Neighborhood Influences on Adolescent Developnlent TAMA LEVENTHAL. VERONIQUE DlJPERE. AND JEANNE BROOKS GUNN Social cuntexts. particularly beyund the family. exert increasing influence un develupment during the second decade of life (Booth & Crouter, 20()1: Bronfenbrenner. 1979: Steinberg & MOITis, 2(01). The growing need for autonomy during the adolescent years implies that adolescents spend more time outside of the home. typically with peers. Neighborhoods are thought to be one of the primary context!> for adolescents' (Jut-of-home time. They provide not only the physical space in which youth frequently operate but also the social space in which a wide array of interactions occur. In the United States, attention to neighborhoods as a social context for adolescent development dates back at least to the nineteenth century. Demographic changes at that time, including increasing industrialization. urbanization. and immigration led to social concerns about youth growing up in urban centers. Progressive Era reforms, such as the formation ofjuvenile courts, are a reflection ofthis movement (Kamerman & Kahn. 200] L It was not until almost a century later. however. that social scientists attempted to document links between neighborhood residence and adolescents' development (Sampson & Morenoft'. 1997: Sampson. MorenofL & Gannon-Rowley, 2()02). The focus continued to remain on urban youth and their involvement in risky behavior~ slIch as crime and delinquency (Park. 1916: Shaw & McKay. 1(42). Like the early research. contemporary interest in neighborhoods as a context for adolescent development was also fueled by demographic circumstances (Hernandez, ]993; Massey & Denton. 1993: Wilson. 1987, 1996). The loss of industrial jobs in favor of service and technology jobs, coupled with rising concentrations of poverty and unemployment in urban centers served to reignite scientific and policy interest in urban youth and their problematic behaviors (e.g., Bursik, 1988: Kornhauser. 1978: Sampson, 1992: Sampson & Groves, 1989; see also Sampson & Morenoff, J997, for a review). Contemporary research on adolescent development in neighborhood context. mllch of it emanating from developmental scientists. although interested in risky behavior, ha~ taken a broader lens in terms of outcomes of interest and types of neighborhoods studied (Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). The goal of this chapter is to review methodological. empirical, and theoretical advances in studying neighborhood contexts and adolescent development The first section summarizes approaches to studying neighborhood The authors would like to thank the William T Grant Foundation for its support. Additional support was provided by gran! R40 Me 07845 from the Maternal and Child Health Bureau (Title V. Social Security Act). Health Re"ollfces and Service, Administration. Department of Health and Human Services. The second author was supported by a fellowship from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR), We arc aho grateful to Rachel CrirnmeJ alld Andrea Wy,<.,ocki for their research assistance, 411 .j ', ,JI:ihl',,'IIc.;,' lilt JlIL:a\UIL:l1ll'lll and (1c"1,,1:', TIll" tollo'v\ lili,' 'eclJOl1 reliev.~ 011 nei:;hhorilood ,,)c:i'''X<>ll\liliil elie,'!>, ,m \II,uri1()(lll effecI, ujlLr \parentin!2, home enviromnenL and ~lIppon nctl\ orb L Pnlu:"~e' most rde\anl to "d, ,jesll'l1h arc highli!2htt'd. The Courl\) section hiLchlit'III' emerging trnlds in nei)!hhnrhoud rl'~l'aj'ch on ,I(j()!e~cl'nl dt',elopment and ume.",h.:d i';~liC" in the ricld, Filiall~, future tlireelI(lIl' fur rc,earch Oil neighhorh()()d contexls and adult:.;('ence and pol icy impl icat ions are >lllillnari/.c'ci , \1ETHOI)OLOGICAL ISSUES 11\ STUDYING ADOLESCENT DEVELOP\IEl\T IN 'EIGHHORHOOD CONTEXTS This sec:ion prl:~sl'nt, a brief n:view orkey mcthoLiolllgical i.,sllt'~ l'ollti'omin:c the sludy of adoIt"celll cll'vl'loplllt'nl in nl'ighborhood context;;, dcfillitiulis (II lll'ighhorhood;., identiJjcCitioll :l1ld Illl'HSUrCIllL'1l1 of neighh(>rhood dillll'n~i()n" 'lUd:- dc,iglls. and ~electi()n problem;.., IIII" (llcn 1l'IY I.' II1Il'nded to prOVide a hackdrop lor the rCllldlllin~' ~l'Cli()IIS in Ihls chapkr, 1\l'ighhorilo'ld Ddinitillns ;\n i1l1punalll qUl'qioll to cOII:-idn when ;,tud,' in~ ad(lIc'l'UII dCI L'lupmel1l in m:ighborhood COlllc'\!." I"~, "'H'I)(// 1.\ (/ /l1'1'.!hhnr/wml:) " :\llel'll~lti\l"II. both. In these studies. a subset of families is typically provided assistance in relocating . from public housing located in high-poverty areas to less poor neighborhoods (e.g.. families may receive vouchers to rent housing in private market or be offered public housing built in nonpoor neighborhoods>. The oldest quasi-experimental study is the Gautreaux Program. enacted following a 1976 eourt order to desegregate Chicago's public housing. Families were given vouchers to move, and a"signment wa,; based on housing availability (Rubinowitz & Rosenbaum, 2000), The most weI! known experimental study. the Moving to Opportunity for Fair Housing (MTO) demonstration program, was launched by the U.S. Department of HOllsing and Urban Development in 1994 partially in response to positive findings reported in the Gautreaux Program, Approximately 4.600 families across five citte:-- were randomly assigned voul.:hers to move out of public housing in high-poverty neighborhood:.. into private housing of their choice or into private housing in low-poverty neighborhood~ (with special assi~tance): by design. a subset of familie, remained in public housing (Goering & Feins. 2003.1. Another type of experimental study that is relatively new is the use of natural experiments 111 which some exogenous or external shift occurs thai affects residents over time or differentially impacts neighborhoods (Fauth & Brooh-Gunn. 200H)' Although few of these studies focus on neighborhoods per se. se\eral have examined the impact of changes in environmental regulatiom on children\ health at either the county or zip code level (Chay & Greenstone. 2003; Currie & Neidell. 2005). For example. Chay and Greenstone (200)) demonstrated how declines in county pollution levels were associated with declines in infant mortality. To our knowledge. this approach has not been employed in studies of adolescents. but provides a promising avenue for future research to explore. Selection Selection or omitted variable bias i~ the ml)1l 8: Sharkl'Y, 2()()X), Ratht:L fatlllly 'I1·.:i selection issues, Thcse appmachc" include cnmparisons of sibling, or fiN cousins, which hold family charactcristics cpn"lant (Aaronson, 19<)7): illslrumental variahlt' analy.scs. \\ hieh minimizc ullmeasured correlations hel ween neighborhood characteristics and adolescent outcomes (Foster & McLanahan. !(j')6): hehavior genetics modds. which differentiate between genetic and environmcntal influences iCaspi. Taylor. Muffilt, & Plomin. 20()O: Clevcland, 20(3): and prol)cn,ity score methods, which match ad(llesccnb who do emu do !lot livc in cel1Llin tyf1C:-' or neighborhoods (Harding. 20(3). However. only experimental designs call full) o\·ercolTle the select ion probkm in neighhorhood re"earch i altllollf.':h ,Hher 'clectloll problem, may ~Iris,: i. A REVIEW OF NEH;HBOIUIOOIJ STIWCTtRAL EFFECTS ON ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT Thi~ reI ic\\ build., ()11 pn:\IOlh .,ulllmaries of publlshcd neighhurhood rcsearch cOndUl'!ed during the! l)9(h (ix\enth,,j 8: Brooks-GUllI]. 2()()(I , 2()O)e.' were conducted f(lilu\\ ing similar procl'dlirt'S d' tim", us"d PIt:\ i;)u,l) (Leventhal 6: i:lroob-Ciunl1, 20()(j. 20()."a, 2()04a). the,," rnicw." \H' Cucu'cd (Iii thl' three stmc_ tural dlillen,i(JI]., iHU risk score). This patwas confirmed more recently neighborhood-based stud.who ranged in age from 4 to a multisite study of youth first neighborhood-based a diverse sample of Chicago :that the presence of managin the neighborhood was elJ?:JIlOC~rn()od affluence during late adolescence was associated educational attainment, paryouth from nonpoor families Racine, & Mustard. 2007). site, cross-sectional study of diverse, primarily European ..:actOll~sc:ents documented a positive neighborhood median . verbal ability. but in c'aSSC)Ct~ltjcm wa<; iitrongest among lower income families (Gordon Additional findings on young adolescents' achievement from city and regional studie:-. entail links between neighborhood 10'" SES and related measures (e.g.. male joble~sness and female-headed homeholdsJ and poor educational outcome:,. (Connell & Halpem-Felsher. 1997; Halpern-Felsher et aL 1997 J. Several of the studies reviewed also found that neighborhood SES may have more pronounced effect;,. on young adolescent boys' achievement than on girls' achievement (Entwisle et aI., 1994: Halpern-Felsher et al.. 1997). Studies of older adolesccnts have relied primarily on national data sets. A number of studies based on the PSID reported associations between neighborhood high SES/aftluence and youth's educational attainment (high schoo] graduation. college attendance. and year~ of completed schooling: Brooks-Gunn et al.. 1993; Duncan, 1994; Halpern-Felsher et a!.. 19(7); these associations were more salient among European American than among African American youth. However. one city-based study of African American adolescent,> found that the presence of managerial and professional neighbors was positively associated with boys' educational attainment (Ensminger, Lambkin. & Jacobson. 1996). In addition. a nonlinearassociation between thi s SES measure and youth's chances of completing high school was found in the Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS). such that when the percentage of profes"ional or managerial workers fell to five percent or fewer (or reached a tipping point). neighborhood effects were more pronounced. especially among African American males (Crane, 1(91). Findings from a quasi-experimental study in which low-income. minority youth residing in public houiiing in poor urban neighborhoods moved to the more affluent suburbs concur with the results of the nonexperimental literature. In a lO-year follow-up of the Gautreaux Program. youth who moved to the suburbs were found to be more likely to graduate from high school. take college preparatory clast-es. attend college. be employed. and earn higher d!Cc" lilaii II ere Ille!r I)\.:<.:r, II h,) rC:I1l;lin\.'d ill lI,c' ,'lll i {(clhllo,1 Jl/ &: RO\L'nhllllll. 2()()() I, \,1< Ii'.' I , IIUII c\ 1.'1. iii) achi\.'\ el1lent ~ilC:('.' \1,:Il' Il'p"rted III HU:,)', :;·year c\'alu· .11101. ", lilL \ lTO prugfllllL \\Ilicil u\c'd a truc c'\i'c'nllll'n~;i! (Ll'\cllllJai. hillth, &: Bnlili,c'(I(i!IIL 2()(J): San\)unmal\U, Klin!:'. DUlIC:llil. ,\: 1$1\ )PI. ,·GUIll!. 20(Jh). Till iv1TU iindillg' 11l1l,1 he unlicr'l\l)()d III till' Ullill'.\J 01 il ,oc'ial \'\IIl'rillll'lll BecClu;.c ,oeial c \1'c:nlllC'lll. "c,'ur III the n:al \\orld alltl nlll ill ;: [llhurd;":'\ \1 ith highl: cuntrolled conditiull'. ,C'I nid ill!!'()t':anl ll'alLtf6 (I! l\f! () impact (llil IIlkrplel:lllllll ul till' "Ill'i!:,hbclrhuud l'Ilech" n:I'Clnc:c1. Oni,\ apprhh()rhuod~~ Many hm-pov('rty !,:l11ille' who rc:located typically mOl'ed to poorer l1l'igllhoril()(.u\ .liler the riN year in which they \',cre requlrcd 1<) he in 10" ·poverty neighborhomb. :\1uI il1~ i, di,ruptlvl' t(l ycluth'~ .'oc:ial Ill'!" ",1, ami illa\ ofbel bencfit~ ass(\ciatl'd 'cl ilil ,1., Ill' ach dI11'1!r!cd Ilc'igllhorhu(lu~ I Auam. 2()(J"+: Adam &. Cha'l'-Lal1~ualc. 200::::: Pribesh ,\: Dl'WIlc'\. illl)'Yi. Fin.tlly. and specific' \(l edu· c"lIi(li1. becauc.l' mailY ramilie, in MTO wilo lm.'1 ed rl'llJall1ed in urhan area". children continucd to attend ht)!hly disadvantaged urban puhlic schoul..... In contrast. children in thc Clautre.lllX :;lUdy 'Ittl'ndecl ;,chop\;, in achaniaged ,uburban school di~tl'icts. More in lille 1',llh \1To. it 7 year follow-up or another LJlta~i·e.\I1t:rilllelll,t1 .'.tully of a desegregation dJ(lrl in 'ron Kel's. New Ynrk. in which all iamlill" 1,:I1ling vvithin the ,:Jllle Cl1\ and .,clwoi di\triu found that oluer ~ldok'CCJlI:. \\ 11" nH)\ed to middle-incoTlle 'lcl;.>nhorIIIHIlJ, reportcd I)('orer school per· f.}nn'lIk,· than Y')LlIII who rl'maineci ill hii,!.hPO\ en:. Ilci,!.!llh(lriJ(.od, i Fauth. Le\'eillhal. & B l'uob·( iUIlIi . .:'0071. T\I (\ teecill tHlllt'\]lerlllll'lllal ,!udie:. with Ihl' I'SID halt' j',Juhl'd em Ilci;.>hhorhoml Il)w SF'" ;iIld It, ;I"oviati,)(l \\ ilh dropping out of hi;.>h ,chou\ !CriJ\\lit:r k SUlItil. 2()03: Harding. 2f)().' I. Iii c:olllra,! Il) llci!r!hborilooJ hi~h SESI Ilucnl l·. III luI' SES had J111)1\: prunollllCl'd dkch OJ) !\jIlC,lIl Americans' l)dd, of dropplll!,! .HIl 01 high :.chool than Furopcan Alllc'ric. 2(J031. A Review of Neighborhood Structural Effects on Adolescent Development 419 and Emotional Outcomes evidence from well-designed studies the conclu~ion that neighborhood emotional outcome:- after accounting for characteristic~, Most notable are between low SES neighborhoods and delinquent and violent behavior both younger and older adole~cents, examining neighborhood SES effects young adolescence primarily drew city and regional samples with appended data, For example, in a rural Iowa of European American 8th and 9th neighborhood low SES was positively with boys' psychological distress. positively associated with girls' conduct nrflt\lp'm' (Simons, Johnson. Beaman. Conger, Whitbeck, 1996). Likewise, among 13- and -old boys in the Pittsburgh Youth Study. ng in low-SES or "underclass" neighbor(characterized by poverty. unemployment. male joblessness. female headship. nonmarital African American presence. and receipt) was positively associated with engaging in delinquent and criminal . ,and effects were more pronounced ... among younger than older adolescents, as well . as among impulsive adolescents (Loeber & Wikstrom, 1993; Lynam et aL, 2000; Peeples ,& Loeber. 1994; see also Beyers, Loeber. Wikstrom. & Stouthamer-Loeber. 200 I). Several recent multisite. neighborhood-based studies also find links between neighborhood SES and young adolescents' engagement in a range of problem behaviors. Results from the Family and Community Health Study (FACHS). which originally sampled 10- to 12- year-old African American children and their families in Georgia and Iowa living in a wide variety of neighborhood settings (i.e.. not just urban central city neighborhoods). demonstrated an association between neighborhood low SES and affiliation with deviant peers (especially among early maturers) and girls' (but not boys') substance use (Brody et ai.. 2001: Ge. Brody. Conger. Simons. & Murry. 2002: Gibbons et al.. 2(04). A related finding from the PHDCN study reveals that living in a low SES neighborhood wa~ asso;;iated with violent behavior among adolescent girls (13­ 17 years old) who experienced early menarche (Obeidallah. Brennan. Brooks-Gunn. & Earls. 2004). Finally, another multilevel study conducted in three cities found that lo\', leve\:' of concentrated affluence were associated with young adolescent boys' grcater externalizing of problems (Beyers, Bates, Pettit. & Dodge. 2003). A number of recent studies have used data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), a nationally representative. longitudinal study of middle and high school students. to explore aspects of neighborhood SES associated with adolescents' behavior and emotional outcomes, Most of this work has used a multilevel analytic framework. Research focusing on violent behavior reported that the proportion of single-parent families in the neighborhood. an indicator of low SES. was associated with adolescents' self-reported violent behavior (Knoester & Haynie. 20(5). while another investigation found that neighborhood socioeconomic disadvantage was associated with this olltcome (Haynie. Silver. & Teasdale, 2(06), Two additional studies with this sample demonstrate associations between community disadvantage and adolescents' depressive symptoms (Wickrmna & Bryant. 2003; Wickrama. Merten. & Elder. 2005). Nonexperimental research focllsing on older adolescence documents association;;, between neighborhood low SES and a range of problem behaviors. too. Two studies using data from a British national study found adverse associations between residence in low SES neighborhoods and adolescents' participation in crime and delinquency (Samp:,on & Groves, 191\9; Veysey & Messner. 1999). Along these same lines. a national study of U.s. JOth graders found that the male joblessness rate was ..~ -120 '\ei;!hhoriloml JunU,'!H"'" Oil Adul",n:nl Deyelopment P,,,ill\ el) a,,(luatcd \\ nil drll!,' U~l': hU\\l~\er. till' P' l\ en\ r,lle \\a' Ilc~ali\e!: a",,()cialed wltil drUl' lbl' anlun!! tile..,e same youth (Hoffman, 2()()2 LA nel!,'hhorhooli-ba,eLl ,tUlI) in ClllGlg(), !]\l\\ C\ cr. iuunu 1mb between till' presence of fe\\ manage!'s and prok"jOlWI.., ill the ncighhorlw()"PCl­ laUDI]',. inuL'atIlJi:' lila: Ih:'j~hhurhu()u eflec!\ art' llHJlleL'l. uperatin!:' through inuJliLiuai-. taIIlII; -. aud Cul1lll1l1l1li: -Inc:! pmlc"e,. In Ihis ,CL'llllll. tlm:c theoretical 1I10Ueb lor cOl1ct'l,tuail/ing IH1\\ 1H.'lghhurhoous III iglll il1 fl UCIILC aciuiesle111 delel OplllC III art' l,re,eI11ed (L::\ elllhal "" 8ruu"s-Cillllll. 2U()O. 2()() I J. lilt' rirst Illodel. imlllllliollui r(,.\{!llrcn. pusih thai Iht lIlialit). qll~lIllit). IIIHJ Lil\er.,itl (lrt'(I!11ll1l1llil) n:S()lIrleS Illedialt' neighb()ri1uud etfech. Tbe sel'lllld Illodd. IIOIllI.1 I/Iul coI/Celil'I' "I1t:culatl's lhal thle \:X1Ull oi" CUllllllllllily IOl'lnal amJ inlormal institutiuns present tu Illonitor n:sideills hella\ ior lespeeially plet'r ,urDu!',,) and physiGli Ihreah to residents IILT(lllllh for neighborhoud etTcCls. The final l1lodeL refUliu/lship, IIlId lic.I. hypotllCsi/.es that parenlal attrihutes. ,ocial net\!'orks. and hdl.,oll et al.. 19\.)7: Sha", & McKay. I\,)42. see Sampsllll & Morenoff. Il)Y7. lor a re\ie"') These theoretical models are intended to he complementary rather than conflicting. For instance, instituliullal I\>source mcchanisms may be most "alient when sludying high SES~achievement linb. norms and collect ive efficacy processcs Illay hc mosl relevant for examining low-SI-:.S~delilllluency assoCi~lli()ns. and relatiollship pathways Illay he Illosl lIseful for examining SES ·,c'>,ual outC01l1C ilnh.s. In terills of dc't:I()pmt:nlal dillerellces. relationship mechanisms mi~ht Ix' more rcle\ant for younger thall older mlole~cent~ ht:GllIse lalllille~ may excrt a greater influence liming this perioJ. whereas L'('Jlllllunity IHlrlll~ and pn'ce~,e' llIay be Iilorc s,ilicilt lor <'Ider thall for youngL'r acioiesecnh becallse ,,1' Ihe gml" Illg IlIfiuenl.:e ()i peer~ Junng this period C'lIlliTlUI1it} inSllllllJrllla; 1\~'()llI\:t:s Illay PIa; all ellualll Imjlonalll roI,; hutll earlier and I. ater III adoic,ccIICt'. hUI tilt' specitlc rt:~()lIrce of most relt:1 ance Illct~ diner ju:· tilt' t\\(l age groups. An:mJingl). the present re\ ie", or the theoret_ iCet! lllockis hi,ullli~'hl' aspects of eaeh model thai are illost rt.'le\ ;lllt tt' adojescem.s. IIl"tilutionul Resources EcollollllC rt',OUIU: per.'pe~'tiles. focusing typicall;. onlilc lamll:- contcxt. IJelllif) lesources or opportlillilie, to whieh dli!Lirell and youth theorl'lically have alL".':S;' ((·kc"er. 19K I. BroobGUill!. Klehallol. Liaw. ,\: !JullcCln, 1995; Havcman & Wolk. 19LJ-h EXlrapolating this model 10 IlL'I)lhhurhoulis. COlllllHlllity resources include the qualltity. qualny. di\ersity. and atfordahility of scvera! types oj resources in the eOllllilunit) penincllI t() aookscenl;,-schooLs, health and ;,(lcial serviccs. recreational and social program;,. anu employment-that could int1IK'llce well-heing (Levcnthal & BrooksGUIlIl. 2000: l\cuman "" Cclano. 20(J I). For adolescents. "eilo()b are (! primary vehicle through whieh neighhorhood cffects Jllay operate 011 adoie.seents· achievement in particular. Rele\ilnl aspects of school:, include lIuality. climate. norlllS. and delllllgruphic mu"cup. Living in a disad\llnla)led neighborhoou is adversely associaled witIi these school attributes as well as with adolescenls' cducational outC(lJlleS ICard & Payne. 2002: Jencks & Mayer. 1990 l. Several studies have looked al lhe inlerseetic'll of ncighhoriwtld context and ;,;.;i1ool norms regardini:'- risky behavior. Findings indieate thai neighhorhood structure is as.,ociated with school 1l,'rl1lS. which In turn Illay lie assoCialcd willi ddoie,cellts' ,,''>,lIltl initiation and thei,' 'lIh.stance lISC (Eitle & McNulty Eitie. :::O(j~: r.nnelL Flewelling, LJIldnl(ltil. & i\iorton. IlN7: Tt'itier & Weiss. 2000: SCl' ,)dlool Vl'!'SUS Nelg hbol'ilOod Influenee, section tor additional details I. The alailahilit~ qULllit:. and affmdahility (If ll1edlcal and social scnices in tilL cOlllmunity lila) hI..' a potential p~lthway 01· l1ei~hhorh()()d • a a Ji'rameWI:ITK for Understanding Potential Pathways of Neighborhood Etl'ects 0\1 Adolescent Oulcomes 423 notably on mental and physical (including sexual risk behavior and pregAlthough work examining this resource scant. access. quality. and variety of health services vary a~ a function of family SES. with high income generally conferring beneficial effects (Newacheck. Hughes. & Stoddard. 1996; Newacheck. Stoddard. & McManus. 1993). Differences in health carc services availability rekvant to adolescents have been shoW to vary as a function of neighborhood SES. Result~ based on Add Health indicate that high schools located in lower SES communities are less likely to otler school-based health services than schools in more advantaged communities (Billy et al.. 20(0). However. reduced availability of health services in disadvantaged communities does not necessarily explain differences in adolescent health behaviors or attitudes. For instance, several studies of adolescent sexual behavior found that the availability of family planning and abortion providers in the community was not associated with adolescents' sexual activity. fertility outcomes. or attitudes toward contraceptive use (accounting for neighborhood structure, Brewster et aL 1993; Hughes, Furstenberg, & Teitler. 19(5). In contrast. another nationally representative study found that although availability of family planning clinics in the county of residence wa~ not associated with adolescents' sexual activity, it was predictive of contraceptive use among sexually active adolescent girls (Averett, Rees, & Argys, 2002). Another possible mechanism of neighborhood effect~-particularly 0n physical and social development-is the presence of social and recreational activities such as parks. ~port~ program~, an and theater programs, and community centers. Generally, studies of youth programs and after-school care point to these programs as having beneficial effects on adjustment particularly among low-income youth (Eccles & Gootman, 20(2). In the same manner. enrollment in these activities could be especially beneficial for adolescenb living in disadvantaged neighborhoods..For example. participation in organized activities was found to be most protective against cigarette srnokini! among adole,>cents exposed to higher leveb of neighborhood risk... in terms of SES and racial composition (Xue. Zimmerman. & Howard Caldwell. 2007; see also Coley, Morris. & Hernandez, 2004: and Pettit. Bates, Dodge. & Meece. 1999). and among low- and moderateincome African American youth. participation in locally based organized activities promoted affiliation with neighborhood prosocial peers (Quane & Rankin. 2006: see also Rankin & Quane. 2(02). However. it i~ important to note that involvement in activities. such a~ community-based clubs, might have negative effects on adolescel1l adjustment in highly violent communities. possibly because it could increase exposure to violence (Fauth, Roth. & Brooks-Gunn. 20(7). In spite of the potential benefits associated with activity participation. adolescenb living in low SES neighborhoods might have limited access to organized recreational activities as compared to their peers in more affluel1l communities. A neighborhood-based study of adolescent development in low- to middle-income neighborhoods found that the extent of prosocial activities varied acros'> neighborhoods and was linked to problem behavior (Furstenberg. Cook, Eccles, Elder. & Samerotl. 1999: see also Furstenberg. 200J ). Meanwhile. research on youth from affluent communities also points to the need for more after-school programs (or at least participation in such programs) to prevent youth from engaging in problem behaviors (Luthar. 2003). In addition, a recent review of the environmental cOlTelates of youth's physical activity indIcated that higher neighborhood crime leveh were associated with lower participation in physical activities. although evidence was mixed regarding a direct link between avallabil ity of sports facilities and programs in the communit)' and youth's physical activity (Ferreira et al.. 2(06). Two reasons might explain why availability is not consistently associated with participation. First. qualitative and quantitative research on IalililIC' JI1 di'lI(l\wl1,;geU neighhorhomb indicalc" lhal \\hen ,uual and recreatIonal prugram, are nol a\aIlahk III lamilie< own cOJl1l11uniIi..:..,. parent;, acce,,;, re,ourcl" Irom th..: larger wrrouml cUIl1111unilY (Elder. En:!..:;,. Ardell. 6.: Lord. 19l):'i: .JarrelL 1997) Second. the link hCI\,eCIl ([\ailahility ,lIld panicipalioll aprears II) vary as a functioll Dr ill,ighhorh()oU eharactcri.,tlc'. \\ilh youth li\lllg ill di;,adv on young adu1t~). we draw upon re;.;earch Oil family-level SES differences in the c()nscqllcn<:e~. oj adolescent employment (Bachman & Schulenherg. 19Y3: Gleason & Cain. ~O()4: Leventhal. Grabel'. & BrooksGUl1n. ~O() I. Mortimer. Finch. Ryu. Shanahan. & Call. 191.)6: Nev,·man. 11.)1.)9: Steinberg. Fegley. & Dornhusch. 1993: Sullivan. Il)Kl)L Specifically. the impacI of adolescent employment (and available orportunities) on subsequent outcomes may be moderated by neighborhood SES. such that in disadvantaged neighborhood,,, the effects of employment may be bencficial because fewer developmentally enhancing ouliets beyond employment may exist. In contrast. in more afTllIent neighborh(Jo(k where learning and social aetivities may prO\ ide Illorc enriching alternatives to clllpl\lyrnenl. the e1Tech of employment may he !lIore detrimental. ;\ related finding supporting thi~ \iev,' c(Jllle\ from a recent "tudy that found that the a...sociatioll bct ween longer w\)rk hour, during middle and late adolescence and adule\cent,' hea\';. cpi...odic drinking wa, moderaled cOllllllunitv contexl. 'pccifieally rates of adole,celll drinki ng: longer hour, were l1Iore dctrilllelllal in "liver ri,k clluntie, (i.e" those with 1m, le\ eb of adolescent alcohol use: Breslin & AdlaI. ~()O:'i I. '\1 the indi\'ldualle\ eJ. adolescelll,' e"pectation, ahOlIl emplo) ment upportunitles available to them are likel' af1eCled by their neighhmhood, \including pre...cnce 01 working role models). The,e expectation... as well a, related ft,eling' of hopelessne" Illa~ be aSsociated with adulescent outcome.... 1Ilc'lud ing educational allainmenL ...ubst'Ul and may display more behaviors such as school engagement civic panicipation. Over the past decade. of researchers studying adolescents tested various components of this model. much of the work has focLised on problem inquency. crime. violence. and use-and to a lesser extent sexual This section reviews research on the model components. An important distinction to make is that the connections described under the norm!> collective efficacy model are more diffuse the social networks discussed under the relationships model (see next section) and primarily. at the community level (see Srump:50n, 1999. for further discussion of this distinction). In PHDCN, collective efficacy .and social control (measured by a community survey) were found to be negatively associ'ated with neighborhood socioeconomic disadvantage. level of crime and violence, and observations of physical and social disorder ,(Raudenbush & Sampson, IY99; Sampson et al., 1999; Sampson et al.. !997; see also Pattillo. 1~98). Such links have abo been reported in studies of adolescents. For example. in a study based on a nationally representative sample (Add Health) and two other studies with citybased samples of at-risk minority adolescent boys (juvenile offenders and adolescent boys from disadvantaged inner-city neighborhoods), structural characteristics were associated with parems' and youth's perceptions of community social organization (Chung & Steinberg, 2006; Tolan. Gorman-Smith. & Henry, 2003: Wickrama & Bryant. 2(03): neighborhood social organization. in turn, was associated with adolescent adjustment. At both the neighborhood and individual leve1s. community social control of youth is negatively associated with a number of adolescent externalizing (delinquency and violence. affiliation with deviant peers. amI carrying a concealed weapon) and internalizing (depressive symptoms) outcomes (after accollnting for neighborhood structure; Brody et al.. 20()]: Chung & Steinberg, 2006: Elliot et al.. ]996: Molnar. Miller. Azrael. & Buka. 2004: Sampson, J9<)7: Sampson et al.. 2005: Tolan et aL 2003: Wickwma & Bryant. 2003 J. Moreover. collective efficacy b associated with more private adolescent behavior" including delayed sexual onset and a lower number of sexual partners (Browning et al.. 2008: Browning et al.. 2(04). Peer group behavior and norms are central pathways through which neighborhood structure is anticipated to influence adolescent outcomes, especially social and emotional outcomes. Peer effects are generally hypothesized to be adverse because potential negative peer group influences are exacerbated when community institutions and norms fail to regulate their behavior. In disadvantaged contexts. neighborhood peers represent a significant proportion of adolescents' peer network;., (Dolcini• Harper, Watson. Catania, & Ellen. 2(05), and living in a socially disadvantaged neighborhood is positively associated with adolescents' affiliation \",ith deviant peers as well as exposure to violent and unconventional peers iBrody el al.. 200 J: Dupen:':. Lacourse, Willms, Vitaro. & Tremblay. 2007: Ge et al.. 2002: Harding, 2007; Haynie et al.. 2006: Quane & Rankin, 1998). Thus. affiliation with deviant peers may be facilitated in disadvantaged neighborhoods through increased opportunities to do so. Accumulating research sUpp0l1s the notion that deviant peer affiliation is an important mediator of neighborhood structural and social organizational effects on adolescent behavior problems. such as delinquency and substance u~e (Chuang. EnneH. Bauman. & Foshee. 2005: Chung & Steinberg, 2006: Haynie et al.. 2006: Meyers & Miller. 2004; Simons et al.. J996). For instance. a lack of formal and informal institutions present to supervise adolescent peer group activities has been found to mediate the association between neighborhood SES (and related characteristics) and adolescents' delinquent. criminal. and prosocial behavior (Sampson & Groves. 1989: Shaw & McKay. 1942: Veysey & Messner, 1(99). -126 ""ighhOl'homl Inf1uclll'l" 011 Auoics<:t'nt Dcn:lopment In addiliull. cl11cr:,:in." cmpirical ami ethno· iCrapl1lc L'liucncc sugge,ts thaI peer character· istic,. notal1l) il1\ull emelll Wilh dCI'ianl and oider peers" arc' p()tcI1tia: Illcdiator;. oj' neighborhoou elfec1, ()Il adoic,('ent sexualit\ anu childhcaring ( et al.. 20llX: Harding. 2U05. South & Baumer. 2()UO J. Other wor~ has shuWIl thaI peer interactions l1luLierale nelghborhoou eflect;. 011 ado!escent< anli,ocial hehm iOL substance u,c. and school achievement. ;,ucli thaI in hi."h-ns~ neighborhoods. peel innIH:nl'\;~ have IllOrl" Ilc!;. -income families moved from public housing in high-poverty neighborhoods to less poor neighborhoods found Ihat rarell~;' reported thai gelling away from drugs and gangs was their primary motivation for wanting to move (Briggs, 1997: Goering & Feins. 2()03). In fae!. initial and longer term follm,-ups of the.,e programs have found that children and youth 'A,'ho IT1med to il10re advantaged nei."hborhoods were les" likely to be exposed to \ iolence and danger than were peers who remained in pOl.r neighborhoods (Fauth. 20{)4: Fauth. Leventhal. & Broob-Gunn, 20U5: Faulh et a!.. 200X: Kal!. Kling. & Liebman. 2()() I: Klin!:, et al.. 2()m) In nonexperimenlal \Vor\... Y(luth fr(lill poor. urban nelghb(lrhoods who are expo"ed to high le\eb of cummunity "i(lience cti~play I!1ternaliling and external i/in!,' prohlelll~ a~ wl:'ll u\ physical and psychiatril' "YIIlPll)nt\ iCooley-Quilie. Bllyd. Franl/. &: WaJ<.;h. 20D I: Gorlllan-Smith. Henry. & Tol~lIl. 200-1: Gorman-Smith &. Tolan. Il)l}X: Haynie ('I al.. 2()()(,!. In ~I(ldition. several >tudie, hearchers have expanded disadvantage to include social features of neighborhoods that may pose challenges to parents. such as low collective efficacy. disorder, and violence (e.g.. Simons. Simons, Burt. Brody. & Cutrona. 2005). We review research exploring whether these proposed individual and family mechanisml> transmit neighborhood influences to adolescents as well as relevant work on the different components of the model. Aspects of parental well-being thought to be a~sociated with neighborhood residence include physical and mental health, efficacy, coping skills, and irritability. At both the individual and neighborhood levels. compelling evidence exists for links between Bdults' physical and mental health and neighborhood structural conditions, panicularly SES Cubbin. LeClere. & Smith. 2000; Diez-Roux. 200I; Hil!, Ross, & Angel, 2005: Ross, 2000). For example. experimental work indicate" that low-income parents who moved from high- to low-poverty neighborhood~ reported superior mental and physical health compared with parents who remained in high-poverty neighborhoods (Fauth el a1., 2008: Kling et aI., 2007). Another study ba~ed on adolescent report:, found that neighborhood disadvantage wa:, positively associated with family stress (after accounting for family SES: Allison et al., 1999). Neighborhood structural characteristics. and parental well-being have also been linked with parenting practices and adolescent outcomes. Among families in disadvantaged neighborhoods, parental efficacy mediated the use of family management strategies employed with adolescents among African American parents but not European American parents (Elder et aI., 1995). In addition. maternal selfesteem was found to moderate the positive association between the neighborhood dropout rate and adolescent risk-taking behavior. such thaI thi~ association was enhanced among youth with mothers with low self-esteem (Kowaleski-lones. 2(00). Finally. a study examining the family stress model within a sample of African American adolescent boys found that neighborhood poverty indirectly lwarmth/suPPort • Few institutional resources FIGURE 12.1 Model of Neighborhood Disadvantage '-I Parent ..Iemotional and I behavioral /1 problems :.JlIectcci \ iull:lil hl:h~11 1"1 h\ 11lean\ (lj lamil\ ,tie" ~lIId cUllriiL'l and hI lIIeilll, 01 adoie,L't'llb ()111l keilJl~'. ()1 ,ell-I\or!h {\J('I\eler. 'Inull,..:, did !lot ,(llllrtJl 10r ilIdl "jdllid allli iamil: hCld,~1 Iruill till' ,[r(:'"or, oj !lelghborliood pmlTty. 1!OiL-llce. ,1I1e1 di,onh:r lind in,,, d()l11~ llIil) diminish lIll' 11 ddok'l'ellt dn..:iop!lienl I Conger et aL. 199..+: Elder el al.. Il)y:'i: fvkLoyd. 19<)0; Ro" 8.: Jill1g. 20()()). It i, unclear whether the dell"!) of ,1Ippurt Ile(~ II orb \aric~. bl ncigilh(,ri1(loci SE,S and raciali elill1Je diver,:!\,: 'lippor( Illay he ,lrollge,1 in 11llddk~ income nelghhorbood" (compan.:d ",mil !O\\- ,mel miJdle-lilcoll1C neighhorh()()ds; as v,e11 ted mediation 1l1(l(kl,. ami mo,t have foclised Oil ;;(lei,1i organilalional 1L'ature" or neighhorhood mther than PO\cr!: and otilei' ~l';pc('ts (II struclural disad\ anl~lgc (thoutcil all account for 11elghhurt1(loci ;;tnll·lure). For e\;tlllpil'. a longitudinal '-Iud: hased Oil the rACIlS data sci f,)lIl1d that increa,es III Ilcl22hhorhood (lllkclive dfieacy ('\':1' tlllle wert' as,(lclatul \A illl inel\:ilsl'd A. Framework for lmderstanding Potential Pathways of r...-eighborhood Etl'ects OP Adolesc('nt Olltcome~ 429 authontative (warm and firm) parenting. and that increase" in authoritati ve parenting. in turn, were associated with decreases in adole~cent delinquency and affiliation with devianl peers (Simon;, el aI., 2005), Two l:ros;,-sel:tional studie~. also fOl:using on neighborhood organization. provide further support for indirel:t neighborhood effel:t~, The first study, ba;,ed on a sample of male juvenile offenders. reported that ineffective parenting (a composite of low warmth. limited knowledge. and lax monitoring) partially mediated the association between neighborhood disorder and adolesl:ents' reported peer deviance (Chung & Steinberg. 2006). The second study. using data from Add Health. found that parental acceptance and involvement accounted for the assol:iation between neighborhood collective socialization and adolescent depressive symptoms (Wickrama & Bryant. 20(3), Finally. another study found that quality of parenting (monitoring, warmth/ support. inductive reasoning. harsh discipline, hostility, and communication). assessed through videotaped parent-\:hild interactions, mediated the positive association between <:ommunity disadvantage and adolescents' problem behavior (Simons et al.. 1996). In the field of neighborhood resear<:h. parental supervision and monitoring are thought to be particularly important during the adolescent years by modulating adoles<:ents' exposure to community influences (Beyers et aL. 2003; Browning et al.. 2005: GormanSmith et al.. 2004J. Along these lines. a number of ethnographi<: researchers have observed thai parents in dangerous and impoverished neighborhoods may use restrictive monitoring techniques to limit their adolescents' exposure to negative community influences (Anderson, ]Yl)9; Burton. 1990; Burton & Jarretl. 2000: Furstenberg. IY93: Jarrett. 1997), One quasiexperimental study of moving from low- to middle-income neighborhoods supports this finding: parent., who moved to advantaged neighborhoods reported less stringent moni· toring than did parents who remained in lowincome neighborhoods (Fauth. Leventhal. et aL 20(7), In term~ of links with adolescent (lutcomes, parental monitoring of early dating behavior was found 10 mediate the positive associalion between neighborhood low SES and teenage childbearing (Hogan & Kitagawa, 1995: c.1, Baumer & South, 200I: South & Baumer. 20(0), Accumulating research has focused on how the intersections between neighborhood mil· texts and parental monitoring, supervision. and <:ontrol are associated with adolescent outcomes: much of this work draw" from neighborhoodbased studies. For instance, in the PHDCN sample, neighborhood mllective effi<:acy was associated with delaying sexual onset only among youth who experienced low levels of parental monitoring (Browning et al.. 20(5), In contrast. within a sample of low- to moderaleincome African American families. also in Chicago. the beneficial effecb of parental monitoring: on promoting competency and deterring problem hehavior were enhanced when collective efficacy was low (Rankin & Quane, 2002), Similar findings regarding the importance of monitoring and <:ontrol for protecting youth against negative outcomes in more disadvantaged neighborhoods have been reponed by others as well (Beyers et al.. 2003; Roche et al.. 2005). particularly when high levels of monitoring are used in combination with high levels of emotional SUppOrl (Brody et a1.. 200 I; Gorman-Smith et al.. 20(0) In contrast, additional research demonstrates that the deterrent effe<:ts of parental control 011 young adolescents' COlldU<:i problems are less effective in communities marked by danger and disorder (Simons et al.. 200:::). while another study of low-income. minority families found thal permissive and disengaged parenting were associated with adolescent boys engaging in 1110re delinquency in the most dangerom and socially disorganized neighborhoods (Roche el aL 20(7). Several characteristks of the home em'ironment may a<:t as vehicles of neighborhood intluences on youth~physical home environment. pre~ence of routines and structure. and • a to ..UH '\ci)(hhoriwH{I Inl1lu-nce, 011 Adolescent De\elopmenl L'X!'(lSun: [(l I iuiencl'. The phy,ical home cn I Ironmenl IlHl) he l1lu,1 ,alienI for lIdu k,CCllts health. t\elgllhorilood Ill\\ income I C()l1lpdreli "illl middle inlll!11e I i, neg.dtl\ cl) a,,'lciated "Ilh qualil) 01 physil'al home el1\ irunl1l1::m, I after controlling for famil) SLS. Klcbal1ll1 CI :iL. It)t)..lL !\i(lnexperirncillal l'\ I,h:nce reI cal, lhal childrcil and aliule,cenh lillllg IIi poor llelghborhclOlb may hc al ris~ lor iujUI'1 ami aSlhma ((:.g.. Borrell el aL 2002: Suubhl.. RaliliL &: Kohen. 20()4: \1vrighl & fisher.. 2()(n I. Thl, silliatioll is probahly in part due to qUdlil) (lIthe physiclJlllolllc cnvironment Till' pn:.senee of family routines and >truetunc..,uch ilS regular mealtimes anu homework lilllc:--. are thought to he :-,ignifiealll for adoIt',cenh' social del eiojllllem (Boyce. Jensen. .lames. & Peacock.. IL)~3: Bradley. 19(5). At the theoretical lc\l~l. II ha;, heen hypoti1e:--.ized that such routines Illay he weaK in neighhorhoods cilaracterlzed by high poveny and uncmplo) ment lI1arked violence. and low c,()cial cohe"ion (Lelenthal &. Brooks-Gulln. 20()O: Wi],ol1. .1987. I i.)t) I ). Two experimental ,tudie, found no eflect or moving from poor to less pOOl neighborhood, on family routines: however. this hypothesis remains to be further tested (Fauth et aL ::;005: Leventhal &. BrooksCiUI1Il. 20(5). Finally. e\pOSUIT to violence (as a witnes;, or a lictim) may be iJ potential mechanism for neighhorhood effect;, on adolescents" physical and emotional health in particular (Wright.. Ill98J. Living in a poor neighborhood is associated with children's exposure to violence in the community and in the home (Coulton. Korbin. & Su.. 1l)9l): Coulton et aL 1995: Martinez & Richter,. 19tH: Richler;; & Maninez. 19(3). As noted before hee the section on Norms and Collcctile Efficacy). finding~ suggest tllUt exposure to vioicnee in the cOlllmunity i~ a"ociatcd wilh aliok"eCIlI adjustment (e .. g.. C;ornwll-Snlllh el al ... 2(J04: Gorman-Smith &. Tolan. I()()X: Haynie ct aL.. 20()6): Il\)\\·ever. it i~ unclear if CXP\l'UI't' to cOlllmunity violence h~b an indepcndcllt a,s()ciali()n with child and alioiL-,cl'llt well-heing beyond C(\-Ol'CUring exn()~ure 1(> \it,jenct: in rill' IlOlile (see Buka Stichick. Birdthistle. &. Earl,. 200] fo r relicl\ I. Additional n;"earch i, needed elucidate Illm the Illtersccliull oj expOsure to liolence in thc home and the community alTects adolescent dc,clopi1lenL E\1ERGING TREII"IDS AND U:"IRESOLVED ISSUES In lhi, sectioll.. wc relie\\ some emerging IJenUS III thc neighh()Jhood 11lcrature that havc heen alludc'd 10 in our revicw tllll~ far. Specifically. we rt?view filldlllgs Oil individual characteristic:-- that appeal' to modify neighborh()od effects and e\piore putential explanations. In Ol1le unresolved i,;,ue, that bear 011 thc' tht?oretical and empirical sigllificance of neighborho(lu inlluences on adolescenl development incluulI1g whether adllicsccnee i, a ~alient timc for nClghborhood influences anu the relative importance of neighborhood c,mtext as cumpared with school C(lnte\! Modifiers of Neighborhood Effects Our review of the literature on neighhorhood ~tructural effecb on adolescent;," development suggests lhat a~soeiations among neighborhood SES and adolescent outcome, vary as a fUllction of key individual characteristics, notably.. gender. race/ethnicity. and possibly pubertal timing anci personality lraits. Perhaps the most compelling ev!uence exists for gender differences in neighborhood SES effects on adolescent development. although the findings to dale have been mixed aero" the nonexperimental and experimental literature, [n the nonc\perillleillal litc!atllre. tllc ,trullgC:.t .supp0I1 {'pr gender diHerenccs i" seen wil h respect to achievement. ,vith l)(lYs heneflting more from af/luelll/high SES neighborho(lds and being hindered ilion: bv povenv/lu\\ SES. especially African American buys in the ca,t' of pp\ertyl low SES (Connell. Halpern-Febh(,L Clifford.. Crichlov.. &. Usingcr. 1095: Crane. 1991: Cro\\der &. South. ~()f)3: EIl\lllingcr et al... Il)t)6: El1lwj ..,!c ct aL ]<)94: hut see C('ballo. & Toyokawa, 20(4). Although fewer of social and emotional outcome~ have gender ditlerence\ in neighborhood effects. the srudies reviewed earl ier sugthat the association between low SES and class of outcomes is more pronounced ong boy" than girls. which may be [J funcin part of the lower prevalence of risky <__,.M,'"''''·''' displayed by girh as compared with review looking at gender differences in ,neJ~hborh()Od effects on conduct problems and delinquency (Kroneman. Loeber, & Hipwell, 2D04). This review also concluded that boy" and girls tended to be ditTerentially influenced specific neighborhood characteristic~, with :girls being especially sensitive to the proportion of single-parent families and the presence of affluent neighbors. Finally. gender differences in neighborhood effects on adolescents' sexual behavior in the studies reviewed varied .as a function of the specific outcome under study (i.e.. childbearing/impregnating someone versus age at sexual initiation). but also according to other defining individual characteristics such as race/ethnicity, Although findings from early MTO sitespecifk evaluations. which used experimental designs, were consistent with patterns seen in the nonexperimental literature, the recent . 5-year results. as reviewed previously. have not been. Specifically. 2-3 years into the program, low-income children and adolescents who moved to low-poverty neighborhoods had higher educational achievement, superior mental health, and fewer arrests for violent crime than their peers who remained in high-pove11y neighborhoods. with effects largely restricted to boy~ (Goering & Feins. 2003: Katz et aL 2001: Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn. 2003b. 2004b: Ludwig. Duncan. & Hir~chfield. 200 I ), Despite these early positive program effects on boys, a more recent cross-site, 5-year followup evaluation found that adolescent girls who moved to low-poverty neighborhoods were faring better than their peers who remained in Emerging Trends and Lnresolved Issues 431 high-poyen) neighborhood~ in most of the~e domaim and that boy, in low-poverty neighborhood, experienced minima! if not negative ourcome~ compared with peers in high-poverty neighborhoods (Kling et a1.. 2007: Kling. Ludwig. 8.: Katz. 200:,)). Although the re,ull, from the nonexperimental and experimental literature on gender ditlerence, in neighborhood effecb appear to be at odd" potential explanation, for such gender differences reconcile some of the discrepancies when considered in the larger cOl1lext of MTO a, discussed earlier (~ee section on Achievement). First. only i.I handful or studies. primarily emanating from sociology. have considered how neighborhoods might contribute to gender differences in adolescent outcomes. The~e researcher~ have speculated that family socialization practices largely account for gender differences in neighborhood SES effects. Specifically. parents may provide less supervision and regulation of boys' activities relative to girb', resulting in boys' greater exposure or su.~ceptibility to neighborhood influences (Ensminger et aI., 19%: Entwisle et aI., 1994: Hagan. Simpson, & Gillis. 1987; Kroneman et aL 20(4). Thus. for boys, neighborhood influences may operate more through processes outside of the home. especiaJJy through interactions with peers; whereas, for girls. neighborhood influences may operate more through processes inside the home, especially via parent-child interactions (Clampet-Lundquist. Duncan, Edin. & Kling, 2006: Kroneman et a1.. 20(4). If neighborhood conditions are advantageous, exposure may benefit boys 1110re than girls unles~ it results in contact \vith more deviant peers (for example, as might have been the case in MTO). In contrast. in disadvantaged neighborhoods. lower levels of ex.posure may protect girls from adverse outcomes, particularly in the case of a supportive home environment. Findings on gender differences also point to the salience of race-ethnicity w, i.I potential moderator of neighborhood influences. Minority youth are more likely than theil ·B2 f\l'ighhorhuod IIII1U("lH'(" fill Adoll"l:~nt n~\('I()pl1wnl IlU 11 11 IlIIonl\ PC:Ch t<, rc:'~idt' III PU()1. .'c:grc:, galed nelghI10['l;ooJ, (Kalm. Kaplowitz. G()udmall. &: Lmall\ 2(J()2: Klehanul e! al" !t)tq: !';,1I1. I(}ll!: 6:. Ralllli.:'nhush. Il)l)\)). AlriL~ln American raillilie< neighhor, hl\(llh arc al"l' IllOi'C' like!) Ihan European Aillerican ramilie,' neighburlH1od, to he di;.adl antagl.:'lI in lenn\ ul their cmhelicbl· I1C;''' ill 'IXllia! area, 01 ..,trUL'lUraJ and ..,oeial dis,ltivdl1lage (MorellolT. S,II1111,011. 6: i{'lwknbu,h. 2()D I. SamrL,on ci aL. ]l)()l)). ;\i()1 Pili) arc African American neighborhoOlb oh]t'cti",:ly Jll()re dismh lhat otiler inui\iduul ci1araetcnstics. ,pecificall:,-. pubertal timing ancl peNlJlality traih re lalL'd to conduct problelll' and antiso_ Cial beha\ lOr are cd,o likely til moderale the impact or Ileighhorh()()d SES on adolescent outcomc..,. Gt'nerali.\. the,c ~(LJdic" indicate thai nelghhorhood di;'Ulhallt,lge alllplifie~ the impact or these indi\idual-le\el rish. factors. J 11 olher WOi'us. the combination or individual and neighborhoml ri"h.s Sel.:'illS 1(, he especially prohlelll:ttiL'. For exal1lple. early physical maturation appears to increase the chances [hat adoll.:',scent girls ill disadvcll1taged neighborhO(lCls will engage il1 problem behaviors sLleh as violence and substance lise (F()shec et al.. 2()()7: Ge et al.. 2002: Obeiciallah d al.. 20(4), Among hoy, in tbe Pittshur!!h Youth Study, an interaction effect revealed th:lt the lillh. hetween impulsivity and delinquency wa;. amplified in disauvantaged neighhorhoolb (Lynam ct al., 2oo()), although this re"ult was not repli~ cated in Ihe Add Health sample IVazsonyi, Cleveland. &: Wiebe. 20(6). Moreover. other results ohtained in a Canadian national sample indicated that a history of conduct disorder and related personality traits accentuated the threat:-- posed hy disacl\antaged neighborhoods t() youth gang alfiliatiotl and early sexual initiation (Olipere et aL 200ti: Duperc el aL, 20(7), Explallati()n~ for the,e amplitication effect" uSLlally rc\olve aroLlnd differential peer and family procc~se;. a" it function of neighbofllPud conlcxt. For instance. Dupere e! cence compared with earlier childhood because parents may begin to grant their older children greater autonomy. resulting in more exposure to extrafamilial influences (Bronfenbrenner. 1979: Maccoby & !\1a~tin. 1983: Paikoff & Brooks-Gunn. 1991: Steinberg & Morris. 2001 ). Given general restrictions on adolescents' mobility. neighborhoods provide as wei! as organize opportunities for social interactions and out-of-school activities. Early and middle adolescence also entail significant changes ill physical maturation brought on by puberty. advanced cognitive capacities (e.g.. ability to think more abstractly). shifts in school climate and organization with the move from elementary to middle school and then high school (e.g.. less personal. more restrictive. and more competitive), and alterations in salient relationships in the family and peer group (Feldman & Elliott. 1990: Graber, Brooks-Gunn. & Petersen, 1996; Steinberg & !\1orris. 200 I). Each of these challenges has implications for the prominence of neighborhood inlluences during adolescence (compared with earlier childhood). However, somewhat surprisingly, almost no res-earch has explored this essential premise regarding the salience of adolescence as a developmental period for heightened neighborhood influences. In contrast to research on neighborhood income and SES. research on family economic status has explicitly tested whether the association between economic conditions and developmental outcomes varies across developmental periods~early childhood. middle childhood. early adolescence, middle adolescence, and young adulthood. This shoncoming in the neighborhood literature resulb in large part from the fact that a majority of the existing work is cross-sectionaL based on neighborhood residence at a single point in time. or both. A study by Wheaton and Clarke (2003) using longitudinal data on children followed from early to middle childhood into Emerging Trends llnd l;nresoived Issue;, 433 late adolescence found that neighborhood SES during early to middle childhood had more pronounced effects on mental health in late adolescence than neighborhood conditions during middle or late adolescence ("ee al~o Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn. 200 I). Consistent with these findings is the work on family income and poveny. which indicates that family economic resources during early childhood. a:-. opposed to other developmental periods. are most salient for late adolescent outcomes. notably educational attainment (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 19(7). Together. thi" evidence may challenge the notion that adolescence is an especially significant period fDr neighborllood influences. at least as far as "ocioeconomic conditions are concerned. We caution any firm conclusions at this time until more research is available to contribute: to this debate. School Versus Neighborhood Influences School and neighborhood represent two pnmary extrafamilial contexts for adolescent development where youth spend substantial amounts of time (Gershoff & Lawrence, 2(06). The extent of exposure suggests that both contexts could exert pronounced influence on development during adolescence. but distinguishing school and neighborhood effects and their relative significance is a difficult task given the nonnegligible overlap between these two contexts. This situation is due in part to the fact that neighborhood characteristics affect school re~ources and school choice. indicating that school could be a powerful mediator of neighborhood effects (Lauen. 2007: Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn. 2000: Waanders. Mendez, & Downer, 2007J. Yet. school characteristics such as composition and achievement also impact neighborhood conditions. such as property values (Bogart & Cromwell. 2000). Peers also serve as a source of overlap between the two contexts, with large pOl1ions of adolescent peer networks comprised of schooJ- and neighborhood-based friendships (Dishion. Andrews. & Crosby. 1995: Dolcini et aL 200S: DuBois & H,hCh, I (Nlll, rUrli'lCL '.~tllIl"gntphIL e\ l(:Je:ncc 'l!ggc~h Ihlll d:, I e~alllilllllg se'\ual initiation dlll()llg Philadclphi'l \ outi; lthall bct\\c:cn-nL:ighhorh')(Ic\ \ ,ili:niull II! \"lIth\ 'O,lI'.) ,letlll1}, and thal when the tv.\! C()l1le\ls We'ft' epn~iden:d,illlultl!llc'lu~I}, !lilly Scl1\)o) \ ariati(lll remailll,d siglll!ic eOllipallll)' correlatiolls hclwecn p'lir~ e)( ,ihilll)" wilhill 'pCI illlC:Jl1,i1 literature al"u bL:ar on thc n,:ighhori1uod \ :,l'iluul debate. The.;e ,tLldie, ,ugge\l tlial a', far as achicvL:menl i, c·nm.:crnet!, sehuuis arc an inlcgral part nr "l1eighbur]l(lod effeCls" in Ihe conlext of hOll',IIlg mobilllY prngmm" A, disL'Llssed earlier. in the: Gautre;[\ where children changed neighborhouds and school diqricts b) from the cil) to the affluentslIburb" >ulith denlllll;..lraled adllC\ ClllCllt bellefih (RubinoW!I! & Ru;,cllhalll1l, 20()O), III contrast. in the MTO and Yon"er, sludies. whert' neighborhood changt: w<[, not Ilt:ces,miiy accomp:lIlied hy a change ill SdlOOI and/o! ;,t'i10{11 districL sLieh bcnefiIs \Vere nol c\ ielent (Deluca, 2()()7: Fauth. Lc,enlilal e1 aI., 2lJ()7: Levcnthal & Brooks· Gunn. 20(t:;: SanbOlllll for these outcomes, They also point to the potential impOitance of peer interactions, which occur in both contexts but apparently most consistently at school (f)obn! et aL 2005), POLICY IMPLICATIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS Adolescence is a period marked by expanding social interactions, Therefore, the goal of this chapter was to examine the influence of one social context on adolescent development~ neighborhoods. We took as our starting point that neighborhoods likely play an important role during this phase of the life course (though we also note that the premi"e regarding adolescence as a uniquely susceptible period remains to be tested), The empirieal evidence was reviewed to this end. followed by specification of a framework for studying the pathways of neighborhood influences on developmental outcomes. An overview of methodological issues was also provided along with some emerging trends and debate" in the field, In conclusion, an integration of the empirical. theoretical. and methodological findings is presented in this section, along with policy implications and directions for future research, Findings from our review of the literature revealed growing support for neighborhood SES effects on adolescent development These effects were not restricted to a particular domain; however. the ~pet:ific aspect of SES that mattered most varied by outcome, Neighborhood high SES was positively associated with adolescents' educational achievement, and neighborhood low SES was adversely associated with their behavioral and sot:ial well-being and with sexual and fertility Outcomes, Findings were generally consistent with respect to both older and younger adolescents, panicularly in the nonexperimental studies that drew on neighborhood-based studies or national sample~, Polic~ Implication~ and Future Direction~ 435 Despite consistent patterns of result~. the overall size of neighborhood :.;tructural etlecb reponed in nonexperimental studies has been small to modest. accounting for approximalel) 5St,-IOQ of the variance in adolescenl oulcomes (after adjusting for child and family background characteristics: see also Entwisle. 2007: and SampMlJ1 et aL 20(2), In most studies, other factors. such as family characteristics including income and parent education. appear to matter more than neighborhooci re~ldence characteristics. In comparison to none:xperimental studies. the limited experimental work i>lIggest~ somewhat larger neIghborhood income/poverty effect" on adolescent development at leasl when low-ll1come youth and their families were given the opportunity to move from poor to less poor neighborhoods: however. these effect:, were both positive and negali ve, Together. these findings suggest thai neighborhood influences contribute to adolescents' developmental outcome~ and should be incorporated into re<,earch on this phase of the life course, To understand the observed association0 between neighborhood structure and adolescent development requires drawing upon our theoretical models-institutional resources. norms and collective efficacy and relationships and ties. The models proposed within this framework highlight different underlying mechani~ms (individual, family, schooL peer, and community), with the utility of each model dependent on the outcome under investigation and the age group studied, Accordingly. we use these models to interpret the findings from descriptive studies of neighborhood effct:t!> in conjunction w:ith relevant research fmdings examining processes of influence. The association between neighborhood high SES and achievement is best understood in accordance with the institutional resource model, Affluent neighborhoods may haH' higher quality schools as well as student, with more achievement-oriented norms than do less advantaged communities, Economically advantaged neighborhoods also may have mon:: rt.',purcc" thaI promote learn ing. sueh Cl'> libraric, and cliucmiunal program,. than d(: more di"Cllh antaged communities. A" rc\ ic\\ u.i. ,()Ille empiric',d "upporl t'xi"l', lor lilt' prcmi,e rcgarding "chouI Cjuality. Alternati\e:!). lamil) relationship, Illay be al \\01'1\. High SE:.S Ileighhorhoods m'l.' he conduci\e ttl Ihl' malntcnance of home cll\'ironll1elll" with ,lrllcturc and routines that foster l:ducational allailllllent: howe\'er lillll' work lla' cxamined this hypothe"is, TIll' associations aillollg exposure to low SLS Ileighbors and mental health prohlem,. delillljuency. nillil'. scxual acli\ity. and child­ 11\.'arill~' arc best understooll within the rubric 01 the l1orn}s and eoliel·tive cfficacy model. III econ()lTlicaliy and socially disadnllltaged ncighhorilOods. c()mmunity-level supervision 01 YOlllh Illay he lax. resulting in fewer instiILltion,s that regulate adolescent peer group behaVIOr. Compelling evidence, as reviewed. exist" \0 ,UpPllrt this argulllent for a range of risk) hdu\iors. In additioll. according to the in.\lilUti(ltlul re'Olln.:e framework. low SES Ill'ig:hhorhoods may lack social and recreational resource" ;,uch as after-school ami youth prograllls. which in turn. adversely a1Tecrs adolescents' adjustment. Again. research indicates thiS situation to be the case. Adolescents in low SES llcighborhood, also may have low expectations about the opportunities availahle to them. resulting in a disinccntive to avoid problem hellavior: very little empirical work alldresses this hypothesis, Finally. although filldings are ljuite mixed. growing research points to rela(Jollship mechanisms. often in rcspoll;,e to or in conjullction with neighborhood I(l\\' SES and other forms or social disad\' and t:!laJ'J.I..'I:'·;i"'il~:\ uo a~llC "'CXU~I: a~:Lj\ ,!flU ,,'O!ilf'! iJ( ,c1UIJIIU'!I[uI1',,\'\ ho{o,';!\ :20 A ,~;lIifl! afl(] fn(J!lfu ,!:,l'!lIlJCiI' Iii! ,'/"1' SaIiOl/a' Lon,l!lIu(/lIhli .own'£'\ or )'rJUtil j{),W; ("II/hi i},,'{d (,pju!r,\)u\, ()H ('l'llll'f rlll HUllldlj l,' much j:-. " horho(ld ..,cbool 1,.,vorth" jUllflWI (if [rhmi L< {ll/onI/O, ~HO-JOS. Holland, 1 M. L:!OO~), Hn,n,'·le,·"w" and nsh. hellavinur :.tlnoof: adoie,cL'nL" ji\'inF In l11lH:.'T~L'Jl; Ilclghhourho(lcJ\ .lullmo! -I)X Bulland, J NL Lian, 13, Eo, & r-orrnic~lclla. C 1'v1 12005 L 'I itL' tl()rc1c":-rnc...... inllCr-ci!~ ..\lIX<'Ul':\Jl)Crll'lIl Allrcrf('ufl o! CIIIlfIlIlIlII\' f'S'c/IO/O/-!\, 3(1, Booth. A.. 6:. (ruuter. ,i'\ C \~O{)l L nuel !l luke (i lffl(()':'t"; COJl!!IIf(f1if\' ('fieefs (1) dl1ldr('l.', ud(Jinl'f'n:." WIt} fillul!(-', Mdh" a/1, NJ' Ll\\Ten..:c b'lhaun" Horrell ill . f'erralldo. L <{lid t'{1l1lt'\tual clJ'L'Ch In 111.10;-': mortalf1 y' :\h;\', t'\ idl'on: Inm1 "Inall ~n.:'1 alla!)Sl~. iujfll..- Prc\'('J/fiun, 8. ]l)7·-,{(J2 Bp\I,Cll. t\, K., 8.: B{'\.el~, Ci L (!()l)l..), ~:'[!tTh n! LTUilc '-Iml \1(," lL'o,,:c in Jlcighhoritpoch ami ,,-chonh Oil the ..,~...'hllol hch,.l\ 1m .md I'C] I!,nn::lm:c of ado\t:,'>,::...·m", JOUr/wi pi ,'11101(,:,1 ('11: No t'l II'( j; 1-4, .-;! Ij-- _~42. Boycl..'. W 1'.. Jl'tl,"~n, E \\ ,Jallll':-', SA,. (\: PeJ.l.l:od.. J L (l()S'-~' The h_lIni!~ RtHIIH1e.... IIl\cmjx~ TIh.'i.m.'L!c~l( onglll" Sot'lid U!l vdLJ,,']Il!nul \l'. t... 1 . r ~'J'qh l.zil~'l ddr~'lvn', ,,'" ..,,·\l.;J! :tdl\ Ii\ dl!l~l[l:-' ddok",-,';i \\\'I1~\.."n. 1h' f()k I'! Ih·!~~td'l1n·lhh"d L'I!;lralk'fj-'!;l" '\}I/( "':Or, 4.2-1{ll}fH;, \(I\.-It- '. II ~I 1 .\" )qlr- \1;1\ III!:' lI: \t'f'lh f!!\1\ 11i~' OUt" '\,~'j';h')\'dH;j;l~ III fhIU'-lilt.: !I!lhd;l~ P((ll-!I~d;b fI(li!,1li~ i'uiu' /)('I;a!: I{ ~ (Itl\ (, i I" (ll \._ Lil'IT.:' nv\u" III !)~lrclHal and I.:(nn 1!lUllJl y '..:onlrol. ,'lIlW)"/( un .')"J{'f;J/",\!io! HcnnL 7:-i'; C\)')(I,Ul',' In \i(lh.lh:':. "",'\at':!l"'-L', ri>kt> (11!d (UI!,CQUl'I1l'C'. c.t()rrl/U/,q'11!1!J!I"I. ;!!) Ihil'-.ik g .I f J 1lXKI SOL'I,d tI:,,'n,~;llli/~lIinn ,\lid 111\.'01'11':" nf (,:II:llC 1-~Url'l!1. I. M \ ltJll{)! !li 14-,< I\llf!dl:.1 \1 ,\ .Ll1!l'!t.R 1,,(~nf)(lt Illtlll' llll'-" \:..'1 Ull IIH'!l!;I"--'llh j;m;illl", 1:1 tllb,lI> Ill'ILhhl,r!\(llld ;md dlild l"",uch II'!lFII(f/ {.! ,,'!/d}":'I1],!_''- find I (1/l11!\ I).. [Ll\ Ill'. \, \ ,~O(j:: ~dl;j;}1 )ill;l~;l':' l~'i(lnll, the ,ji"ll"I' !1ltli\':1 t'!' "\. :1t\t)f :;\\d II..' dl'!";J111~I'W 0: '< )I iLl!! '.!I'd. IL (\ j{(ll)~"kili. ;~(I;r; k;I~'!al ;!li,l 1!1l' 1~:,ll'k -',\1111~ Ic'~ "-L \!I; , I,'urn,,: ,,' f'!li1il' /.f "II"!'.'! 1,1 ~ 1;,:-, ! ,'.; ;l'>i'j :\ /,I\ltlr. \Llllllt '\ ~'I !'.:lJi lpi In ,; ~c .;ilIV:' dflL'd" j-.I;\ir'.lllilil'llU] ;'hk, ( 11« ." "; (,,-- (i:\l·!hl'-ll",. \:1 1!(!(Ull 1;II,e:!!:!,' }',\ Id,:llc\.' 1'!111.t;HJli "h'l'r." IlldlJl\'d /., fI,!"IJI',' f f ,\ ! i _ ~ 1 {'LifllP,--'~ ,I .UI:tiql!:"i UU!'l;IlL L bJIII. K .. \/O\'/IJ,' {If I!''}' f('Cli(i~:cr\ IIII! Cnl\.'>. I'e L. 0.1IlHi'"', J. L. & H,,'manJe7.. f), {:20(4), ~:an' and p!"(lhll"IH bdw\'ior tnljJ.:c!ories ~ldok"i.xm: Il1dt\ ldu~d. f;:JllIdy .1Ihj Ilcighborhood a" i.lu(.h.'d n"t-,...,. e!llit! /J('l·c/(I/flIIClt!. 75,9..tS-965. 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C., Roth, 1 L. &: Hroob-Gunn, J (2007 L Due:-. tile llClghhorhood context alter [he lint.-. he.t'W(~cn }outh·~ ar!c!~.\ch(J(l1 lime activlttC\ and Cle\.clc'tm,cnral outcome:..:: A IllLlltik\ c! analysl;' / Jr,:p{'/I.lpnlcflwl 43, 7(l()~ 777, - 11,1'J I ' h \, :11 'L'III: ,I " J j 'I',"" ,\1 ;~ \k),dlld,;"j ') Ill}(jili \n JlLI,....lI;d'tl;1 \,' 'll';, lil',II,jl:lt'!li;.1 \.;r ahk\ D" nCI;":~'l!)[ldll;,)d ;.u;hil(I"II' ! ,\ \!ll·~,II1!ll!.ltl(H l;~ i!ld!.: ;!'-11\ 11\ I.!! .....:L'> II' 1\' I~ld, Idd)I)jJ ',ll' d"',VI\tjHI\\'IJi o! til'!':" ,i:';ltll)U:I,lIi ; j\/':" 11\\\, j;;Jl(lj',> 111-'1:\:1:;(' f!\f. ,lIlt i i!ii!hllL' 11;1., If,dul)',I:Ill','c \!~~. j'(,}"I(H::tilf'< \1}<'j(I! !II',,)/I!!!!:;, Nul/dill, 10.+(- tfJ{,l, (lI.. ;j,o.,nll, PM, (\: ('.1i1) (i. (i i2on·~;. Larllllif:'; 0:' Hldd, ;;nd \\1I1h..' :,ol1!h ~nd ll- Il'i;!I!OH h' 11\)\\'i·I.~. In C M. Hem: fbJ i. Nun'. INt\'· iT!\, {!1!lidOl!{( lil( I)o/in ~~.\~ H,I\ cl1 , ('T: l";dv t:Il!\L'i'."j(:, I'lL'''' J. {\: FL'il;'>, J j), iLlk' 12(;(1,11, (f;;ifnillt.:, {; /;,.fif'! 11/( ! /,\dilld.'iIP: iiI; ;lj(J; I;I~,' ()I)II',,"IIIIIII' \\';I',,\I1:I;,:tn!1. IX' \,111;11' 11),,111\11\' PH.."'. (;np/,lk':-- 1\ A.. (';,Ilh.L'. '\ ;Y!.. I :'il'dll~;111 1< I. (\: \1~Nl!i C. '\ 1'1')(;­ "1\1 dlWd', dlJ11,'\i.TIl'1l; .:~l\!" dk...:I'" \!I!('/';j'Ii;,' ,lUll/lid! 0/ ( ,jJj11Iluli/'\ \,q~!1l.di,~jjlllj:. 1) lil'nn 11 H .. t.\... 11..11;11;,:' I!" L\jll)'>.llq 1·' l'l)ill~lHlnl\> \ ;Ilh: ,!r,j( lie':.. ptTp,'!i al!l);, I i!~ PHdv~ 1!\\..' (111;1\11:" 11111':IPJlHE' /",'I(i:(I/llf{'IJ!!11 ('/lfh!u!",' I..'!"l'jlll'!::.tl 1~'\1hil.."'\" 'lilll'l , , : ,till, iJ; \ r n: (/Iii' /" !Ii 11)) :: (, 'l,.l::l'I'llliil'l;III{lIi ilL" hpJ".'..' ;1!ILl \;VI,HqU'..'ih, IIi« ,'f; WI \i H ·\hu, j L. ci ;I~ j'Ff"l ~t'':lll drd~' lI~, .!i!if!l;U/ ('i HIIJn,i,':r ()-i . .\ l-J !i,,;.::,m, I) P.•\ hll(! Ill.! HlitPh..., [IUll'I,!'! i)lln~.Ir !'!}r/r \ 1;/1t'1//",,{;, rq ,~:-, (....1 '. Ul" 11 PI,dl ;\1 \ I, l !~',I' ~ I I'd" !I/Jd" I' \\ ,I,ll',11::': 1,.!! I)( .­ lone~, D, J. i-OI('lla!1ll. R.. ()"Conth.'JL C,. Anr~l"lc-uJ. L. & IJrotl;., G. (](JO) I. Mother,' 01 fK'lgtlhorhood \ 10]l'IH.'I.: uno morhl'r-ref)orted of AfncJ!1 AIllC'rica.r children An e:\<.unin m th<: UnileLi SU.ut:.... at tilt· of the \\\·el1l) ~[Ir""i C0Il1Ur:>. ()~··x~. Katz, L i-. Klin2'. L &: Liehman. 1. B. L~O{)l; Mo',mt' In OppOrlUIlJl) iJ. Bo....ton. bar!) result" 01 il ntlldolilt/cd mohihl~ expL'rinletll. {jw,frIl'r/; .fo/lmol (It tU)fIOlllic.\, I If;. 607·..6:'-1-. Kiebano\. P. K.. Hrool-.,,-(iuJlH. 1. L\. Dunc.all, G. J. (19q.:i.) Dol'~ neJllhhorhodd and fam~!~ pllVt'rl.' affect mother::· pllrenung. mental hed.htL am! socl..d ~tlppor! '.j Journa! f~r Marritl,!!c lind llJi.' Famfh, Ct·.J.1~55. KlIng, J. R.. I..li':: hll III11. J. H.. 8: Katz. F-. (~007J Experim:...:ntal analy:-.i:-. nf nl.:i~:l1borhood dIce-b. t:nJl;otflL'frJC((, rQ-ll Y. Kling, J. R.. LlIdwl~, L & Ka1l.. L f-. i Febn,ar,. ) f\;~jghhorhoou cflCt:l\ on criml' lor kflHlh' ami malt,: youth Eviuctll:L' from <.l wnJnmi;,ed hou..in..!.! voucher expcr·ln\cnt. Qlwrlt'r(\ Journal {:FEn)fJrm1/('.\. 120. g;'·-130. D. L. (2005L Communily colllexL :-.ocial inHJ and youth violellt.:e. .Imrnlu/ oj Marrinru' ()I. 7()7~7{{{L . . Kohen. D. E.. Brnob~Gunn. J.. LeventhltL T.. 6; HCflDlwn, (2(1)2 J, :\elgilhorhoocl income and physical and ;,(\('la; di~on..ier in Canad<.l: Assuclaiion" with young t.:hiJdr~n';., cOIOpe!enclc:-'. Child i>n'C/oI'I!1C!1l. Ig44-1 H60. Kornhau~er. R (147kL Social .\()/Ii'U'", (~f deiinqlH'iI(L Cnicago: Univt:rslt) of Chlca~u Prcs~ Kowale::>kl~Jone:," L f20(JO). Slaying: oul of trouble: Community resoun.::-.:.,; and prob\em bebm i()~ adolc:-.cent:.. Journal ({{A1arri{/,il,c lind fhe "'[uliih, Kroneml:llL 1,. Lo~:her. R. E. r2(X14I b neighn",hood prohiem~ and Childwu/ Ku, L Sonensle;IL F. L., & Pleck,), H. (IYl),'L Npial"hnnw.". fam;l) and work: lnl1uenc\!'\ nn the premarital male~, Social Frnn:.\. 72. 479-50:i. Kubisch. Aus['os. P.. BmwlL P.. Chaskin, R., Anderson, K., & Humi.lton. R. (':002,. Voice\ limn/lie RejlectiolE 011 ('OIllprehell.\'ii'<' commtmity chang!". \\;'a.shington, DC: Aspen InsLiLIlLC. Lambert, s. F.. Brown. T, PlliIIips, C. M., & blongo.:\. s. r:!W4, Tne relationship hct\\'cCIl perct'ption:-. or ncighhmhoud L'haraclcri!\lic~ ami subM,mcc U:-,C ;1l11ong urhan African American adolescenls. American ,!ounla! oj COI!ll!lUllrr..... P....'ycholt}~y. 34, 205-·2 IH. LanJr;ne, H., KlonolT. [, Ap &: Alearat. K (1997) Racial ,Ii,· crimination in minors' accc:-.;o.. It' tohacco, Journal (!I' j;,'ru t. P:n;clw/t)J':'''' !35~14?_ Lauen, D L. (2007). Contextual L'.\rh.m:lljol1~ of' school choice. Soci{)IO,f~r (~r Ldur·Oliol/. 00 179-....WY'. (2(IUO). The 1I~lghhorhooo:- the: rl"~idence on child iJnd adoBlflluin. /26. Lcvcnrbal. T.. 6.: Hrooks-Gunn. i2r;OI j. Changin¥ n(:i~hhor~ hood" and child \\/ell-hein12: Lnderslandlll'.." how l'hildren nU,\ b..: affct:tvd 1!1 th..: cOlllin; centUf\. Ath·o;lCt'.\ ;/1 Uf{' Cl!lIn~· Rcs('(1rch. 1()~~3()I ' " . Leventhal. T., ;..\ Brnok:--~Gl1nn..L C~OOJai. ChHdrell and neighborhood l,.·O\1[ext-. (·unt'lil /)irccriol/.\ ill 8nen(c, 12. ~-;.. 31. Leventhal. T" &.. BrOOhl'-~C!u.nn. J. !2003h!. Mu\'in~ 10 OppontjJlIt~: All cxp..:ri!ucntal :-;!Ud\ 01 cHcrt' OJ~ meolal IH:~l1lh /wll'rinm ./ulln;oi (~f fin/Ill!. 9). 157h-l5H2, Referencl',' 441 Lt:\'L"nthal T. &: Hrook~~(1tlD!:. J. ! 2(){JJc; !'\elghhorhu\lu-!)~l~l'd Iflll1a:r'd';" In J, Hnl\)~,>~(junll. A. S. Fuligm, t.\: I. '. Berlill ! t:c:, ;. I~llrly child dt.'I·('/O/JlIICllf il! rJ!( 1iSI ('('!dun: l'/'{!fjlc', f',' ('lflT('Ji! {{'\i'nrcli (!II/wIII·n. r\C\\ Y()rl\.ll,."achf.,:r~ C(llk,t!c Prt:~·" A. Brouh ".( lUllf,. J. (201Hfl l. Di\'e~"ity in d~:\ viI 'Ii!l)en tal ir:tJ~"'Cwnc." iiCJ'(l...... adnk."I,.'clH:r: R M Lerner'" I.. Sle:l1ner~ (lou'., LO;;"\l"ntllul. . K Bronb-(iullL J. (~O()4bj /\ r;'inuollH/I.'J ,>llld., uj lil'ighhorhood effect", OJ) low !1ll\IIHe l'!HI(!n:n·;-.. L'ducatlon~11 Hut l·om~". /)('1 c/opnlf!IIW/ Pnc/]%g.\. .J.U -+?-\X···50i Le\ ell!haL 1.. b.: Hwol\...-(JUI1Ii. J, (1005!. NC1,?hhorho()d Hrld cth:Ci\ on lamil: proCl'.':"'cs' f{t'.\u!t:- lrnm ttll {)pponunjl~ pfugrUnJ. I"omi!" Hdallow 54, 6J?,-64J Lc\'~nlhaL"1 . hluth. R. c., &: HlOoh~Gllnr. J. (2(J()5 I, ~L:i:.::hj)orhood p(lvt:n: !l!ld polIcy: A [0110\\ ¥up 01 Lhf!drl'n'.. otHl.:oJl)C' til th~' l'nrk UrpOnUnil) lh:monstratin:c /)('\'l'Io/1iIJt'JI!al .j. / ~(~J-952. Ll'\'cmhaJ. T. Gruher. J. A .. &. BrooK:,-Gunr:. J. r200 1J Adolc."u:ll! ,1Lhl ,! Jon, .luI/nUllo/ Ll'vl...'nthaL '1'.. XUI:. Y.. &. Urook·..(iu!1tL :2(J06Ll1111l1igraJil differClJC(,!.., in ~cll()ol-<.J.ge childrcll'~ tJujr.::cwne:-.: A 1001-. al lour racjalil'!i1nic group",. Child 1Jt't'clo/IfJU:Ill. ,77, !y:;\)- n7-L LoencT. K.. & Wiblrim1. PAJ. H. (1')<)11. Il1d;,iduui l'riml' in ditferent of neig-hbl)[·hoou\. It! D. R. J. S;..unpAJl1 & fL Vv'H;strilm (f.U".L lW<',t!ratjll.~ illdn'hllUll IJlJd ecological (npl'Ci.\ (PI". ln~ .. 20-+1. SlOcJ..:hoinl, >">v.cdcn: Nationa! Council Crimi: PrC\L'Hlioll Lo~an. J. fL. IS.:. Spilzt:', G. Il (19Y4i. Famil) n;:!~hhor~. ;\/li('riUIJI JourJwl 1:/ Soci%g.\. IIX,. 453-.J.76. ,L Duncan. G. J.. 6:.. Hin..chfidd. P. L20(jJ i. U;;)an PO\TI1~ IUVenill' \.Time: E\·iJcncc from a randOll1!zcd hOllsing-mohi;.. ity experiment. QUllrler(j Journul (~rCU.JII(JJlH(). / /(1. o55-h74, Luthar. S. S. (20031. The culture of affluencc: P:-ychologtGll CO.'a". of materiill wcl!~b('in~. Child nel·dO]l!JIelll. \.,YI1",e. IJ. R" A., Moffll!. T. 1::.. Wiksln;m. P. H.. Loeber. R., &: N(nak, S. (20()OI. The imerdCl,"" nClwec" neighborhood context on arc stronger in poore: Psychology. lUi). 563···.574. Maccoby. E. E.. Mm1in. J. A, (j 9H3) S(tcialil..al.ion in the context of the family' Pal't:nt~t'hild imeral·tioll. Iii. 1::.. M. He(bL'ring~Qn (Ed.). lir.mdhooA. (~f child \-()/. Sudoii:utioll {Jer.\fmafi(r and sudol ,1,·,·,.1"",,,,·,"; pp. I 1021. Nc" York: him Wiley 8:. Suns, Manski. C. (J 993 1. 111enti!icatiol1 of cnJogenou:-. !\OCHI! cffcl"t~; Tht: reficction problenl. Rcl'i('\1' oj'Economi( ,\f!ulic.l. (j(j, 531~)42 /vlaninez. P. &: Riehler', J. E. (1~93) The NIMH Community Violencl' Projecl: II. Cnildren':, distrcs... as:-.o.:iiltcd WJlh \·tole-nce CXPOSUH.', P...ychittln. 56. !v1n~."e). D. S.. & Demon. 1\. I j'Jl)JI. Anu:riCl1!l apartheid: ,)"{'gregorioll llJll..i tilt maAtJlg 01 rhe III1Crcill'i,\, CamhrH.h.!.t:. MA: Har\'~lrc linivCL,iij Pn:",~ 'Malcu-GdaheI1. p" &. Lune. H. L2003j, Scho{J; y!o!vm;c: The hlt!in:ctiooil! cont'!11': t rluw bCl\.\t:t:1l m:ighhorhoou und .\....lin()!. ein & COIIIl1Wllifr, 2..~S3-3hg. McLoyd, V C, (]000). The impa...·l of Cl'OIHlII)il' hard...,hip Oil h!-'lopment. C!JUt! /)n'('/Ojllliolf. 6/, 311.-.'LH,. (20(l4 i. Din.:ct. IlH,:diall'd, Jnt'i!Jc:ralcd, and l'Ullluhltij'l' rriatlilll'" hctwl'vll fll'ighhorilonJ charanL'n:-'lll''' allli adok:-.cent (lulU)n1I.:"'. :Ido/c.'i( i!HU. 3t;, !2 J~j-+4 Mo,na: B. E. Hui-", S. I .. Bien",,,",. 1<. 1.. Holton. J K.. .\ Ealk }-.. (:!JlO)l. A multilevel stud) or m.:ighhllfhopu:-. and p~tI\,;nt-!o· aggres:-.ion: f\-..:-.uit;- JWIll tht' ProjlT[ un HUl:lan in Chil·~if:n I\'cighhornooJ:-:. 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'{'liP,)"\l'I'j,\'ll1'lP~l!I'tj\....·n\>J('1\ll·)!!l,!1;'1,111:/()I\ :<: p!lll'd,'ill \!flO;:I\\ ,qIiPl.fJ',-jf")j\-r'htl:,Hltj'J;-'ij,'.\"ir.~!tL)'II){1"lUd(II·,,;f] liPUnt-{!PI:)11'11\i" -:U(jfl!l'lL1C1H! 'I IU~llIdOFIUn)ua.1s~loP\,!lO',1.1U,1IlUUJpO'llpo'lIli'i!.1,<:t-t :-=:004 .. ~et:H1~ di~(Jrdl'r: :'1'-) Raudenhush. S V., &- Eurl", and violent l.Tlme: A Illultih;,vel ~tud~ of l.'ollc-::JVL Science. 277, ~ 1!-\-4:!4. J.. &- Sharke). P. (200H;, t'\clghhorhoml and the 'socia! n:rrodHl'{Jun 01 t:OI~(,.'l"lHr.lteu racial incquulit) J)f",ol!raf1h\~ 45. 1·-:") .flb<:mnI"l'.U, L. Khng. .L R.. Duncan. (j j,. &. Bro()k~-GUIllL j, ,(20061. Neighhorhood-" Llnu, acaJemi,L' acf1lL''.l'H1L'IH' '~fi"om the Moving to 0pp0rlunll) C.\pl..'mw:nt JOHnin! of Human Rt£OUI'Ci'S, 41. (J.\9-69 I. C, & McKa). H. 1 I4..J.:2 ! . .Iuro;i/(" dd(IJ(I!H'!lCr (Jur! ur/Jan areas. Chicago: Chicago LJnivcf:'lly Prc;-.:-.. SUnons.R. L., John:->ol1. C. Beallum. L Con~;.:r. R D_. &. Whi[h~.c". ,­ L. B. (1996). 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"vyc/tlJlo,!;l, 39, ::n'+-2'-}j LJ'church. D M.. Anesilellsel. C S.. Sucut1. C A.. &: Lcv:Swrm::-.. L i lY'J'-Jj !'\t:l£-,hhnrhuoJ anu !arnily contcxt;.. or &Utl~ le\cL:o( .\cxua: >1<:ti\'ll) )OVrliu! 0/ A10rl iag( onJ ,lie romi". M. '1211 Va/sony;. A T. Cle\clullJ. H Ii.. &. Wick. R P. 1200(lI. !Joe, th<: dkL~ of un dclinqlh.-:ncy Hit': 0: k\',"~l 01 J)cl;;hhorl!I_)l,Kl CrimII/O! Jllslice (md He}u_ll'iOJ: 33.511· 541 VI.?v:'Cj. B. M.. &: Mt:'\slln. ~ t,.! J9'J')). r'urllkTicMlI1g 01 \o('lal di,.. organi/~atlOn the,,}!'y: An ciaboratlon of ~amp:-.on allu Gro\,,':';\ "communi{) :-'ifl1l..'WI'I..' Clnd crime' juurJiol Rc\c(uY'i, 111 Crime amI 1)L'iill'-ju('}f(·.' , 36. 156-· 17'+. \\:tlUnclt.:f\. C. rv1cllua, J L.. & Dcm:nt'L J. T \2007 J. Parent charal'tcri",uL::>, (X_OnOmlC ",(re~;-. and twighhorhood I,:ontcxt a\ predil" tor~ of par..:nt lnvolycm.:m in children':. edUcalJOll, Joumal of ,)'c/woJ PSydlologl, 611.)-636. Whealon. 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(19ycho....ociaJlnotehook/v iolcm:e,hunl. \.\iright. R. J.. & Fi,hcr. E. B. [200,)) PUlling astbmn JOlo contex.t: Community InnUen(;t;~ un risk. beha\ lOr. and inlcf\ !.;JHIOIl. In I. K:JWJchi &. L, F. Bcrkm;m {Ed:.,l. NcighhorJwod\ (Iud /walrJ: (pp_ 2:,."L 2641. Nn'\ Y:Jrt.: O.\I-;:)1'd lhli\l~r:-.i1.~ Prc~.... XUl'. y" Zimmerman. M" A .. &. Howaru Caid'welL C 120(7)' '\~Ighborhood re:-.idcncc and -.:it!arCHC ~l1lnhmg {[lHOllt! urhan j~'mb: The rok u! actJ\ !tll':~. Americ(J/! .!tmnwt HANDBOOK OF ADOLESCENT PSYCHOLOGY THIRD EDITION Volume 2: Contextual Influences on Adolescent Developnlent Edited By RICHARD M. LERNER LAURENCE STEINBERG ~WILEY John Wiley & Sons, Inc.