DAVIS, fA/.Settlement Workers in Politics, 1890 - 1914. In: Mahaffey, M.t Hanks, J.W.,Social Work & Political Responsibility, NASW, Silver Spring 1982
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Settlement Workers in Politics, 1890-1914
ALLEN P. DAVIS
SETTLEMENT workers during the Progressive Era were probably more committed to political action than any othe£_group of welfare wofRefs~6efore or since. Charity organization workers also cooperated^n^ccasloirm political reform projects, but Robert Hunter, the itinerant radical settlement worker and charity expert, was probably right in 1902, even if he exaggerated, when he decided that the settlement worker and the charity worker had basically different temperaments. The charity worker was hesitant to get involved with reform, Hunter decided; he had a philosophy of "don't, don't" and was constantly troubled by the fear that his relief would destroy independence. The settlement worker, on the other hand, was more often the victim of urd2punded_.eru^h^sja^m than of moral questioning. "He is constantly doing, urging; he is constantly pressing forward, occasionally tilting at wind mills, at times making mistakes, often perhaps doing injury, but filled with enthusiasm, warmth and purpose, without much question."1
Settlement workers were usually activists. The pioneer settlement workers in the United States haHlmthusiasm and purpose as well as a few doubts, but they had no political theory in mind when they established their outposts in theslums. Indeed they had
From Review of Politics, 26:4 (October 1964), pp. SOS- 517. © 1964, Review at Politics. Reprinted with permission.
little interest in politics. Influenced largely by the British settlement and university extension movements, young men and women like Stanton Coit, Jane Robbins, Robert Woods, Ellen Gates Starr, and Jane Addams setjjut to sojve the problems of industrial Amer-jgajjy Jivingjn.an urban"' wgrjkln^t^s^district._ They sought to i^grffrte-a fueling, of neighborhood in the sprawling, crowded citvT They wanted tojyiarjy^ej^iV^
less fgjmnate, but beyond that they were hot sure. They were reformers, but not political reforrnexsiaIherbe^mning,2
The early settlement workers, however, soon discovered that they had invaded a political world. When Jane Robbins, Jean Fine, and the other well-dressed, young Smith College graduates began the New York College Settlement on the Lower East Side in 1889, their first visitor was a local policeman who thought they were opening another house of prostitution. He stopped by to let them know that he would not disturb them as long as they made a regular monthly contribution to his income. The young settlement workers may have been shocked, but at least they learned that they could not reform the neighborhood without clashing with the existing political structure.3
Nearly every activity begun by the settlement workers was interpreted in political terms by the men and women in the neighborhood. Even the picture and art exhibitions that they fancied were bringing meaning and beauty into the drab lives of the work-ingmen seemed to one New York politician, "a cleverly disguised trick on the part of the eminent mugwumps in the University Settlement Society to get a grip on the district in the ante-election months." When the settlement workers moved from picture exhibitions and classes in Dante to attempts to improve the living and working conditions in their neighborhood, they became even more aware of the political structure and of political realities. Jane Addams and the other residents of Hull House started a campaign to clean__up_ the streets of the nineteenth ward soon after they moved to the area. At first they thought that it was a lack of knowledge, about the spread of _o^sjease_ gride in the
neighborhood among the citizens that paused _the_ filthy streets. Jane Addams began a" campaign of education, but then an investigation by Edwal^urcHardrtfie first" male resident of Hull House, revealed that Johnny Powers, the shrewd and powerful ward boss, used the position of garbage collector as a political plum. One of his_henchrnen collected the money, but'. littleofjhe garbage. Jane
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Addams's attempt to promote cleaner streets caused her to submit a bid far the collection of garbage in the ward, resulted in the mayor appointing her a garbage inspector, and led her eventually into two unauxc||sfjilj^mpj;s_ to unseatJiqwj^sJirrjrnjMs^ tio,n,as^alderm_anJfrom_the"nine'teienffi ward. In this instance of Jane A'ardarns"the settlement "idea led inevitably to political action.4 Other settlement workers discovered as they tried to "recreate a feeling of neighborhood" in the industrial city that the precinct and the ward already provided one form of neighborhood organization. But not ail settlement workers could agree with Jane' Addams that they had "no right to meddle in all aspects of a community's life and ignore politics." Mary K. Simkhovitch of Greenwich House in New York argued that political parties_djdnot express, in anyjntal way, the re^fnterest of thexitizens_of_the nelgHBbrhood, and that "the settlement therefore ought to remain aloaFfrom, partisan politics. Robert Woods7"tfTe tall and taciturn head'resident of South End House in Boston, agreed basically with Mrs. Simkhovitch. He argued that the settlement lost more than it gained by a partisan stand in local politics. He maintained that it wasbetterjo cooperate with the ward boss thanl^OyTofaeteat Jmn. Of course, the situation in Boston's ninth ward was somewhat unusual; James Donovan, the affable Irish boss, in part because he was badly in need of allies, seemed willing to cooperate with the settlement workers in making the ward a better place in which to live. Despite their statements, however, both Woods and Mrs. Simkhovitch on occasion took_ part in reform campaigns whjrajjsyjdenj-iy_th^ s.interest.w.as-beirig expressed
by a political organization.5
* More" "succeisfill than Hull House, South End House, or Greenwich House in influencing the politics in their ward was Chicago Commons, founded in 1894 by Graham Taylor. After preliminary and unsuccessfuljrttemjJts .to coop^ra^with_theJioss_in th^war^ZffiejetH^enTmen's club managed_joJeieat himJ_and then far.nearly two decadesthe seEtl^ent_effectively controlled dectfonj^ Instead of running an inde-
pendentt"candidate, tlie_jettleraentlcpncentra.tedf on^e^ting_jood candidates nomin_ated_£rom the major parties. The settlement workers controlled enough votes so that their endorsement was tantamount to election. The Commons had the advantage of being located in a ward where the local political boss had little real power. But Taylor alone could not have made his settlement into a
successful political machine. He was aided by a group of young,. politically oriented social workers who, uMKe the'settlement pioneers, consciouglysought to make the settlement a basejor^goliti-cal reform in the ward and tiiedty^ Such men as Alien X Burns"! wlib~came"'Ec^Ehe_^tf:tement after graduate work at the University of Chicago, and Raymond Robins, who wandered into Chicago Commons in 1901 after he had been a coal miner, a fruit grower, a lawyer, and a minister, became exj^rj^ji^najna gaigns. They made surveys, filed reports, checked for _voting frauds, organized poIitica^aHiea^nff ^ph_paradesf and distributed posters and handbills. Most important, they became acquainted with the people and the politicians in the ward and the city. For Burns and Robins, Chicago Commons and the seventeenth ward provided practical lessons in political reform _that they utilized for years_alter they lelrth^lslttlemehT.6'
Chicago had no monopoly on politically active settlement workers. James B. Reynolds, an ordained Congregational minister, gave up his work for the YMCA in 1893 to become head resident of University Settlement in NewJlfork. As early as 1896 he urged a groupof social workers to "Gd into politics." "Be earnest, be practical, be active," he advised, "political^reform is the great moral opportunity of our day." To Henry Moskowitz politics was more than a moral opportunity; it was a way of life. Unlike most of the settlement workers, Moskowitz, a RumamalTJew, had grown up in a tenement on the Lower East Side. He was inspired by classes at Neighborhood Guild and eventually became a settlement worker himself at Madison House. He battled the boss in thejyard, fought for better dt^ government; and dreamed of the day when there wp_uld be a settiemjnt ineyery neighborhood in the city Jo counter-actt_he influence of the political machines. Like Raymond Robins, James B. Reynolds, and Graham Taylor, he believed the settlement could become .the., antidote to boss rule in ward politics and" the base_for poUtica^Ljreforrn ini FhlTcity.7
~~The politically minded settlement workers, whether they took an active part in local politics or not, learned a great deal about the nature of politics in the downtownLW.anisjLthfi„gr,e.aL industrial citiejsjylany of them, especially Roberts Woods and Jane Addams, contributed to a better understanding of city politics through their writings. They discovered, for example, that often the political machine depended on an elaborate structurejof^oys' gangs that duplicated in miniature the political organization of the
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■   city. It was from these .gangs that the ward heelers asjveJl_as_the bosse.s_,got tHeir fijadership experience. The political boss often remained in power, they learned, through a combination of ruth-lessness and genuine neighborliness. There was an element of truth in Johnny Powers's bald statement: "The trouble with Miss Addams," he announced on one occasion, "is that she is jealous of my charitable work in the ward." He was a friendly visitor all right; he gave away turkeys at Christmas time, provided free passes on the railroad, bailed men out of jail, and got the unemployed jobs. There was no charge, no forms to fill out (as there always were at the Charity Organization Society). The only thing expected in return was a vote cast in the proper way on election day. Despite the obvious corruption of the boss,..no matter.how he robbedTrI?wafd7nTwaslm6wii for his philanthr^^jathex_than foFfiis''alshone^yrThe^fHemeht'worliers, however, learned from "BTe^Ii'ficiansrAIEfiough they soon disco verged they could not compete in "handing out favors ■, they could emulate the politirian^s_reaI concern for the problems of his constituents. They could be a little les^^TScir^the_gresent situation, talk less a]bqujfthfiff^Iatorite plans for the future, and~lSncentrate, asijhe bosses did, on, making TiiKFreforrns "concrete"and humari.~"B "
In part because of "their vantage point in a working-class neighborhood and their close observation of local politics, settlement workers often put less emphasis than some reformers on the revision of a charter or the defeat of a corrupt politician. They could appreciateJihe usefulness of the boss even as they were in despair at his lackgjavicpi^e^Janel&^i^'SeaESiit was not worthwhtreTo oppose Powers after he had twice defeated her candidate. Most settlement workers soon realized that, even if it were possible to defeat the local boss, it was impossible to accomplish mucrlin^^wardT For this reason they"wereirften active, though soTnewhat cautious, parda^nls in~a variety of municipal reform campaigns, especially m Boston, New }£rk, and Chicago.9
Settlement workers seldom ran for political office in the city, rather they served as campaign managers, advisers gn.pglicy, sta-"|i|stiqs"^therers, arid^rain trusters,rfor reform aa^^^S^o^5■ IfTBoston intnTlSQOs M'ayoTj^iaTTQulr^olt^Sepended on the advice and aid of Robert Woods in jitternpting tgjjrovide the city with public b_a^hh.aus_es^gjrrniasiui^ In Boston
as'irTothSr cities, the settlementsTontributed to municipal reform by demonstrating the need for action, by inidating..ldi^ergartens,
playgrounds, and bathhouses, and by then convincing the municipal authorities that it was was the city's responsibility to take them over and expand their usefulness. In the first decade of the twentieth century, Boston settlement workers played important roles in the nearly futile campaigns of the Good Government Association to bring honesty and reform into the city government. In the reform campaign of 1909-10, four young men closely associated with South End House virtually ran the unsuccessful campaign of James J. Storrow. One served as his campaign manager, another as his assistant campaign manager, a third as his personal secretary, and a fourth as the secretary of the Good Government Association. In the long run, the settlements' most important contribution a better cifo. government may have been tErough fKelFeducation of a generation of young men in the tac-ticsjofjn^ and. theirainL^^
cityaammJstration.10
* In^lewi=^^^j'anies B. Reynolds was a prominent member of the C'ifizens Union, and he was in part responsible for drafting Seth Low, the president of Columbia University and a member of the University Settlement Council, to run for mayor in 1901. Reynolds worked behind the scenes to manage Low's campaign and enlisted the support of his settlement friends, especially Lillian Wald of Henry Street Settlement, Henry Moskowitz of Madison House, and Elizabeth Williams of College Settlement, in the campaign. When Low was elected, Reynolds..became hispersonal sgcn^aryjmdjjoses.t gdyiseffibl "iyo.yeara, the^se.ttJonait work-ers^haying a dirertline to the mayor,, .used iXto„PX0mQte, Jjettej housingjlaws, more playgrounds^nd a,city-supported system.pt visiting nurses in the_public schools. Lillian Wald and the others at Henry Street Settlement were primarily responsible for the latter innovation. They had been troubled for some time by the number of children prevented from going to school because they had eczema, hookworm, or some other disease. Doctors had been inspecting the students in the city for several years, but no one made any attempt totreaJM±eJ^^^ Low's reform adminis-
tration only complicated a difficult situation, for it made the inspection more rigorous but did nothing to treat the rejects. Because she knew Mayor Low and many other officials in his administration, Lillian Wald was able to suggest a solution. She offered to supply visiting nurses who could work with the doctors and treat the sick children. Before she began, however, she made
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the city officials promise that, if the experiment proved successful, they would maintain it with city funds. After only one month the Board of £stimate..appropriated the money toJiire school nurses and sj)gnj:hejxperhT^^^ Lillian WalH and other settlement workers often accomplished much because they wererespected andjistened to by at^leasLsome of the politicianswho occupied ^positions of "power in city hall and the sta_te capital.11 **"      ""~ '
Sometimes the settlement worker's entry into the arena of municipal politics was concerned with opposition to a proposed measure rather than with a positive su£gestiQn_for-,refonn, This was the case in 1905 when the settlements on the Lower East Side banded together to defeaj^a proposed elevated loop that would have connected the Broolelyn and Williamsburg Bridges. The settlement workers feared that the loop would cause needless ^^-j-511-^--^^6 cqngeitTon in 5TieZ!Qf^fjTFlnr^trcrolvQTd"lLreas in thecitx- They favored a_subwa.y and suggested malting Delancey Street into a boulevard. LilliarTWald, Florence Kelley, and Charles Stover, with help from housing reformer Lawrence Veiller, led the campaign_ that .hglped-to-.defeat the measure. Stover, who had s^efrra"rifetime fightingfor more playgrounds in New York, called the first meeting and enlisted thesiTpport of many organizations on the Lower East Side. Sometimes the settlement workers had a difficult time convincing their immigrant neighbors of the need for opposing a ward boss or for supporting a reform bill, but this time it was easy to win their cooperation. The settlement workers organized ^rnassjneetinRS, sent out lejjgrg to. influential people, persiiarJeH newjigapermen to present their point of view, and bombarded thejriJxjbounGil—with Jetters_and petitions. Henry Street! "College," and University Settlements handled most of the clerical work, gathered most of the names for the petitions, and helped arouse their members and supporters to protest the measure. They had a lot of help during the campaign. One source of aid they never suspected. Only after the measure was defeated did they learn Jhat__an unJcno_wn businessman, who j^redTffie^ele-
vated bop would-r.uin_hia.business, jiad spent f%Jhousand dollars to oppose the measure. Whether it was"bribe money or~the aroused social conscience of the Lower East Side that caused the defeat of the elevated loop, the campaign illustrates how settlement workers could organize neighborhood opinion and bring that opinion to bear on public officials.12
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hi_CJucago, Graham Taylor, Raymond Robins, and an energetic group of young settlement workers, who became experts at ferreting out the records of candidates, worked closely with the Municipal Voters' League and had some success in electing honest and well-qualified aldermen to the city council. Early in the twentieth century Hull House, which Henry Demarest Lloyd liked to call the best club in Chicago, served as the headquarters for a well-organized, but futile attemp^taprqrnote^themunicipal owner-sKipof .street railways. Trie" settlement at its best became a clearinghouse for reform and" a meeting place for reformers.13
Settlement workers plaj^ea^rruiort^ ofjmunicipal reform^_camDiaigns. Many would have agreed with Jane RobbinsT^Wnen asked why she was so interested in politics, she replied, "I never go into a tenement without longing for a better city government."" Most settlement workers, however, soon learned that to improve the tenements and the working and living conditions in the city, itjwas, necessary_jg_^g_beyond city hall to ihaj£aie^pii:.aJLa^^ Much more important,
in the long run, than the settlement workers' attempts to defeat the ward boss or elect a reform mayor was their influence.on staje andjiational reform legjslation.
Robert Bremner notes the important role that social workers played in communicating to the public the great need for reform. This of course they did, but they also played a large part in the practical task of getting -bills. passed_at Springfield, Albany, or Washington. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., describes the "subtle and persistent saintliness of the social workers." "Theirs," he says, "was the implacability of gentleness."15 But behind the gentleness many setjjgmejvl^oricers^ realists who under-
stood, the way.ihe, Amejricanjjolh^
course, that .they were .also idealisls who soin^ines^c^e._per-flously close to believing,that, if they gathered enough statistics a*ndfoun9out enough information abpu^hesoj^J^j^j^Amer-ica, the solution would .follow najuraljy. Yet a large numBer of settlement workers became experts not only at collecting statis-^k^, but also at usmg them to influence public oj3imon_aj3,aLglected offices. THeyTfad learnedTFTeTrpoli tics "in the precinct and the ward, not from a textbook, and their experience served them well in Springfield and Washington.
The passage of a series of amendments, to the.childjabor law in 189'nrjjj|j[irirjis_may serve as a case in point. The amendments
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were drafted by Florence Kelley who, more than anyone else, led thej^ate^ajj^^ There was little publicity or fan-
fare in the beginning. Florence Kelley remarked to Henry Dema-rest Lloyd: "We want to get them out of committee before the editorial column raises its voice in defense of the infant newsboys and the toddling 'cash' who will both come under its provisions." Persuasion was more important than publicity in the beginning. Jane Addams led a contingent of socialwortersila^oxJea^sJLand ej^ghtened businessmen~to~ffie state capital to testify before the Senate Committee on Obpr.to display Impjessiye^sj^ to tell humarTslbnes abouCth'ej:esults of child labor. Alzina Stevens, a Hull House resident and also a member of a labor union, got workingmen and women to write to the members of the Senate committee. George Hooker, a settlement wdfk"er"ana"oraained minister, goFfhe support of various members of the clergy in Chicago. When the amendments were reported out of committee, the settlement workers made sure they got the .proper publicity in the newspapers^ They also prepared pamphlets and scrapbooits filled withcUgpings demonstrating the needloFb^tt^rpEilHlabor laws and sent them to eyerj^Zmember of the stale" legislature^. /The aln^ndments passed; they did noTeHa the problem of child labor by any means, but their passage illustrates the way settlement workers operated realistically in state politics.16
In New York, a committee of settlement workers led by Robert Hunterorganized in 1902 to protegt_against the incredible conditions of labor among children iii_tn&-ritY. Florence Kelley, now in New York as general secretary of the National Consumers' League and a resident of Henry Street Settlement, along with young men and women like William English Walling, Ernest Poole, and Lillian Wald, took on the task of collecting^information, arousingj^bj^oj>h^
J.G. Phelps Stokes, a wealthy young Yale graduate and resident of University Settlement, used the staff in his father's uptown office to turn out propaganda in favor of jnjpre .effective chijd labor laws. The New YorT^Mld~KBbf_Committee played an important part in the passage of a better child labor bill for New York in 1903; it also became the nucleus of the National Child Labor Committee.17 Just as the child labor reformers in New York began to realize in the first decade of the twentieth century that reform to be effective would have to be organized on the national level, so set-tlejneiiLwQrkers in several citiesbe^antojjgvote more and more
time to national organizations and national legislation. In addition to the JNationarTThilu'Ea'b^'CoTfimittee, tTieyTíéTpeá^to organize the National Women's Trade Union League, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, a national investigation of women and children in industry, and a national Industrial Relations Commission.18 Men like William English Walling, Henry Moskowitz, and Paul Kellogg became experts at bringing the right people together and getting a program of reform organized. They worked behind_tbp Rrenes and so hayejgverjgceiyed.the attention from historianathaLtRě^éšěnžeTThey used much the same tactics on the national level that they had perfected in the ward, the city, and the state. They gaj^edj^i^tics, cdkictedjrj^ation, andjhenj^edlharj™ elected officials.
~~~*Tn^90fTwnen James Reynolds was in Washington lobbying for the passage of a bill that would provide for federal inspection of meat packing plants, he wrote to Jane Addams asking her to "secure a stronjgjxprgssiori.of pubjic^entiinent in Chicago favor-ing~pálšagToř the Beveridge Amendment." Sometimes public sentiment could be effective, but often more direct tactics were needed. The next year Mary McDowell was in WashingtonJobhy.-jngfor a bill to provide a federal inyestigatipn of. womenLandčfiflH-ren in industry. Shélvrole To"Anita McCormick Blainé, the daughter of Cyrus McCormick, asking her to get letters from "conservative employers who have good conditions and are willing to have this significant subject of women in industry freed from confusion." Again in 1912 when Allen T. Burns and Graham Taylor, Jr., were coordinating a social work campaign for the passage of a bill in Congress providing for an Industrial Relations Commission, they a^edjhe settle
tnmemhers of. the congressional committee.from labprjeadera and,
businessmen as_well..as..from._ sqriaj^^
professors?9
Despite the realistic political tactics on the local, state, and national level, most settlement workers were disturbed by the slowjandjialjtii^n^^ \ tnáTaty'.Reform arhrnrnsjxations were.,rarely reelecte^^and^e^ form.bi.lls we'rroftenjb^^ They talked sometimes
of the need of a great cause ta]uSteiiD5cal^arts. In 1912 when Roosevelt bolted the" Republican convention, a group of social workers led by Paul Kellogg and Henry Moskowitz were ready
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with a platform of industrial minimums. When the Progressive party adopted their platform, they convinced themselves that this wasfthe great cause for which they had been waiting. Primarily because of the Progressive platform, Jane Addams, Raymond Robins, Henry Moskowitz, and many other young social workers flpckedjo the new party and threw thernselyes jnto the political camEaign. They contributed to the religious enthusiasm; they also Helped in the realistic task^f^rjanizmg^a_new party.20 Edward T. Devine of the New YoHrChaj^^ Society could warn
that it was "the first political duty*oTsocTal workers to be persistently and aggressively non-partisan, to maintain such relations with men of scSaT"gboa'"'wxir'in'?all parties as will insure their cooperation in specific measures for the promoting of the common good." But Jane Addams felt differently. "When the ideas and measures we have long been advocating become oatt_Q£.a_ooliticai campaign...would we not be the victims of a curious self-consciousness if we failed to follow them there?" she asked.21 To Jane Addams the settlement idea led inevitably to political action even on the national level, and there were a large number of settlement workers who agreed with her.
Of course the Progressive campaign of 1912 seemed in some ways more like a crusade than like politics, and IJTe_cgllapse of the Progressive part^and the outbrea^kofWorld War Ialtered, if iifiid joTendT the political interests~qfj:he_5ettlement workers. After 1914 there was a little less optimism, a little less confidence that evils could be righted by gathering statistics. It was perhaps more important that after 1914 settlement workers and other reformers became more interested m international affairs and a little less concerned with domestic reform and politics. In the twenties it was not so easy for settlement workers to have confidence in reform, and,a new Icind of social worke£_emerged_who seemed to be more^on^^ffl°*Wff professional'status7:than with political action. SomethinglnHriFsettlernent workers' interest in political reform, something of their realistic tactics remained, of course, in the twenties and thirties, and something of that tradition survives even today, but it was in the Progressive Era that settlement workers were most concerned with political action—it was a concern that developed from their experience.22 They could not always agree among themselves, but if they took the settlement idea seriously, they became involved one way or another in politics, first in the ward, then in the city, the state, and the nation.
Notes and References
1. Robert Hunter, "The Relation Between Social Settlements and Charity Organizations," Journal of Political Economy, 11 (1902), pp. 75-88; and Proceeding? of the National Conference of Charities and Correction, 1902, pp. 302-314.
2. Robert- Woods, "The University Settlement Idea," in Philanthropy and Social Progress (New York, 1893), pp. 57-97; Cannon Barnett, Practicable Socialism (London, 1915); and Jane Addams, "The Objective Value of the Social Settlement," in Philanthropy and Social Progress, pp. 27-56.
3. Helen Rand Thayer, "Blazing the Settlement Trail," Smith Alumnae Quarterly {April 1911), pp. 130-137; and Jane Bobbins, "The First Year at the College Settlement," Survey, 27 (February 24,1912), p. 1.B02.
4. A.C. Bernheim, "Results of Picture Exhibition on Lower East Side" Forum, 19 (July 1895), p. 612. See also Allen F. Davis, "Jane Addams vs. the Ward Boss," Journal of the Illinois Stata Historical Society, 53 (Autumn 1960), pp. 247-265.
5. "Are Social Settlers Debarred from Political Work?" handwritten MSS, undated, Mary K. Simkhovitch MSS, Radcliffe Women's Archives, Cambridge, Mass.; and Robert Woods, "Settlement Houses and City Politics," Municipal Affairs, 4 (June 1900), pp. 396-397.
6. "Minutes of the Seventeenth Ward Council of the Civic Federation, 1895-97." Graham Taylor MSS, Newberry Library, Chicago, 111. Sea also Allen E Davis, "Raymond Robins: The Settlement Worker as Municipal Reformer," Social Service Review, 33 (Tune 1959), pp. 131-141.
7. James B. Reynolds, "The Settlement and Municipal Reform," in Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Correction. 1896, pp. 140-142; J. Salwyn Schapiro, "Henry Moskowitz: A Social Reformer in Politics," Outlook, 102 (October 26,1912), pp. 446-449; and Henry Moskowitz, "A Settlement Followup," Survey, 25 (December 10,1910), pp. 439-440.
B, See especially Sane Addams, "Ethical Survivals in Municipal Corruption," International Journal of Ethics, 8 (April 1898), pp. 273-291; Robert Woods, "The Roots of Political Power," in City Wilderness; A Settlement Study (Boston, 1B9B), pp. 114-147 (probably written by William Clark); and "Traffic in Citizenship," in Americans in Process (Boston, 1902), pp. 147-149.
9. Jane Addams, interview in the Chicago Tribune, February 19,1900; and Addams, "Ethical Survivals."
10. Eleanor Woqds, Robert A. Woods (Boston, 1929), pp. 119-123; George E. Hooker, "Mayor Quincy of Boston," Review of Reviews, 19 (May 1899), pp, 575-578; and South End House Report, 1910, p. 6.
11. "Reformatory Influence of Social Service Upon City Politics," Commons, 6 (March 1902), pp. 3-4; Lillian Wald, House on Henry Street (New York, 1915), pp. 46-53; and Wald to Dr. Abbott E. Kitteredge, October 29, 1903, Wald MSS, New York Public Library, New York, New York.
12. James H. Hamilton, "The Winning of the Boulevard," University Settlement
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