the generational differences
in academic achievement become even
greater after accounting for families' socioeconomic
background, suggesting that students
from immigrant families do better than would
be predicted on the basis on their parents'
educational, occupational. and financial standing
(Fuligni, 1997; Kao & Tienda, 1995). The
greater educational aspirations and academic
motivation of immigrant parents and their
adolescents is an important reason for this
surprising result, as discussed above.
Yet another reason for the inability of traditional
socioeconomic indicators to account for
generational differences in achievement may
be in the complexity of measuring human and
financial capital among immigrant families
(Fuligni & Yoshikawa, 2003). For example,
parental education may be an underestimate
of the human capital of immigrant families.
Human capital, as assessed by parental education,
is thought to be the extent to which parents
can provide the skills. abilities, and values that
children need to achieve in school settings and
later in their own employment (Entwisle &
Astone, 1994). The problem is that educational
opportunity differs dramatically around the
world, and many immigrant parents attended
school in countries in which only a minority of
the popUlation receives education beyond the
primary school years, much le!>s the secondary
school years (e.g.. Mexico, China. Vietnam).
This means that an immigrant parent who has
Uhllidl~ and lJllmj~ratiulO
,lli",lILied <il()()[ rUI· the ,amt: nLllllhel 0 1 year,
,:11 AlIlc'I!(,"'lIl·bllrl1 p~lrent dc[UalJ~ ha, gune
Il!lll"ll 1urther in their eduealiunal ,y,tem.
.\, 'LlL·h. ;[);>nIUlc eduL"illiunal k\ei I1wy he
;,li lIllCkl·,>iilllale uJ lne eduulliollai Ydille..,.
mUII\ allUIL and l"(l.'!llili\e ,kill, 01 i111 III i.'! rant
parL'nl, ,I' compared II) ;l,llIerican-born par<':I,l,.
Slll!iiarl~. lilt: ul'cupaliunal\tdru, of an
111l!l1i~mnl parent Ill,t) he an undere,timdte 01
Ihe ,kili:. ~lI1d ahililie.' o! iIl1111ignml parent,
11l"~'all'L of the: rt'IUClann: uf American employ·
er: II \ rl'lO!;nllt: fureitIll lTt:dentiab and lrainIii:'
It',!,!" meLlic·,d dqlrt:e.,;I. The ,\ociuCl'onolllit:
rC\()1I1Ce\ ul immigrant dlllilie;,. therefore. an::
dilliL:ull to ;I\\e.;, and reljuire a eicht' attelltion
tIl ;"ue, (Ii parental cducation. occupatioll. and
blllil) lllCUIllC hulh hefore and alkr immigratioll
\ htlif-'Ill &. \"o,hikawa, 20(3),
E\t:n wilh the Laveal~ expressed ahove.
,oci()eCOn0l11lC differences do explain some
ll! thc ethnic dilTen::nce., in (1cademic achicvcmenl
within tilt' immigrant popUlation itself.
Inlil1i~'T,tIlt\ fr<lm Asia tend to have higher
\evel" of educatioll and Villi'\( III better paying
than those fwm Latin America. and these
\ariHtion, aecounl for some of the differences
il: sclw(jl grades and standardized test pcrforlIlance
iFuligni, IlJlJ7: Kao & Tiencla. 1995).
Structural Disparities and
Stereotyping
An Important rl~,h()n that ethnic differences
lalllilie~; ,ocim:conomic rcsollrces cannot compklcly
account for variations in academic
<ll'i1iC\emellt is that qudents do not compete ()n
a k\ el cducatiunal playing field, Suhstantial
diITcrelll'c, ex i,t in the quality of schools
;1\i"IHkd by ,tud'cnt, fmm differellt ethnic
hackgn'lIl11I," Even when they allcntl slinilar
,dlOUb, adolesel'l1\;, Illay encounter ditkrent
e\l'l'cICltill!lS and opportunities. due to the
impliCit stereotypcs Ill'ld 1)\ thc larger society
rc!,!arding educational ahilitic.s and potential of
stu<.iCllh !rum dillerent ethnic and immigrant
I:'nlUp'. AltlHlugh ,omc of til,' variation, in thc
,\ IClaicolltext oj l'duL'atiol1 faced by adolescents
from dilkrc'lll ethnic hackground., are linked
[(I ditlercnccs in lamii) economic resources
(e.g., ]0\\ ··inC\lllle familie, hill!:, ill poor neigh_
borilO()(b \\!lll 10\\ -411alit~ school\ J. they [lre
not u)l1lplcteJy confounded a, evidenced by
the different cxpectation, encountered by ,tudents
who attend the same school. That i,. e\en
\\ill1in the ,ame school. sludcllh 1ronl cthnic_
mlllonl\ baehgroull(j<; may by channeled toward
and 1I\\ ay from challcn1,!ing eoufst''Work hy
virtue of the sterctltypical a;,s1l1l1pli()n~ made
ahout the ilcadcJ1lll' motivation and potential of
their cthnic gruup. Galleua and em,' 1:2007)
han: noted how AfriGIIl American students
can he ,teered away fmm advanced classes,
wht:reas Way and colleague, found in their
ethnographic studies of high schoob that the
'·lIlodel minority myth" often !cd teachers
to assign Chinese A I1lcriean students to the
"advanced" classe\ whcn many of them were
not academically prepared for such classes.
Teachers justified slich tracking claiming
that the Chinese students fel! more comfort,Ihle
being among other Chinese students
(Rosenbloom & Way. 20(4)"
The inability of family-lewl economic
factors to fully account (or ethnic di1ferences in
academil' achievement has Icd to an increased
interest in how extrafamilial factors such as
strllctural disparities and :-.ocietal stereotypes
playa role in thc lower edueational success of
students from certain ethnic backgrounds.
Students from African American and Latino
backgrounds are ~igllific"ntly less likely [0
attend secondary ;,chools that pro\ide qualified
teachers, a positivc school climate, and the
availability of adyanced and college preparatilln
course". Analyse;, of school· Jcvel differcnce~
IUI\ e .,;lIUWll that cxperienecd tcacllcr~ are
much less likely to be located \,ithin ,<,Iwob
that have high proportions of ethnic-minority
students and those with limiled English profiency
(LEP) (National Center lor Educatioll
Statistic,. 2003). The social environment and
climate of ,clitlob attended hv Lhese students
are also less conducive ttl Icarning. Etilnieminority
anci LEP students are morc likely to
attend \chou!!' tlw! are large (i.e.. more than 900
students) and severely overcrowded
Center for Education Statistics,
and Latino students are more likely
the presence of gangs in their schools
be afraid of being beaten up or attacked
schools (Kaufman et a/., 1998).
in secondary school also are more
for African American and Latino stuEven
among those who graduate from
schoOl. students from these two groups are
likely to take the advanced courses in
and math that are necessary for college
and attendance. even after controlor
prior levels of achievement (National
for Education Statistics, 2003b). In conAsian
American students are significantly
likely to enroll these types of course in
.school than those from any other ethnic
including Whites. Some of these differcan
be attributable to ethnic differences
.evement prior to the high school years
but there is still differential access
and lower tracks tend to be larger
with large numbers ofethnic-minority
,<>"""'-'''''' (Dornbusch, Glasgow, & Lin, 1996;
Selvin, Karoly, & Guiton, 1991).
exist in students' enrollment in
track and advanced placement courses.
of students across tracks may
Occur, whether due to official decisions by
school personnel or by voluntary course
selection patterns on the part of the students.
Studies have suggested the African American
and Latino students are less likely to enroll
in advanced placement courses than students
from other ethnic background~ with equivalent
levels of ability and prior achievement.
whereas Asian American students are more
likely to be found in such course as compared
to similar peers (Dornbu~ch el al.. 1996: Oakes
et a\., 1991).
Educational
Achievement and Attainment 551
The differential pattern~ of enrollment in
advanced coursework among students even
in the same schoob highlight the role that
societal stereotypes regarding academic
potential, motivation, and engagement play
in the persistent ethnic differences in academic
achievement in American society. It
has been argued that long-standing stereotypes
and myths about the intellectual abilities and
academic motivation of certain marginalized
ethnic groups. such as African American;. and
Latinos, act to essentialize the groups. That
is, societal myths and stereotypes ahout marginalized
groups serve to identity the '"true"
or "essential" character of the group in the
social imagination (Mahalingham. 2(07). The
"essential" character of a groups is impermeable
to change or improvement. thereby justifying
long-standing differences in educational
resources and opportunity.
The inf1uences of such stereotypes can be
seen as influencing the differential patterns
of enrollment in advanced coursework during
the secondary school years. Galletta and Cross
(2007), in an ethnographic analysis of the integration
efforts of an ethnically mixed school
district, show how that even within efforts to
promote equality in education, social stereotypes
can shape the opportunities available to
African American students within the same
school and even within the same classroom.
One African American student recounted to
them an experience in the beginning of the
school year in an advanced class:
[The teacherJ called all of the black students'
names and told us - in front of the whole class that
we were in the wrong class. that were supposed
to be in the other teacher's and [the teacher]
said Ithe other teacher'sJname. and the other kids
in the class knew that wasll't the enriched class.
and I'm, I'm thinking to myself. this is wrong.
this is not how could that be') (p. 33 J.
These social ban'iers for full paIticipation of
many ethnic-minority studenb can. at time~. take
on very real physical significance. In an ethnography
of a large. middle-class. predominantly
552 Ethllidt~ and InuniJ,(ration
\\illite high ~ch(iol. O'C()nnor. Deluc,,,
h::rmindel. and (Jirard (20()71 examined hOIA
the phy~lcal :-.pace, in large high ,choob can
becomc "raciahzed." The organization of lhe
,chool II1to instructional \~ ing' meant that
clas,rolH11~ ,>erving different academic: tracks
\\ ere locateu in ddlerent I(H.:atiol1s of the schoo/.
Thc differential ellfullllleni in tracks ha"eli on
ethnicity created distinct sOCIal space', within
the school ill which the African American
al1u White students congregated in the uir
fercnt arcas. As a result. AfriGIfl American
sLudents who wished to emull in upper-track
clas.ses literally had to travel greater disLances
and cros~ distilict social barriers thal :-,erved tll
redy existing stereotypes about their academic
potential and motivation.
III addition tu structural and social harrier~.
etiJnic-minorit\' adolescents mLlst contend with
direct experiences of mistreatment due tlltheir
ethnic or racial background. Several slUdie,.,
have Shll\hin that ethnic-minority students.
particularly those from African American
backgrounds. report more frequent discrimination
from adults. including teachers and
school personnel (Fisher. Wallace. & FenlOn.
200 I' RosenhIool1l & Way. 2004j. Perceived
discrimination. in turn. is otten associated with
lower leveb of educational adjustment across (J
variety of indicators. including disengagement.
GPA. and dropping out before graduation
(Katz. 1909: Wayman. 2002: Wong. Eccles. &
Sameroff. 20031.
The effects of stereotyping on the achievemell!
of Illany ethnic-minority studenh. particularly
those from African American and
Latinu backgrounds. do not have to he explicit.
In their work on the impact of stereotype threat
011 minority achievellient. Steele and Aronson
( 10(5) have argllt~d that there is always a
threat "in the air" tll Illinu!'ily-studellt achievement.
In a seminur study. they demonstrated
how ~ill1ply a"king college studellb to report
their ethnicity before taking a standardized test
resulkd III lower le\els of performance Oil the
exam, Stede and Aron;-.oll argued thaI making
ethnicity ~alient iT.sulted in pressure for the
student, I(l leel that the:, Ilccded lu di"prove
the stereotype. therch:- ~Teatm!:, excessive
all)ciet> and perhaps e\en di,engagel11em that
depres,ed their perlormanu.: on the exam. This
phenomenon ha, sincc heen replicated among
many diflerelll groups in ditlerelll ~ituations
including those u;. )oung as middle schoo;
(McKowll & WClllstein. 2m)', I. Stereotypes.
therefore. can impede ti1<e achielemellt ofdero_
gated ethnic-minorit,l students even When they
are not currel1tly experil'ncin1,' e\'en implicit
prejudicial treatment.
Interestingly. reCL·nt studie~ IKlve suggested
that an effective wa) t(1 coUlller the effects
or sllch stereotype thre"t is to emphasize
the Illalleahility of intelligence 10 :-,tudents.
Experimental ,1LIdie~ have shown that the
effect i.s 11l1nimi/ed when ~tuden(;, are told
before (1 test that the test doe,> not ,IS:-,CS, innate
ability, In additi()n. recent interventioll studies
have indieated that all intervention that teaches
students about the malleability Dr intelligence
through the life span also minimize the
effects of stereotype threat (Good. Dweck. &
Aron:-,oll. 20(7). In a sense. these studies have
shown the etfet:tiveness of providing students
with the tnols to fight bad.. efforts of the larger
society to "essentialize" their ethnic groups in
terms of innate intelligence.
IDENTITY PROCESSES
Among the most widely recogni/ed tasks
adolescents face is that of coming to tcrms
with who they want to be and hOIA they fit into
existing social groups and sellings. This identity·seeking
process involves trying on and
discarding multiple identities anu weighing
the \alues. goals. and behaviors that they could
potentially adopt \is-~I-vis the \i\rjoLis roles
and contexts of tht'ir li\ c., I C-il.. son/daughter.
studen!. citizen. or friend). !<e;.t:archers
ha\'t' sought to underst,md identit~ processes
hoth in terms of resolution of pcr"nnal identiti('~--selr-representatiolls
that allow indi\-iduals
to dis1ingllish thenlsel\e~ frotll others·-and
,()ci"l Idernities--:-,elf-representatiolls Ih~!t are
derilTti from melnhership ill,oci~il gr(\up:-,.
ldentit~ Proce~ses 553
Oroszco & Suarez OroSlCO. 200 I ). Thu~. studies
find that ethnic-minority and immigram adolescents
score significantly higher on measures
of ethnic identity than do their \Vhite counterpart~
(Phinney & Alipuria. 1990: Phinne: et a1..
1994J. view race and ethnit:ity as more central
to their self-concept (Fuiigni et a1.. 2(05).
and are more likely to view their experiellces
through a racial or ethnic len~ (London.
Downy. Bolger, & Velella. 2005). Studie~ also
find that components of ethnic identity are
more strongly associated with psychological.
social. and academic outcomes among ethnicminority
as compared to White adole~cenb
(Yasui. Durham. & Dishion. 2(04). Indeed.
scholars have suggested that resolving issues
relevant to racial and ethnic identity is necessary
for healthy psychological functioning
among ethnic-minority and immigrant youth
(Phinney, 1989: Umana-Taylor. 20(4).
Due to differences in groups' social status,
experiences in the United States. and sending
and receiving communities. ethnic and racial
identity processes quite likely vary across different
ethnic-minority and immigrant groups.
However. the empirical literature to date ii>
limited in the information it provides in thi~
regard. Although studies have documented ethnic
group differences in identity components
and in the experience ofethnicity (e.g., FulignL
Whitkow. & Garcia. 2005: Pahl & Way. 2006;
Way et al.. in press)' a pnori hypotheses that
link predicted between-group difference~ to
differences in groups' histories and experiences
are generally lacking. Moreover. to dale. the
general patterns for ethnic and racial identity
processes are more similar than different across
groups. Thus. in this section. rather than focusing
on between-group ditlerences. we focus
instead on processes that adolescents share.
highlighting differences ethnic-racial group
where documented.
Before proceeding. it i~ useful to c1mify our
use of the terms racial and ethnic identity.
which are used interchangeably in the literature
but are theoretically distinct. The term
race denotes groups derived from similarity
tllh:1 gIUUp" Althuugh race I, largely ,oClall:
""'il,trllcted. ilIHlllt'thc\t:" 11", Pl)l\ l'rill!melllil1.c
II: the lllitcu Slall'> fAllelJ. B~!t-Cha\a,
AhlT (\: '-,l'ldl11~,n. 2()O,) L rcmkring lhl' PHliT"
,,( IH:;!oli;qin;! ,,,;"'iai idcnlll!C' hascd ()Il
.l-'!( 'liP memhership h rL'ln ant
;cl<ll'lh II im dl,linctil phenotYPIc L'han,cter[slic:,
IC,.c.. B1acb, ASlal1Sf. ill pan becau,c
tIlL': arc Illu,l oi'tell ,uh.lcct tu otilers' aseripI
i1(' l:thniclr:lcial desi;cnatiuns (E,pinlu, i ol')2,
Ll'l'. I ()(N, f':ageL 11)lJ4J. Thl' lLTIll I'I/lIlilill
implle" ,I ,ct ul characteri,tic'. that include cul\Lllal
I;duc'. language. tmdlliom, and hella\
im, ,harl'd b;. a gcogrtlphically contiguous
group that i, tntn"lllitled imergenerationally,
I:.thnlc identities are uften represented as cho,en.
malleahle. and fluid. wit Ii ethnic choices
:.-hanging ~t., the audience changes (NageL
Il)Y4: Water". 1l)9~, 20(3). I\()tably, the term
meiill idemi!\' is primarily used in studies of
L·S.-horn Blacks (e,g.. Selkrs. Smith, Shelton,
Rowley. 8: Chavous. ilJ'YlI: Vandiver. Cross.
\volTelL & Fhagen-Smith, 20(2), and Whites
(e,g .. Heims, 1999: Stoddart. 20()2J. and the
(erm cI/illic idemi!.' is used more hroadly
acro", Illultlple ethnic groups. Howevcr. there
is lillie consensus regarding when (lI1e term
should be used in lieu of the other (Cross.
2007: Quintana. 20(7). and we do not seck
to engage or resolve issues of l10mendature
here, Instead. we usc the hyphenated term
cl/lllic-roci{l/ idemil."- rellecting our belief that
hoth are important in providing adolescents
\\ ith ps;.cho!ogical resollrces and in impOSing
llbstadl's tll thei;' succe"sful dClclnpl11ent.
Theon'tical Undf:rpinnings
Eillpinl'al knowledge al)(HIl ethnic--racial iden
lit) prnccsscs durin!:, adoiL'sL'l.'nce is embedded
ill multiple thcoretical t'ramcwllrk.,. l'ach ehar<lctcri/.ed
by ,lightly difll'rent approaches to
understanding lhe phcnolllena and slightly
dilferent rL'scarch questions, Thc,e framev.orb
n:coglli/e tlwI elilllil--raCial Identities are
IlwltiLtcctl'd, ~Hld ,hin dcn,,, time
and cOlllext. Within psycllOlog', the predomi_
nant lraIlH:I\ urKs ar'~ ,uua: idelltit: thcorv
I TaJfe!. 1l)7:-;1. egu IdcntJtl Irall1e\,.ork~\
(Erik,on. Il)61-\: I\1 arU<l. Il)()h, Ph Inile:. 19X1j l.
and acculturatioli framc" (lrh., (Berry, IlNO).
At it, corc', soci;iI idclItit: theory (Tajiel.
11nx) pmpu,c, tilat IIllli' iLiuaj, lkrile their
self-cuIlL'\:pllru!I1 klllll\ledgc that they are
membcrs 01 particular ;..ucial !:,wup:. and calegurie-
that ,harc dlarac1cri,t il" that arc llleaningful
in panil'ular socia! cOlllL:Xh, (iiven the
,alicllcc ur racc and l'lhnicit) III the United
States. thcse arc central sucial catqlolle, that
Indil iduah eyaluate \klllbership in .stigl11utiled
s(ll'ial categuril';" i,. tilou!:,ht t{) Ill: pmb·
kn:atic for <I pusillYt' ~cnsc or ~elr. whereas
I1ll'mber~hip in categorie;., thaI al e held in high
e:.;(eem is thought to enhance self-e"teem,
CllITt'spouliingly. studie.s hi!\ t' S( tu differentiate
lar) Ing components ethnic identity
(Ashmore. Deaux, & McLaugh lin- Volpe. 20()4:
Selle!'.s et aL. IYllo), the mechanisms tilruugh
which individuals from stigmatized groups
maintain u positive selbe of themsclH', and
rheir grnup (e,g.. Crocker. Luhtanen. Blaine &
Broadnax. \994: Crocker & Major. I <)X9): and
variations across contexts and situauons in the
salience oj identity (W~IY et a1.. in press: Yip.
2005: Yip & FlIligni. 20(2) Thi, work has
yielded important concepts I'm distinguishing
multiple erhnic identity componcnts II1at may
profoundly shape adolescents' experienccs and
worJdviews. An example is Sellcrs. Chavous.
and CooKe'" ( 199X) distinction between centrality
(the importance of ethnicity and rac.: to
one's selr-definition). salicnce Ithe importance
of identity at a particular moment). regard
(une'" own and viev.~ ()j (l~her~ e\'alual!()Jls
of olle's !:'ruupl. and ideology (the content nf
olle's bel icfs ahout hO\1 one should hehave as
a grllUp memher). For instance. sc\cral studies
1];I1'l' found that Chillese adoiesceills have
luwer prilate regard cn111p~lred to thl:ir Mexican
ullIntcrparts IFuligni l'l al.. 201l<,1 and tn
their Afriean American. Dllminie<ln, llr Puertll
counterpart~ (Riva, Drake. Hughes.
Way. 2008: in press: Way et al.. in press).
Seidman. Allen and Aber (2006) found
private regard among Latino middle
IIdolescent~ a~ compared to their African
American counterparts. Altshul. Oyserman,
and Bybee (2006) found higher connectedand
awareness of racism among African
Research embedded in ego-identity frameworks
(French et al.. 2006: Phinney, 1990;
Umafia-Taylor, 2004) focu~es primarily on
elaborating the processes through which individuals
consolidate their ethnic-racial identities.
Central to this framework is the idea that
individuals attain an achieved ethnic/ratial
identity only after having explored and actively
accepted its meaning. In Cross's (197 I, 1991)
"nigresence" modeL grounded in the experiences
of U.S.-born Blacks, individuals are
thought to move from a state of relative ignorance
of race (pre-encounter) to one characterized
by an achieved sense of their race and its
meaning. Movement is precipitated by a discrete
encounter event that sets in motion processes
of self-reflection and search for greater
racial understanding (Cross & Fhagen-Smith,
2001). In a similar stage model, Phinney
(1989. 1990) differentiates three identity statuses:
unexamined. in which the meaning of
group membership is unexplored: exploration,
characterized by an active search for information
about the meaning of group membership;
and achievement, the resolution of the identity
search. usually resulting in commitment to and
affirmation of one's ethnic group. Recent iterations
of both theories emphasize that ethnicracial
identitie;, are reformulated throughout
the life cycle (Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 200J:
Parham, 1989: Phinney. 2006; Umaiia-Taylor,
Diversi. & Fine. 20(2). Empirically based
knowledge about shifts in ethnic-racial identity
during adolescence is largely embedded
within this framework.
Finally. recognizing that immigrant adolescents
navigate two cultures, the dominant
host culture and the culture of origin. researchers
ldentit~· Processes 555
studying ethnic-racial identity within an acculturation
framework emphasize the p;,ycho\ogical
and ;,ocial consequence~ of adolescents'
efforts to negotiate identification with and
preference for the values. beliefs. language.
and cultural practices of each culture. Berry\
(2003) distinction between integration.
assimilation. separation. and marginalization:
Suarez-Orozco and Suarez Orozco's (2001)
distinction between ethnic flight. adversarial
identities. and transcultural identities: and
Rumbaut's (1994) attention to the specific
identity labels immigrant youth choose exemplify
this research tradition. Research questions
focus on the extent to which adolescents'
identity labels and acculturation profiles shift
with length of time in the United States and
are differentially associated with oLltcomes
such as school success or deviance (Fuligni
et al.. 2005; Rumbaut. 1994: Sullivan. Schwartz.
Prado. Huang, Pantin & Szapocznik. 2(07).
Most often, identities characterized by integration
of the host culture and the culture of
origin are promoted as more healthy than other
identities.
The Course and Timing of EthnicRacial
Identity Development During
Adolescence
Ethnic-racial identity processes are intimately
intertwined with other aspects of identity seeking
that are ongoing during adolescence. In
general. however, early and middle adolescents
are thought to have less clear and committed
sense of ethnic identity compared to their older
adolescent counterparts. with mid- to Jate adolescence
characterized by search and exploration.
Both cross-sectional studies that compare
ethnic-racial identity across age groups and
longitudinal studies that examine intraindividual
change suggest that during adolescence
there is a progression from an unexplored and
uncommitted ethnic-racial identity to a more
secure view of the role of race and ethnicity
and affirmation of one's group membership.
Cross-sectional studie:-. that have compared
older adolescents to their adult or younger
es_
55(, Ethllicil\ and Immigration
dcl"lncCIlJ c()UIllc:rpaJ'l' pru\ilit' the hulk 01
in I, lr!lW[ iOIl abuUI dneiuplllcmalshilt., in
ctllllll~rll';la! Jt.·\eiopmenL thc aJ\ l:lllla;CL
ik':lI.~ tltal the'\ lU\ l'1' a largl'r ,watlt of
till' ue\ ciupl1ll'tlw! ,peClrLIll1 lilall eAisting II.n,Wclil"
ha\c c()\t'red. For instance.
III Ly,ne and l.e\ \ " : IY97) cOll1pari,ol1 of
LJtll- IlIlt! ; 2tll-grade "<ame American stucienb.
'\ati\'c American acio\escenh
rq)(Jj'!L:u :,i~rlificallll~ great;:r id;:nlity commit!\lellt
thall diu LJth-~rade stuu;:rlls. Moreuver.
clllTercllcc ill identit:- c>.ploration as a funcliull
'.': .,citU(li diJllic compositioll wu, ;:\ident
un':- alll(\l1~ 12th grauers. sllg~estillg tilal the
prOle>.s 0 1 e".plor:aion precipitated by heing a
1ll11h)rity in the- ,,'huul had not yL't been ,et in
IlHllilIn among thL' 'Jlh grauer.s. Yip. Seaton. and
SL'lier, 12U()(1 i ulIllpared till' identity stalu:-,e:,
uf /',lrican Americall ado\escenh. college slU(/"l1t,.
and ~ldulh. w,ing cluster profiles derived
Iroll, PhiI11k'Y', i I (09) proposed stages of
idclltlly Je\dOpmellt. Findings inclieated that
4_ 01 aLl(lksCenh \\ ere in the moratorium
,tage. cilaraclenlt'd hy lH.:tj\l' e".ploratiofl of
their ethnicit) and race. compared to about
2)',( 01 college student;, or adults. Fewer than
i in -' adulescent;. were characterized as being
in the achieved,tatLls. characterized by an
actn e COml11itlllt'l1t [0 the meal1lng of ethnicity
based ,ll1 inten,ive ec(ploration. eompared with
db( ,ut one-half of college studenb or adults.
LOllgJtudina! sludles c! 'nfirm cros"-sectional
findings thai etllllic-racial identities "hift during
mid- to late adole;,cencc. Studies based on
lalenl gro\\lh curve illodels acruss multiple
L'Il1J1ic groups find increases in ethnic affirmatlun
dtlring jllnlOl high and early high school
i Ail '-Ilul l't aL 2()()6: Frl'llch et :.II.. 2()06:
Wlilte,ell. !'vlitchl'll KaUrlllclJ1. & Spicer. 2006.1.
'.\ bereas Pahl ,md Way 120()6) documented
"tahilil~ in ethnic alTirmatioll between 10th
",raLie ,lIld I yl',I! P()~',[ high ~ch(){)1. In French
L'I "I IIll'lL'aSe, ill allirnlatioll were most pronoullced
flllh)\\lng the' tran,itiol1 lO.llllli(lr high
or 111",11 'l.'hlllli and amollg Blaek and Lalino. as
...:"ml"lrL'ci 10 European American. adole,cenh.
In \lh1lul L'l al. (200hl ~~rnllp c!JIlnl'Cledne>s
and u" ~(rClleS', of taci_'1l1 "en: high;::! amOng
Afncall Aillencan as ClHllpared to Latino 8thand
Yth-",rade ad(lleseent;,. but their rates of
\\ ere ,imi lar o\er tilll;::. In contrast to ethnic
atfirm,ttioll. ~e\eral ,tudies ha\c documented
that exploratioll occur.s oilly alllong older adolescent;...
IJ1 French et al. 1200()). increases in
exploration were dUCUl1lellleci al1l01li! adol
celll, trctnsitiulllng to high school but not among
tho;.,e tran.'llioning to junior high s;:/tool. PahI
and Way (2()061 documenteu decrca~es in ethnic
exploration between I(Jtll grade and 1 year
flost high sciluoi. although lhis decrease was
more flronouneeu among Latinu than Black
youth. Togetiler. LT()ss~."ecti()nal and longitUdinal
'lUdrc.s locate the processe, of exploration
that Phinney (l'JoYI emphasil.es in the later
high :-.chool year.s. and indieate lhat Black and
Latino qudenh rna) differ from eaeh other in
the patterns of change over time.
Length of Time in the {!nited States
For immigrant adolescents. the form and shape
of ethnic identity abo shifts as a function of the
length 01 time their family has been in the United
States (Fuligni. Tseng. & Lam. 1499: Tseng
& Fuligni. 20(0) Over time. immigrant adolescents
interact within an increasing number
and broader range of mainstream institutions,
including schools. organized activities. and
workplaces. where peers and adult socialization
agents expose them to U,S. norms and values
that they must integrale with tllO"e of their own
culture (Fuligni. ct aL 19t)1}: Lee. 200 I. 2002;
Phinney. Horenctyk. Liebkind. & Vedder,
200 I: Rumbaul. 191}4). ~(:gotillli(ln" that occur
within and hetween these Cli Iture~ have importanl
implications for immigrant adolescents'
\iew~ of their ethnic group and peJ'certiolls of
their group's status (Berry. Phinne~. Sam. &
Vedder. 2006: Phinney. 20() I I. in addition to
hll\ing important Implication, for udolescents'
family relationships (Tseng & ]-uligni 2000:
Fuligni el al.. 191}lJ). Stndie, find differences
in the iLielltity labels adoiL:"ccnh choose and in
the nature of l!teir ethnic identity as a function
of generational "talUs and the length of lime
-

Identit! Process"", 557
the United State~. Youth with more years in
United State:, are more likely to prefer
_...~''''" (e.g.. Dominican American) or pan(e.g.,
Latino) labeb over labels that refer
to national origin (e.g., Mexican) com'pared
to their coun.terparts who have been in
the United States for fewer years (Rumbaut,
1994), although there is some evidence that
content better predicts adolescent
(Fuligni et aI., 2005; Marsiglia.
& Hecht. 200I). In a recent study of
immigrant adolescents, those with high
of comfort in the host culture and the
of origin reported better sociocultural
psychological adaptation than adolescents
were primarily oriented either toward the
culture or toward the culture of origin, or
their identity
and ethnic group and do so in ways that
both intentional and inadvertent (Hughes,
al., 2006). Parents from multiple ethnicand
immigrant groups emphasize
the importance of ethnic pride and knowl.cdge
about group history, values, traditions,
practices in their childrearing. They also
make deliberate efforts to expose children to
museums, language classes, books, and trips
to the home country in order to connect them
do their culture. These deliberate and inteno
tional strategies are reinforced by cultural
practices that are deeply embedded in famidaily
rOlltines. including celebrations,
Cooking of ethnic food and listening to ethnic
music. and artifacts in the home (Hughes,
Rivas. Foust. Hagelskamp. Gersick. & Way,
2008).
Studies clearly suggest that adolescents
Whose parents place a strong emphasis on
socializing them about ethnicity and race report
that their ethnicity i~ more important to them.
and they have more po~itive feelings about
their ethnic group (e.g.. Hughe~ et al.. 2006:
2007; Phinney & Chavira. 1(95). Stevenson':,
program of research on African American
youth has consistelltly documented significant
relationships between parents' reinforcement
of cultural pride and measure~ of African
American adolescents' ethnic identity (e.g..
Stevenson. 1995. 1998,20(2). Umana-Taylor
and colleagues have documented similar relationships
between covert and overt forms of
ethnic socialization and Mexican American
adolescents' ethnic identity (Gonzalez. UmanaTaylor.
& Bamaca, 2006: Umana-Taylor &
Yazedijan. 20(6). Riva:,-Drake. Hughes. and
Way (in press) examined relationships between
specific types of ethnic-racial socialization
and specific dimensions of ethnic identity
in a sample of African American. Chinese.
Dominican. Puerto Rican, and White 6th-grade
adoleseents. Adolescents who reported greater
parental socialization about culture and pride
reported that ethnicity and race were more
central to their self-concepts and more positive
view~ of their ethnic group. Parents discussions
about discrimination were unrelated
to centrality or ethnic affirmation. but were
associated with adolescents' perceptions of
others views about their groups.
Situational and Contextual Influences
on Adolescents' Ethnic-Racial
Identities
Although studies have primarily focused on
individual-level variation in components of
adolescents' ethnic-racial identities. scholars
increasingly recognize that characteristics of
the settings adolescents inhabit have important
influences of the course. timing. and content
of adolescents' developing ethniclracial identities.
Aspects of settings can both support
and challenge adolescents' emerging ethnic
identities-rendering them more or Jes;, salient
and variously challenging and supporting
them. For instance. aggregate characteristics
of other~ in the settings a~ well as ambient
setting features (e.g.. posters or curriculum in
55li Ltiltlicil~ and Immigr.oItioll
,l'iwol, that cck'hr,llt' the cuntrihuti'li1' Dr mu'tiple
group,,1 can .,Iwpe adule"c:enh' t'll1erglllg
ethnic-racial identitie, in important WU) ,.
The Illoq commonly exull1l1led setting
characteri"tic to date i, the ethniC and racial
c\ll11po"itioll of otiler setting participant,.
Adole"ceilis ill ,elting, in which tev. other
group 11l1'mber, an: pre,ent :lIld cldolescent'
insetllllgs In WhiCh thl'ir group i~ a clear
Ilwjllrit) hel\e hoth heel' r()und to differ from
;!(Jole,ecnh in Ilillre cthlJically di\er,c selting"
III level-, or exploralioll (Lysne &: Levy.
IlJLJ7) and 111 their p"siti\e reelings ahout their
ethnic group (U l11ai1a-Taylor. 2()04). Ethnic
cOl1ljltlsitioll has cdso been found to nlotierate
relatiol1',hips between components or ethnic
identilY and ,ell-e:-.teem. Allen et al. CWO))
reponed that Black adoJescems' ies, favorable
vit'\\" about their ethllic·~racial group were
associated with depression when they lived
in mixed neighhorhoods or neighborhoods
in which they were in the minority, but such
views were unrelated tu depression among
Black adolescents who lived in majority Black
neighborhoods. Latino students who lived in
mixed or predominantly non-Latino neighborhoods
reported more depression if they held
their group in high esteem. but group esteem
was associated with lower depression among
th(lse who lived in majority Latino neighborhoods.
White adolescents' school ethnic compu."ition
was more relevant 1lltheir depression
than wa" neighborhood ethnic composition.
Way et aL (in press), however. find that ethlllc
and racial composition i, less relevant for the
development of identities than the social and
plliitical "latu, or the ethnic groups within the
,clling. They find that the Chinese American
studellt.". who formed the vast majority of students
in the urban.low-incOllle school they studicd
but who abo had the Imv"st social standing
alllong their Puerto Rican. African American.
and Dominican peers. reported the least
positive feclings ab(lut them."elve." and their
ethnic group Vv'ay ct aL (in pre."s) underscore
the importanlT of examining the "Ljllalilati\·c"
componcnts of a .'ell (LC .. social status)
Cl' \Icll u, the Illore Ljuuntit;ni\c l'Ul1lponel1ls (i.e..
nLll1lhl~1 of stulienh frolll each ethnic group in a
school) in studie, of ethnic identil\ dC\cloprnent.
In addition to comparing ethl1lc~racial iden.
titie, acrm,.' adolescenh in different types of
setting,. sludie, have hegun ((l IXl) attention to
the ways in which an indi\ itiuai aliokscent\,
ethnic/racial idcntitles Ian aeros, different
types of "cuing" and sillialillll'. These sludies
recogni/t' that adolescent;-,. likc adults. arc likely
to carry a p0l11oliu oj cthnic-racial identities
that are mure OJ Ie..,.., likel.\ to emerge at a given
moment. depending on thc ~ituali()n they are
in amI the audience the) arc facing (i\,hmure
et aL. 2004: '\Iagle. 19<,)4). For instance. Huang
( 1991-;.1 doclll1lcnted situational variat;on in
ethnic/racial identity among A..,ian Immigrant
youth. who l"cIt mort ethnic at home,
more American at ,chooL and equally ethnic
and American with pecr~. Similarly. Kiang.
HartcL and Whitesell (2007) documented that
Chinese American collegc student;. repOl1ed that
they were signifIcantly more likely to express
their feeling~ about their ethnic identities in
the context of other Chinese American pecrs as
compared to parent~ or non-Asian peers. and in
the context of rarents as compared to non- Asian
peers. They reported feeling significantly more
support for their ethnic identities in contexts
that involved other Chinese American peers or
parents. a" compmed to non-/\sian peers. Yip
and colleagues. in a series of daily diary ,tudies.
although ethnic identity is generally more
salient among Chinese American high school
and college studenls with higher affirmation
and achievelllent. the) rcport greater identity
salience III situation,,, in which they are engaging
in ethnic behavior;, (e.g.. ,pcakin~' Chinc"c ('aling
Chinese food. readillg Chine"c newspapers)
and ill situations i(1 which other Chine,e pcople
were present (Yip & Fliligni, 2002: Yip. 2()OS).
A final .,etting feature thaI has hecn C.X<lI11·
ined in relatiollship to adolc,,,ccllts' clllcrgin)!
ethnic identities concerns the extent to wh;eh
ad()le."cent~ perceive that Illc1' are cxpo,ed
to cthnically or raciall: ha'..ed di,crilllin<ltion
acros'.. the \"ariow, "'clting, in which they
1dentit~ Processe~ 559
· Although perceived discriminacan
be construed a~ a feature of setting:,
a feature of individual<.. in that ~ome adomay
simply be inclined to perceive
di~crimination. studies show that per~ceiving
discrimination plays an important role
in shaping adole"ccnts' ethnic identitie~. For
instance, based on ethnographic work with
Chinese and Korean high school student;,. Lee
(1999) del>cribes the way;, in which students'
perceptions that non-Asian peers would alway;,
view and treat them differently came to view
connel:tiom with other Asians. and the devel'opment
of panethnic identities, as politically
and psychologically beneficial. In longitudinal
studies with African American high school and
college studcnts. Sellers and colleagues have
documented that those for whom race is more
central. and those who believe that others hold
more negative views ofAfrican Americans, are
more likely to report experiencing discrimination.
This may be because they are more likely
to interpret ambiguous events as being discriminatory
or. in line with theories of race rejection
sensitivity (Mendoza-Denton, Downey.
Purdie. Davis. & Pietrzak. 2002) because their
a priori expectations predispose them to actually
being treated unfairly. Using latent growth
curve models, Pahl and Way (2006) showed
significant relationships between growth in
exploration and growth in perceived discrimination
over time among students between 10th
grade and I year post high schooL Specifically.
increases in discrimination by peers was associated
with increases in identity exploration,
especially among Black students. In addition.
students who perceived more discrimination by
peers showed le~>. deceleration in their ident.ity
exploration over time compared to their counterparts.
Conversely. initial levels of exploration
or affirmation did not predict change" in trajectories
of perceived discrimination over time.
Functional Consequences of
Ethnic Identity
The importance of ethniciracial identities during
adolescence liet-, in the potential role that
the~ play in shaping ad()le~cent~ curren! psychological
outC(lme~ and behaviors. and their
\'iew~ of their future roles and opportunities.
We have already discussed tlle documented
importance of ethnic~racial identities in int1uencing
adole~cents" orientations toward their
academics and their actual academic OUH;Ol11e~.
given the powerful stereotypes that exist among
educators. practicioner;.,. and community member"
regarding the academic goals. work habits.
and abilities of studenb from different ethnic
backgrounds. Thut-,. our discussion here
focuses on the con:-.equences of adolescents'
racial-ethnic identities for their overall feelings
about themselve~ and their general p;.ycno]ogical
well-being.
In line with social identity theory. a ~ecure
"ense of one'~ ethnic identity serves to promote
self-esteem and psychological well-being
during adolescence and throughout adulthood.
Scores of studies have documented correlations
between concurrent measures of ethnic
identity and self-esteem or well-being (e.g..
Ethier & Deaux, 1990. 1994: Goodstein &
Ponterotlo. 1997: Phinney. 1991: Phinney &
Chavira. 1992; Umaiia-Taylor. Diversi. & Fine.
2002). More specifically. greater ethnic exploration
(Umaiia-Taylor. 2004), the importance
placed on one's identity as an ethnic~racial
group member (Ethier & Deaux. 1990. 1(94),
having positive views of one's ethnic group
(Lee & Yoo. 20(4). and having reached an
achieved ethnic identity status (Lee & Yoo.
2004; Seaton, Scottham & Sellers. 2006) have
each been associated with higher self-esteem
and greater psychological well-being.
Longitudinal studies, however. indicate that
componenu, of ethnicidentit) may not be as
critical over the long run as cross-sectional
studies might For instance. although
Umana-Taylor and colleagues found conteJ11poraneou~
relationship;, between ethnic identity
exploration. affirmation. and resolution
vis-a-vis self-esteem among Latino students.
none of these dimensions of ethnic identity
predicted self-esteem over time. either directly
or through psychological re~()urce, provided
-

:;hH l,thnil'it:- um! immi;,!rlltioll
1'<1! c.ojll!lg v, itll di,,:rilllIllLtIIPll i Lm:lu<tTil;'
luI'. \'~lrbac,-ChaliC:s. (JarC:JeL 0.: Ciun/alec.sBacheJ1-
.:!()(/)-:). Wliil\',cll (:' ,iI. (.:!()U6) abo
lic., [)! ,cll-e,tcl'IL ,IPd lJ',qcl'luril" OJ gruup
""teeill Cllllllll!.' "ialilc ,\mc:neall higl1 ,choo]
,lUdl'llh, HUIIl'\ er. I\dil ,Ull.! \\',1:' ,'::0061
iiud that dlllef"L'Jj{ c:lemcllh III eli1Il!C
Idenlll\ arc ,i!,!lIiric<tlltly as,ol'JClled wilh
ChWigc OIL'! limc III,l'II-t"iet.'II' ror /\flican
AlllcricI\Il, Ll!ino auti /I,ian All1cric'all adok.,Cl'Il["
Di,crcpallcy bCI\\CCIl finding ... ill the
IUII~illll!Jllal "ludiC... 1)1 ctllllic idclltil\ may
hc duc to the length III lillle c:X,illlilll'd Wilh
liw'>c slutiiL''> thai exaillilled shorter periods or
lll1l(' ,i,e" <tilL! tlll.l' iess lanahJlily tel prc:dlc:
change lieS,' iikcly Hi lind an association while
II\(N' swdie;, e\anlilling cxtended p::riod;, oj
[illll· more lihcly [(\ find significant as;,()cialiun.'
hetlvL:en cOlllpon::nb or ethnic idenlilY
and ,elJ.L:SleenL
Addiliull~t1 re,earl'il in thi" area ha.' hegun
III unpack the condition' under \\'hich adolescent"
orientatilHl tuwanl their ethnie group
maller, mllsl in prediL'ling their well-being, For
examplL:, the content of ethnic identity appear,
to mallei 111<),,1 fllr atiule,cent, who view cthnicity
as central to their self-definition (Sellers.
Chavuw" & Cooke. 1l)91L Yip & Cross. 2004),
Yip i 20(5) and Yip and Fuligni (2002) found that
Chinese American high ,choul amI college student,
reported gl·ealc:r well-being on days when
their Chinese identities were salienttu them. but
this was especially true fur those who held their
group in IlIgh regard. In addition. although holding
L,thnicity as central to (lIle's "elf-concept and
leel1l1& connccted to one's ethnic group may 110t
hc d pren:qlli,ill' fur Iw,itil,c "eli-\iew~, II ~tnlllg
ethnic idl'ntil\ perlllih adolescents to re~ist and
beller intl'lpret instance,~ of marginalizlllioll.
c,\dusl()lI. and di,nil1lin<ltioll thl': encounter
ill tilL'ir dail) lile, (Downy. Chatman, London.
el aL. 20()): SlI'llll,"S & em"" 2U())), NUIll<.:'nlllS
,tudiL'': u"m12 l'I()""-'l'~ti()naL iOI1!,'itlldinul. and
daily cliun appmachc".' hal'<.:' foulld tbm hal'ing
LIII HchK'\cd S(:'I'I\C 1I1 IdL'l1lity and hulding po,;lill'
,il'v" <)1 olle's etlllliL' group altelluales the
ul hen' 1St' negall It: CUll,eljueilcc, or dai I:, stress_
ur, ami ur ,pecific eXpencl1l'C, II lib di,LTinlIna_
liun I Kiang, Yip, GOI1/,lk,-Hmd,cl1, Wilkow,
6: FulignL 20()(): Seiler,. ('oJldand-Linder,
Martin & Lewi ..., .:!()Oh: Sclkr, t\: Shelton, 2(J03:
\\·01112. Lccic.., 6:.. S;lInerolL .:!()O.i), rOi instance,
(irecne et al. (2!l(J61 report thell an iIiLTea,l' in
percci\ cd di"crimin,uion b) peer" 1)1 er time is
aSStlL:i:lled with declines in .,clf-c:sleelll among
ad,)lescL'IlI:· wnh lower Initial ,CO(L':, un mea,urL',
or ethnic allirmalioil, S::llcr... ct 'II. (2()06)
fOllnd th~l[ mOIl' P()~ilih' icelin)2,' toward
African American" were elssll~'latl:d willl more
lavorablc ps}chological iUllctiolling in the laee
of racial dherilllinatioll, III additiun, there was a
,igni ficantl~ weakcr 'b~()l'1at ion k't\\ ec:'l racial
di~crilllil1ati(lll and p..ycilologicai iUIlUioning
among tlm'e auoicscen\.'. who had a greater
[mareI1C\.' lhat other )!roup:-. helli Ie", favorable
attitndes toward Afric:lI1 American, thell1 aJ)l(mg
tlmse who believe others held more po,iLive
attitudes, Identity cornponenh have been found
to buffer relation,hips between e,:pusure to
discrimination and academic outLomes (Wong,
t:l aL. 2()03) and bet ween di"crimination and
engag<.:'ment ill vioient bl'haviors (Cal(lwell,
Koill1-Wood, Seilmeelk-Cone. Chavllu:-" &
Zimmerman, 20(4).
CONCLUSION
As the amount of material cmered in the
previous sections demonstrates. the surge in
re,ean:h 011 adolescenl.' from ethnic-minority
and immigrant baekground" ha~ malUred l() the
point where rich dc'>criplio]]" nlll he made
about Ihe lives and patterns ()r de\'elopment
of thest' teenage!'s, It 1\ clear tilat larwtlons in
eu Itural hackgn \uIJ(L sociI \l'l'!lIIolllic resources.
and ;'(lelal ami s!ructural COl1to.ls can sometimes
produee significant differellces 111 family
relationships. friendships. academil' '1cilielellle'nL
and idl'llIi!.\ del t'\0j1Il1L'111, Til(",~ differellce..
il1L'1udc the frcquellL'\ and IIllplicatiollS
of parental conlroL tht: illlj1un;lIlCt' placed
UIX)1l fam:ly ohligation and uhnic socialiwtlon,
educ,ltiullal attainlllent. .Intl the relelance of
identity for the development of
across ethnic and immigrant groups in
aspects of development and adjustment,
as the quality of their dyadic relationship,.,
their parents and several characteristics
their friendships. As these findings sugthe
question is no longer whether adofrom
different ethnic and immigrant
differ from one another. Rather. the
are in what respects do they differ.
the answer to these questions tell us about
larger role played by ethnicity and immithe
fundamental developmental
the popUlation
'es for researchers to address these
F. E. (1'I~7). The de,elorment or ethnic ,ell~identinca<ion
and attitude,. In J. S. Phinney & M. J. Rotherman (Ed,.).
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.Ainsworth. M. D.. & Bowlhy. J. 119(11). An ethological approach to
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Ainsworth-Damell. W. L & Downe). D. B. (1998). A,se"ing the
opposirionaJ culture explanaLior: for racial/ethnic differences
in school performancL:, Amt'ricon Sociological Rerinr, 63,
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Allen. L.. Bat-Chava. Y. Aher. L.. & Seidman. E. 120051. Adole,cenl
racial and ethnic identit) in UlI1lexl. III G. Downey. J. Eccles. &
C. Chatman (Ed..... ). N(fI'igaling !lIef/llure: Social iden!it-" coping,
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achievement. Child DCI·cl"/>!lIelli. 77. I I55-1 I6Y.
Andersen. C S. (19H2.). Tht' :.earch for school climate: A revlew orthe
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Arm,den. G. C. & Grcenher". M. T. (I9H7 j. The In,,"nlmv or Parenl
and PeerAuachment: Ind'-Jviuual d~fJcrences and thc)r r~latiomhir
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Advie.~cence. 16 427--454.
Ary. D. V.. Duncan. T E.. Duncan. S. C &. Hops. H. 11999).
Adole~t:enl prohlclll hdlU\'ior The inlluencc or parents and
peer,'" IJcil(ll'iuur Re.\C{frcb & TlInDP.l_ 37. 2 J7-:30,
Ashmore. R. D.. D"aux. K.. & McLaughlin-Volpe. T. (2()04). An
framewurk for collective ldenlity: Articulatiun and
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Azmitta. J"L Kamprath. N.. & Linnet. 1. (1'!9XI. In!imac, and conflict:
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110:-·1 J 13
-

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Ti" \lm!1I Ifil;, '_',111/'('\11 !IUd
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lil;.'(Q!,.'IIV,li ,.\1I1"iJl'l'dt;'III:- ll~ t\. I !urn:llllallil
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'..u!lilraj {HllIPij of lr:.linill:: ('.111/(/ /)n"dn,n!f/;'II/, (;5, i I J I. ! 11'-,.
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their (euchcr~, and the slruclUrc oj ....c.:noohn~ 

Record, f(NJ H(l9-~+{). 

E. Cher" x.. Cho). S.P. el aL : ISl4H! Indtcator.\ (~j
school crime tllliI .,(]j(:I.': IWI-; NCES 'Jh-251INCl-I72215
Washinglon. DC l'.s Dt:parlmcnl..., of Educ.:atlOH and Ju')tlc.:~.
K. A. ! i 994L A longhudlnal c>..umination o/" !Inb hel\.\cen
mother-chlld attachment..., and chmlren':. rriend:.hir~ In t:arl~
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K. A.. & Steven....: A, C. (ll}\jo~. Parem·child attachment
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Chilli One/opUlent. 77. 13:'X~IJ50.
Kim~ju. G. M .. &: LIcm. R. (200)}. l::thnic ..,clf-awarcne::" a:-. <t
functiun of ethnic SUlLlh. group compo~ition. and ethnic
identity ori..:nlallon. Din·nll\, (Iud Crill/if Mirrorili
Psvdwlog.', 9. 28~-.'02
Knight. G, P.. BernaL M l;.,. Garza, CA.. Cota, M. K. & Ocampo.
K. A (1993r farndy ,..,u(;ialization and the ethnic Identity
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\'l'rnhl'r:;, F. ~'1_. Ikl';-\_ S H t'\\clL K. k .. c.... \h',::ldcL l>
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Wa\,!\:, (!liY()L Bf2tVY~L"!1 expt'ricnce.~ of oetrayal and dt',in: Close
. fnendshJp.... among urhan adoh;:~cenh. in B. J. Leadbeau::· & 1'\
\V'a\ (Ed~.,l. erhon !;irh· erea/ing identiw'.)
lrp~ 173~1~n) l\e~ York: i\ev. Pre;,:.,.
Wa).:-\. (149XL cO/lrake Tlu lire.; (lltd slorle.\ (~f urban
Jeell1(l:en I\e\\ f\,;ev. York Univer:-,iry Pre:,)
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.. uf adole:-.cel1l hoy!>. In N. \\U) 6; J. Y. Chu (Ed~. J. Adolesct!m
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HANDBOOK OF
ADOLESCENT PSYCHOLOGY
THIRD EDITION