EIGHT Age discrimination as a source of exclusion in Europe: the need for a human rights plan for older persons Astrid Stuckelberger, Dominic Abrams and Philippe Chastonay Introduction In Europe, people are living longer and in better health than ever before (Jagger et al, 2011). The rise of multigeneration societies has created the potential for unprecedented forms of exclusion and discrimination that are intertwined with age, giving rise to new images of ageing and old age and to different attitudes towards old age among older and younger persons. Yet it would be unwise to conceive of ageing per sc as a cause of exclusion. In fact, the problem of social exclusion based on age may take different forms in different countries, reflecting their diverse age profiles and expectations as well as differing cultural orientations to age.The very complexity of these differences calls for a reconsideration of the application of distributive justice and highlights the need for a human rights-based approach that includes the old and very old. In this chapter, we argue that the promotion of social inclusion — with a sustainable governance system - through the allocation of equal rights to people of all ages represents an important element of a 'society for all ages' (UNECE, 2008). The European Commission (2000a) regards 'discrimination' as being the application of different treatment in a negative and unfavourable way, on the basis of race or origin, ethnicity, religion or convictions, handicap, age, or sexual orientation. In addressing the theme of social exclusion based on age discrimination in Europe, this chapter begins with a review of core processes of discrimination and exclusion based on old age, such as ageism, stigmatisation and Iti in otyping. Where appropriate, recent European data are presented to illuminate these processes.The chapter then evaluates a range of existing policy responses to age discrimination and exclusion in the form of legislative instruments available mi European nations. Extending the lens beyond Europe, the focus then moves Inwards .i v.n iety of mechanisms and programmes initiated by the United Nations (I IN) in (lie field of older persons' hum.in rights. Social exclusion: generation and age .•v. noted hi (chapter ()ne. so< ial exclusion can Cake many limns depending on [he typos of individuals or groups ili.it arc- nlFeered, the immediate social context, anil [he broader societal context. Tor example, exclusion lakes different forms in education, health, housing, business or community contexts (Abrams et al, 2007). In the European Union (EU), exclusion has typically been defined and opcrationalised as being relational and dynamic,and as involving agency; exclusion is not necessarily a fixed or perpetual state (Millar, 2007; see also Chapter One). It does not merely involve exclusion from material resources and opportunities, but also implies non-participation in key activities in society (Burchardt et al, 2002). Given the breadth of the exclusion concept, different policy emphases for tackling social exclusion have been adopted across Europe. For example, while some countries focus on the alleviation of poverty and inequality, others emphasise cultural integration (Gordon, 2007). Recently, Abrams and Christian (2007) proposed a general framework for analysing and understanding social exclusion. It holds that identifying and understanding social exclusion is aided by articulating four general features: 1. who is involved (as either a target or agent of exclusion); 2. where the exclusion is located, its situation and context (from transnational down to personal); 3. how exclusion is expressed or sustained (through ideological, cultural, religious or institutional rules, norms or practices, or specific acts or communication between individuals); and 4. why exclusion is sustained (eg through conflicts of interest, status motives, historical legacy or duration of relationships, or inequalities of resources hi abilities). At the root of social exclusion is typically either a presumption or belief thai I particular individual or group does not need or deserve treatment that would give them parity with others. Exclusion is generally perpetrated by groups that already have an advantage, although on occasion disadvantaged groups are complicil in their own exclusion through a shared ideology regarding their status (Tajfel and Turner, 1979; Jost and Hunyadi, 2005). Moreover, there is a key psychology ftl process that defines who is involved in excluding and who is excluded, namely the categorisation of people into social groups. In this chapter, we focus on 11 iei elements as they are expressed and revealed in social-psychological processes, national and cultural differences, and in llie development ofintein.iiKui.il legislation on age discrimination and rights lion »i i mo/>••..... old age, later defining it as: [a] process of systematic stereotyping of and discrimination again I people because they are old, just as racism and sexism .u > ompli h this for skin colour and gender. Old people are categorized as lenili rigid in thought and manner, old-fashioned in morality and skilll Ageism allows the younger generation to see older people as dill...... than themselves, thus they subtly cease to identify with then eld 1 I human beings. (Butler, 1975, p 35) Schaie (1993, p 49) expanded the definition of ageism and ageisl I.......< ■ > prejudice or discrimination against, or in favour of, any age group! Ageism may be defined as a form of culturally based age bias ili.il involves a) restrictiveness of behaviour or opportunities based OD l| age-based stereotyping, and distorted perception in the servii < ol maintaining such stereotypes, positive or negative; b) a cultural helfei that age is a significant dimension by definition and that it: dcline, a person's social position, psychological characteristics, 01 individual experience;or c) the untested assumption that data from one age r.ioup generalize to others, or conversely that age is always relevant to varial ilei studied by psychologists (to which we include all social scientists). Much of the empirical work on ageism has been conducted by psyi nolo ■< I who tend to focus on the micro level, that is, the ageist attitudes and beha\ l( iuri of social actors, as well as consequences for individuals, be they young Ol old who are 'targets of ageism' (Nelson, 2002; Hagestad and Uhlenberg, 1003) The cumulative effects of ageist attitudes and language on the oldei pi I on has been demonstrated by several studies and include: self-fulfilling prophoi effects; over-accommodating or patronising communication (Giles el al, 199 I, 1994);mistreatment by professionals (Wilkinson and Ferraro, 20()2);and neglei ti exploitation and abuse by younger adults (Quinn andTomita, I9K(>; I In h m.I Vollhardt, 2002). Much less attention has been paid to the widci < onseq....... of ageism on age discrimination and macro-level social exclusion. Common negative stereotypes and discriminatory attitudes have been ttudii d for example, through behaviour, communication and language (Nuessel, 1984) These attitudes include views that older people are inllexihle, lonely, n Im...... sickly, depressive, senile, rigid, frail and lacking in energy (Schoenfield, I" Greene el al, I9H(>; (Irani, 199b; Bowling, 1999; Palmore, 2001; Cardinal.....I Gordon, 2002) Olhei ins.....plions underlie stereotypes aboul oldei WOrlwi and lead to tl..... briny labelled as costly and relatively unproductivi flUyloi I mm rxi luslim to Huhislim In olil U|(r Ayr i//M imun,ilion m a sow, r 11/ rx« /ml.1/1 im / umf.r .111.1 Walker, L99 >. 1998) Attrib......g iui h negative stereotypes lihrough language .mil othei obiei vable behaviour! often results In discrimination (Palmore, 1999). Ageist attitudes relied ago categorisations, which are associated with specific •.linotypes that depend on the perception each age group has of another age group, Much gerontological research is based upon an assumption that, in all its complexity, the ageing process is a reality, but that chronological age is: a time interval with no intrinsic meaning. It is a convenient, heuristic indicator of the ageing of the individual. It is relevant only in that it is the basis of many institutional regulations that have real consequences for the lives of individuals. (Bytheway, 2005, p 363) Thus, ageing involves characteristics that go beyond chronological age (Kite et al, 2005).This is reflected in research on age perception, which shows a surprising lack of public consensus about age categorisation. A nationally representative survey conducted in the UK, showed that people under the age of 25, on average, judged that youth ends at 38 and old age starts at 55 years.This contrasted with perceptions among people over the age of 65, who believed that youth did not end until after 56, and that old age did not start until after the age of 67 (ACE, 2005) Recent analysis of data from 28 countries and over 50,000 respondents in the 4th European Social Survey (ESS) shows dramatic variation in age categorisat i< 111 across Europe (Abrams et al, 201 la). On average,youth was perceived to end at 40 and old age to start at 62. But the definitions of these labels vary widely between countries. For example, in Greece, youth was perceived to extend until the age oi 52, whereas in Norway, it was perceived to end at 34; old age was perceived to start at 68 and 63 years in these countries, respectively. People in Turkey perceived old age to arrive earliest of all (55 years). The point of these comparisons is that the subjective categorisation of people as young or old is substantially determined by factors other than age itself.Yet, once people have categorised someone as young or old, they are then likely to apply stereotypes about age to that person. It is thi fact that age categorisation itself can be so variable that makes it difficult to trai I social exclusion based on age, and why such exclusion is likely to be manifested differently in different national contexts. In order to understand the implications of age categorisation (eg judging thai someone is 'old'), it is important to understand stereotyping. Stereotypes all. i I how people treat members of social groups because they underpin prejudii i and reinforce images of stereotypical behaviour by members of those groups. I hi stereotype content model (Fiske et al,2()02) holds that groups in society tend to be viewed with stereotypes defined by warmth/i oldncss on the one hand, and competence/incompetence on the other, Research with representative sample! ofthe population in the UK (Abrttms i I al !0()9) and ■» ross Europe (Abraw et al, 201 la) consistently shows that oldet peopli in stereotyped .in warmei bill less competent than youngei people < lldei people ure also conscious ol theil stereotypes and are vulnerable to them (I i 1001) F'oi example, in one stud* people aged over 61) wen asked to take a cognitive lest, eiihe.....der the impn Ion that ii was |USI .. ti si ol ilillcroni people's ability,or tindei the impress!.....Im til test was i" see whethei older and younger people performed did......I I In latter situation Induced 'stereotype threat' (Steele, 1W7) anxieiv and .......... that the 'elderly' stereotype might be applied. Performance ol old. i pi . . dropped dramatically in that situation (Abrams et al, 2006). The im]............I such negative stereotyping of older adults should not be underestiniali I Ivpii that positive self-perceptions of ageing can actually increase longevity (Levy »1 ll 2002). In addition,Levy et al (2009) showed that ageist attitudes andstereoi lower self-esteem, affect mental and physical health, and decrease qualil) ..I llli and longevity. This research also demonstrates that people internalise ste..... a of old age when they are still quite young-with far-reaching consequeni i discrimination may manifest differently in different cultures, but wnh .iiml.it harmful consequences. In summary, old age stereotypes lead not only to BUtO discrimination, but also to age discrimination at the societal level, I >. >i 11 ..I win. h can result in exclusion. Ageism is unlike prejudices that are manifested against other grou|>. Foi i mipli whereas racism or homophobia are often characterised by antipathy,...... Ilipi or fear (Abrams and Houston, 2006), ageism, particularly agi ism tOV ltd old I people, is paradoxically marked by positive feelings such as adiiiii.iiion .in.I w || mil. Nonetheless, as Fiske et al (2002) have argued.it is the coexistence ofposltlvi lltd negative stereotypes, such as warmth and incompetence, which gives Ig....... dangerous qualities. For example, when older people are viewed as llkeal ill bill harmless and ineffectual, they are potentially denied a voice be< ause thi \ may bi respected (for their warmth) but ignored (due to their incompeteni e),and p.....I rather than envied (Abrams et al, 2009).This'benevolent'or pain nalistii typi til prejudice and stigmatisation is a basis for a social exclusion that is just as powi rfUl and perhaps harder to combat, than more traditionally hostile types ol prejudii • Ageism as a form of age discrimination But is there evidence that ageism is experienced as a serious form ofdii................. rather than being simply an inevitable consequence of people's ic. .....oil "I the realities of ageing? Prior reviews and evidence have called into question thi extent to which ageing, as distinct from ill-health, actually is debilit......t'.i.l.ll. 1995; Nelson, 2005). However, European survey research has shown tha......... is widely experienced and perceived to be a serious problem. ()n avei age, I I"" I 'I ESS respondents perceived ageism to be a quite or very serio us problem, althoit h there were large variations between countries (Abrams et al,20 I la). Pol exampll only 22% of Danish respondents but 68% of French respondents judged tl|...... to be a serious problem (sec Figure 8.1). Moreover, when nsked whethei they had personally experienced prrjmlli'i based on age.gendi r or ell.......y.more said they had expei ienced unluii.....n..... bei auseol theii ngi (.WMi) (I......thei gendei I ' >%) oi ethnii ity (1 •"'■■», m.ln nu.r