The British Journal of Sociology 2004 Volume 55 Issue 3
Pfau-Effinger (Institute of Sociology, University of Hamburg (Corresponding author email: Pfau-Effinger@sozialwiss.uni-
hamberg.de)
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004 ISSN 0007-1315 print/1468-4446 online.
Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden,
MA 02148, USA on behalf of the LSE. DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-4446.2004.00025.x
Socio-historical paths of the male
breadwinner model ­ an explanation of
cross-national differences1
Birgit Pfau-Effinger
Abstract
It is often assumed that in the historical transformation to modern industrial
society, the integration of women into the economy occurred everywhere as a
three-phase process: in pre-modern societies, the extensive integration of women
into societal production; then, their wide exclusion with the shift to industrial
society; and finally, their re-integration into paid work during the further course
of modernization. Results from the author's own international comparative study
of the historical development of the family and the economic integration of
women have shown that this was decidedly not the case even for western Europe.
Hence the question arises: why is there such historical variation in the development
and importance of the housewife model of the male breadwinner family?
In the article, an explanation is presented. It is argued that the historical development
of the urban bourgeoisie was especially significant for the historical
destiny of this cultural model: the social and political strength of the urban bourgeoisie
had central societal importance in the imposition of the housewife model
of the male breadwinner family as the dominant family form in a given society. In
this, it is necessary to distinguish between the imposition of the breadwinner marriage
at the cultural level on the one hand, and at the level of social practice in
the family on the other.
Keywords: Male breadwinner model; comparative family research; classification
family models; socio-historical family research; historical variation of gender
arrangements; urban bourgeoisie
1. Introduction
In sociological thinking on the historical development of the family, the supposition
has tended to prevail that the private household, and housework, as
independent societal spheres, differentiated themselves together with the
development of modern industrial society. In this paradigm, wives were
charged, in society, with family care and housework, husbands with participation
in the labour force as the family providers. The establishment of the
housewife model of the male breadwinner marriage as the dominant family
model was, according to this, an inevitable result of the evolution of modern
western, i.e. capitalist, society.2
This supposition is also often fundamental to sociological investigations of
recent changes in family structures. In this light, the housewife model of the
family was the point of departure for the family development in the second
half of the twentieth century. In recent times, in view of increasing (women's)
employment and one-parent families, this model is seen to be disintegrating,
and there is international feminist discussion about egalitarian forms of the
family increasingly replacing the male breadwinner model ­ especially in
Scandinavia, where there is extensive integration of women into the labour
market, and state childcare (Ellingsaeter 1999; Crompton 1998; Leira 2002;
Siim 2000). It is often assumed that the integration of women into the economy
has occurred everywhere as a three-phase process: from the extensive integration
of women into societal production in pre-modern societies, to their
wide exclusion with the shift to industrial society, and finally to their re-integration
into paid work during the further course of modernization.
Until now however, little interest has been shown in the question of how
far the housewife marriage model was really the family form which historically
developed together with the transition to modern industrial society.
Results from the author's own international comparative study of the historical
development of the family and the economic integration of women
have shown that this was decidedly not the case even for western Europe.
Instead, there have emerged inconsistencies in two respects:
* the period during which the housewife model of the male breadwinner
marriage became the dominant family form was clearly not always concurrent
with that of the transition to modern industrial society;
* and it was definitely not everywhere that the housewife model become
the dominant form of the family.
Hence the question results: why is there such historical variation in the development
and importance of housewife model of the male breadwinner family?
In what follows I would like to present my approach to an explanation. I argue
that the historical development of the urban bourgeoisie was especially significant
for the historical destiny of this cultural model: the social and political
strength of the urban bourgeoisie had central societal importance in the
imposition of the housewife model of the male breadwinner family as the dominant
family form in a given society. In this, it is necessary to distinguish
378 Birgit Pfau-Effinger
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
between the imposition of the breadwinner marriage at the cultural level on
the one hand, and at the level of social practice in the family on the other.
In Section 2 I present the theoretical assumptions about the inseparability
of the housewife model of the breadwinner marriage and the transition to
modern industrial society. The discussion surrounding this thesis is treated
briefly. In Section 3, a theoretical model for the classification of family models
is introduced which allows the analysis of different developmental paths. This
is used for the analysis in an historical and internationally comparative empirical
study of Finland, the Netherlands and Germany. I show how the development
of the male breadwinner family model in these countries differed.
Section 4 includes a discussion of the role of differences in economic development
for the explanation. In a final part (Section 5), theoretical considerations
in relation to a more complex historical and international comparative
study approach are presented. This approach is used to identify main factors
which were primarily responsible for the historical evolution of the housewife
model of the male breadwinner family as dominating family form as such, and
for its emergence in a particular historical phase. A brief résumé concludes
the article (Section 6).
2. The paradigm of the essential relation of modern industrial society to the
male breadwinner marriage
Only sporadically in sociological literature is the premise still found that the
separation of the `private' and `public' spheres, and the division of housework
and gainful employment, accompanied by a corresponding gender division of
labour, are an essential historical constituent of human societies (see for
example Hardsock 1983; Rosaldo 1974). Instead the supposition has tended
to prevail that the private household, and housework, as independent societal
spheres, first differentiated themselves together with the development of
modern industrial society. The establishment of the male breadwinner marriage
as the dominant family model was, according to this, an inevitable result
of the evolution of modern western, i.e. capitalist society. This opinion in
mainstream sociology was strongly marked by a differentialist mode of
thought based particularly on structural­functionalist theory. In structuralfunctionalist
theory the gender-specific division of labour is, in terms of family
and occupation, functional for modern society. The transition from the traditional
extended family to the nuclear family was, in this theory, a functional
part of the differentiation process in the transition to modern society. Accordingly
the nuclear family in modern society represents a specialized sphere, irreplaceable
in this societal system (Goode 1963; Parsons 1955; Parsons and Bales
1955;Tyrell 1979). A labour-division-related differentiation of roles for women
Socio-historical paths of the male breadwinner model 379
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
and men within the nuclear family ­ the `male-breadwinner' model ­ is seen
as functional for modern societies. Role acquisition takes place by the internalization
of the family role-structure during the process of socialization. In
Parsons and Bates (1955) this role differentiation is unavoidable because different
behavioural components and functions cannot be optimized in one
person; for them, gender role differentiation implies further a normative function,
necessary to the stability of modern societies.
The argumentation in feminist-oriented theories based on the patriarchy
approach often took a similar direction, but here the dominance of the male
breadwinner marriage is criticized as the basis of discrimination against
women in modern capitalistic societies. According to Walby, who led the development
of this type of socialist­feminist approach in Great Britain, every
society has a comprehensive `patriarchal system', defined as a `system of social
structures and practices in which men dominate, oppress and exploit women'
(Walby 1990: 20). Male dominance, resulting from the control of social
resources, is thought here to have led to the historical evolution of a `private
patriarchy' in industrial society, in which wives work primarily in the household,
while husbands are employed elsewhere for money. Women are, thus,
liable to control and exploitation by their husbands in the family setting
(Walby 1990, 1997).3
In feminist research, also the concept of the `separate spheres' was developed
for historical analysis, in order to describe the development of the malebreadwinner
family model, in which the husband is active in the public realm
and the wife in the private sphere of the household. Usually the nineteenth
century is seen as the period in which this separation took place (see Scott and
Tilly 1978). Accordingly, the feminist historian Karin Hausen argues
Indeed, industrial societies in the course of the 19th
century became increasingly
structured so that men in all groups of the population were to be in
paid employment outside of their families as well as responsible for extrafamilial
matters, but at the same time recognized within their families as
head of the house, breadwinner and protector of wife and children. . . . In
contrast to men, women ­ without regard to the time and energy they
invested in their own work, or whether they in fact lived within marriage or
not ­ were increasingly obligated to be the caring housewife, marriagepartner
and mother. (Hausen 2000: 349)
The view that this concept adequately describes the dominant family form of
modern industrial society was however challenged by feminist researchers in
historical sciences. Here, a key article relating to the case of the USA in the
nineteenth century was published by Linda K. Kerber at the end of the 1980s.
She pointed to the constraints of using the dualisms inherent in the concept
of the two different spheres of women and men ­ public and private, household
and market ­ for historical analysis (Kerber 1988).4
Also, empirical
380 Birgit Pfau-Effinger
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historical research has provided a richer view of the development, showing
that, for example, even in the golden age of the housewife marriage in the UK
or West Germany, blue-collar working-class women often could not afford to
act as housewives, but had to take waged work (Hall 1999; Krueger, Born and
Lorenz-Meyer 1996). Susan Pedersen has also shown how, as in the case of
Great Britain and France, the European welfare states' family policies in the
first half of the twentieth century were decidedly not uniformly oriented to
the family model of the housewife/male breadwinner marriage. She argued
that in France a `patriarchaľ concept of the family dominated instead, in
which the paid employment of mothers was completely accepted (Pedersen
1993).
Nevertheless, the assumption is still rather common in sociological discussion
that there was an inseparable connection between the transition to industrial
society and the dominance of the housewife family model in western
societies. Accordingly it is usually assumed that everywhere in the western
world, or in modern society in general, the housewife model formed the starting
point for the more recent development of the labour-force integration of
women. The book Careers of Couples in Contemporary Society. From Male
Breadwinner to Dual Earner Families, edited by Hans-Peter Blossfeld and
Sonja Drobnic, is an example. The editors took the findings of a West German
study as starting point for an international comparative study in 12 countries.
They argue that the male breadwinner family form in all countries was the
beginning, in the 1960s, of the change towards a dual-earner model: `In all
countries, there has been a shift from a male-breadwinner to a dual-earner
modeľ (Blossfeld and Drobnic 2002: 379). A systematic analysis of the family
forms of the 1960s in the 12 countries is however not included. As far as data
are presented, the picture is contradictory. The work cites the former socialist
states as an example of where the dual-earner model traditionally prevailed
in the 1960s (Blossfeld and Drobnic 2002: 379), and the country-specific studies
­ in Hungary (Róbert, P., Bukodi, E. and Luijkx, R. 2002: 309 ff.), Poland
(Drobnic and Fratczak 2002: 286 ff.), and Sweden in the 1960s and 70s (Henz
and Sundström 2002) ­ revealed that married women in several countries were
then already participating to a large degree in the labour force. In sum, the
assumption that in all countries the housewife marriage was the starting point
for change is not supported in the book by empirical evidence.
3. Differing historical paths of family evolution during the transition to
modern western society
The following are the results of an international comparative socio-historical
analysis of family evolution in Finland, the Netherlands and West Germany,
in which the socio-historical development of the family up to the beginning
Socio-historical paths of the male breadwinner model 381
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
of the postwar period is examined comparatively (see Pfau-Effinger 1998,
2004a).5
These countries were selected for the study because they vary considerably
with respect to the actual role and strength of, on the one hand, the
male breadwinner family model, and a more egalitarian dual breadwinner
model of the family on the other (Pfau-Effinger 1998).
3.1. A theoretical model for the classification of development
paths of the family
In the following it is argued that the socio-historical analysis of the development
of the family can be made sufficiently comprehensible in an international
comparison only when the fundamental significance of the dominant (and possibly
existing competing or marginalized) cultural model(s) of the family is
(are) taken into account; cultural and structural developments are studied separately
and in their reciprocal relations; and both are analysed as the product
of conflicts and negotiation processes taking place between the relevant
groups of social actors.
In this way differing paths of development of the family in different countries
can be compared with one another. It is reasonable to make this comparison
using a system for classifying types of family model. In such a
classification the presumption should not be made that development was
always away from a`private' to a`public' form of patriarchy (as inWalby 1990),
or,for modern industrial societies,that there were always just variously explicit
forms of the male breadwinner marriage. The classification should be more
broadly approached, and leave room for processes having a direction towards
more egalitarian gender relations within the family.
Such a classification scheme was developed by the author in other publications.
Because of the important role of the cultural models ­ the Leitbilder or
`guiding images' ­ of the family, it is suggested they be taken as the fundamental
criteria for the classification, in which several variants are distinguished.
The models refer to the prevalent ideas in a society about the suitable
way of sharing the work in a family, and also to specific expectations about
gender relations and relations between generations. The concept of `modeľ
means typical societal ideal representations, norms and values regarding the
family and the societal integration of women and men. One or several such
models in combination can dominate culturally in the gender arrangement of
a society (Pfau-Effinger 1998, 1999, 2004a).
The models can be classified on the basis of four theoretical dimensions
which are measures of the generational and gender relations within the family.
These are:
(a) society's ideas about which social spheres should be the main areas
of work for women and men respectively, and how the relations of
382 Birgit Pfau-Effinger
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
these areas to each other should be arranged (symmetrically or
complementarily);
(b) society's valuation of these societal spheres (equally or hierarchically
valued);
(c) the cultural models surrounding the relations between generations, that
is, concerning childhood, motherhood and fatherhood; and
(d) the structure of the dependencies between women and men (autonomy;
mutual or unilateral dependency)
For western Europe at least five different cultural models of the family can
be identified which vary in the five dimensions given above: (1) the familyeconomy
model, (2) the housewife model of the male breadwinner marriage,
(3) the part-time carer model of the male breadwinner marriage, (4) the dual
breadwinner model with external childcare, and (5) the dual breadwinner
model with partner-shared childcare (Pfau-Effinger 1999, 2004a). An extension
of this analysis to the historical transition to modern society of other west
European countries, central and east European societies, as well as of societies
outside Europe, would result in still more types of cultural models of the
family.
In the context of the socio-historical analysis in this article, mainly the first
two are relevant:
(1) The family-economy model is based on the notion of work of women
and men performed together in a family agricultural operation or
skilled trade. Women as well as men have a significant role in the survival
of the family economy, of which children are also an integral part,
participating in agricultural production as soon as they are physically
capable. Even though there can be a gender-specific labour division in
the family-economy setting, women and men work in the same sphere,
and are not ­ as in the model of the male breadwinner marriage ­ in
completely different societal spheres. Here, women and men in their
tasks are in an explicit relation and mutually dependent. Because the
work of the wife in the family economy is considered in general just as
important as that of the husband for the survival of the family, the position
of the wife and her societal recognition can be comparable to that
of the husband (Scott and Tilly 1981).
(2) The housewife model of the male breadwinner marriage (or,`housewife
modeľ) is based on the premise of a fundamental separation of `public'
and `private' life and complementary locations of the genders: the
husband is seen as primarily responsible for work in the `public' sphere,
where as the employed breadwinner he earns the family's income; the
wife is responsible for running the private household with all its tasks
including childcare, and is dependent on the income of the husband.
This separation of workplace location is the basis for the specific
Socio-historical paths of the male breadwinner model 383
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
cultural construct of childhood, in which children are held to need
special care and comprehensive, individual guidance ­ as a principle the
task of the private household. Complementary to this is the powerful
cultural construct of `motherhooď, which fundamentally stipulates that
the mother's job is the care and upbringing of her children in the home.
An extension of this analysis to the historical transition to modern society
of other west European countries, central and east European societies, as well
as of societies outside Europe, would result in still more types of gender cultural
models.
This classification lends itself to `cross-sectionaľ analysis: different societies
can be compared with respect to the cultural basis of their family models; it
also permits the historical evolution of the family in various countries to be
analysed and compared longitudinally.
3.2. Variations in the historical role of the housewife model
It emerged that the development of the housewife model of the male breadwinner
marriage and its importance in the historical transition to modern
industrial society differed substantially among the countries studied. The decisive
shift towards the male breadwinner marriage as the dominant family
model did not always occur together with industrialization; in one of the three
countries the male breadwinner marriage never even became the dominant
family model at all.
The type of family development considered generally paradigmatic in functionalist
argumentation took place practically only in Germany, where various
versions of the family-economy model dominated before industrialization.
With industrialization, but after a certain delay, the housewife model of the
breadwinner marriage became the culturally dominant model (HagemannWhite
1995; Hausen 2000). In the 1950s the housewife model of the male
breadwinner family was the basis of West-German family culture. Other orientations
were not welcome and were essentially taboo, as e.g. Pfeil (1966) and
Sommerkorn (Sommerkorn 1988; Sommerkorn and Liebsch 2002) have
argued on the basis of surveys regarding women's employment orientations.
It was also firmly established in the institutions of the newly-created Federal
Republic of Germany and strongly promoted by the government. Although
the main idea of the `correcť family form was already based on the housewife
model since the turn of the century, it became widespread social practice for
the first time only in the 1950s (cf. Kaufmann 1995; Nave-Herz 2002;
Rosenbaum 1982). Exceptions were mainly restricted to the agrarian familyeconomy
where the wife's co-operation in the family economic model was traditionally
accepted. Furthermore, female factory workers whose family
income was relatively low were often forced to engage in gainful employment
384 Birgit Pfau-Effinger
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
even though this contradicted their ideas of the role of a mother (cf. WillmsHerget
1985).
In seventeenth-century Holland, by contrast, the housewife model of the
male breadwinner marriage had already become the culturally dominant
family model long before there was any question of a transition to industrialization.
The family in the form of the nuclear family based on a married couple
formed the cultural core of society. This model was applied in broad sections
of the population, in cities as well as rural areas, with the exception of the
poorer sandy regions. It had become firmly established here much earlier historically
and more profoundly than in any other country, as is shown in the
cultural-historical study Embarrassment of Riches (1988) by Simon Schama.
It was accompanied by the separation of gainful employment and housework.
In many cases this initially meant only the physical separation, in the households
of the merchant urban bourgeoisie, of the living and commercial areas
(Lestaeghe 1991; Pott-Buter 1993; Schama 1988).
This family model remained dominant into the twentieth century, when
Holland was transformed into a modern industrial society (Ishwaran 1959;
Knijn 1994). Up to the 1950s it was a much more deeply rooted and exclusively
obligatory family model than was the case in West Germany. The
paid employment of wives was not accepted societally in Holland (Ishwaran
1959).
In Finland on the other hand the male breadwinner marriage never had
great societal relevance, either on the cultural level or in social practice.
During the first phase of Finlanďs slow industrialization ­ from the late nineteenth
to mid-twentieth century ­ the traditionally prevalent agrarian, familyeconomy
model ­ though clearly a relatively egalitarian variant ­ remained
the dominant family model (Anttonen 1997; Julkunen 1999). Although in farm
families there was to some extent a gender division of labour, this is not a contradiction;
of decisive importance rather was that both women's and men's
areas of work enjoyed a largely equal and high respect in the society, and that
marriage was treated fundamentally as a partnership (Haavio-Mannila 1972:
95). It is true that the housewife model, introduced by transnational cultural
influences, was repeatedly brought into public discussion, especially in the
1920s. Some social groups of urban women ­ industrial workers and middleclass
women ­ attempted to establish this model more firmly, However, these
groups were too small and politically weak in the 1920s for this family form
to have become a cultural model for the whole society (Markkola 1994;
Saarikangas 1993). Accordingly, it never achieved a notable cultural relevance
in Finnish society (Julkunen 1991; Voipio-Juvas 1949). In practice as well, the
`housewife' hardly played a role at all. The proportion of housewives (in the
sense of the housewife model in a male breadwinner family) among female
residents between 16 and 65 years of age has remained between 5 and 6 per
cent since its inclusion in official statistics in 1960 (Koistinen and Suikkanen
Socio-historical paths of the male breadwinner model 385
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
1992).6
Hence, neither in terms of cultural models nor economically was there
ever an historical `interim perioď with large groups of women excluded from
production in society (cf. also Anttonen 1997; Julkunen 1999). When in the
course of the drastic industrialization of the 1950s and 60s the society was
transformed into a service-providing economy, the traditional model was
replaced by a dual-breadwinner model with state-run childcare. This type of
family is based on comprehensive, full-time integration of both genders into
paid employment. Childhood is considered a life-phase requiring special care
and instruction for which the state is mainly responsible. That the male breadwinner
marriage in Finland never became widespread apparently was an especially
good precondition for the broad adoption of a relatively egalitarian
model which encouraged the full integration of women into the labour market
(Anttonen 1997; Julkunen 1999).
These differences in the development of the family until the 1960s are
reflected in the data on married women's labour force participation in
Table I.
As seen in Table I, the labour force participation rates of married women
in the first half of the twentieth century were very low in the Netherlands,
moderate in West Germany, and rather high in Finland. Such historical data
are in principle to be treated with care. Deviations in the real proportions
might mainly also be caused by reporting some women as non-active in the
employment statistics who were actually involved in farm work. It is well
known that women employed in the agrarian sector have been underreported
in the public statistics until recently (OECD 1998). The data presented here
however were at least in part corrected by using additional historical data on
women's employment outside the formal employment system by Allen (1991:
55, 56) for Finland and Pott-Buter (1993) for the Netherlands and Germany.
386 Birgit Pfau-Effinger
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
TABLE I: Historical development of labour force participation rates of married women1
in the
Netherlands and Germany (1947 and 1960 for West Germany)2
Netherlands (2) Germany (3) Finland
1895/1899 5 12 Relatively high
1907/1909 8 26 Relatively high
1930/1933 6 29 Relatively high
1947/1950 10 25 (4) Relatively high
1959/1960 6 33 66
Source: Pott-Buter 1993: 190, 200; OECD 1996: 211; Voipio-Juvas/Ruohtula 1947; corrected data
for Finland for 1960 by Allen 1991: 55, 56; for the Netherlands by Pott-Buter 1993: 200.
Notes:
1
Married women in the labour force as a percentage of the total female married population.
2
Actual census years for Germany: 1895; 1907; 1933; 1950 and 1960; until 1933: Territory of
the `Deutsches Reich'; since 1950: West Germany. The decrease in the year 1950 was not caused
by a decrease in the number of employed women but by the increase in the female refugee
population.
Actual census years for the Netherlands: 1899; 1909; 1930; 1947; 1960.
Actual census year for Finland: 1959.
For Finland,official data on women's labour force participation rates only exist
since 1959. However, the contributions to Voipio-Juvas and Ruohtula (1947)
indicate that the labour force participation rates of married women were
always at least as high as in 1959 since the beginning of the twentieth century.
4. Differences in economic development as causal factors?
What explanation is there for such different paths in the development of
family models? Why did the housewife model of the male breadwinner marriage
in the Netherlands, in contrast to Germany, develop long before industrialization,
while in Finland it never became a dominant model? Until now,
the question of how differing geographical factors might explain why a particular
family form established itself historically during the transition to
modern society has hardly been empirically researched. One of the few exceptions
is the regional comparative study by Sackmann and Häußermann (1994)
of the historical development of women's employment. According to this
study, the historical transition to the housewife family model in Germany did
not occur uniformly, but rather was marked by delays and other variations
within the country. The authors concluded, after comparing women's employment
in three German industrial regions, that where industrialization proceeded
rather slowly and was decentralized, i.e. taking place in small firms and
without great structural transformations, the employment of women was
favoured more than in a transition marked by major industrial growth. This
was due, in their explanation, to the fact that women in general have much
greater chances of finding employment in small enterprises than in large ones
which are usually based on the employment of men (Häußermann and
Sackmann 1994). Thus the variation in economic development could account
for the differences in the employment of women, and with that also in the
forms of the family observed. Here however the question remains, in an
account of the adoption of the housewife model, whether there were not
perhaps other differences between the regions studied, possibly cultural
factors, which also could have had significance for family evolution.
How far can these results be applied to an international comparison? In
earlier works (Pfau-Effinger 1993, 1994) the present author proceeded from
the standpoint that the way in which industrialization progressed in a society
was an important historical factor in the development of societal ideas about
the desirable form of the family (even if, often, it could only partly be put into
social practice). How industrialization came about in a given region was considered
decisive for which family model would become,in the process,the most
prevalent type: whether industrialization occurred slowly, was decentralized
and bound to traditional structures, or, in a sudden, powerful upheaval, bringing
cultural and structural ruptures.
Socio-historical paths of the male breadwinner model 387
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The comparative socio-historical analysis of family evolution in the
Netherlands, Finland and Germany has shown, however, that the differences
in family evolution are not essentially explainable by the way the transition to
industrialization took place. Thus, the transition in Finland and the Netherlands
proceeded relatively similarly, that is, late, occurring only in the midtwentieth
century in both countries, and was at first only gradual and of low
intensity, until, in a very short period, it changed them into modern service
economies (Kaelble 2002; Pfau-Effinger 2004a). Even so, the role of the housewife
model of the male breadwinner family in these processes differed
substantially in the two countries. The fact of whether, historically, industrialization
took place sooner or later, only gradually or rather quickly in a profound
restructuring, was thus found not decisive for the primacy of particular
cultural ideals of the family which would become fundamental to the evolving
modern industrial society.
5. The role of social, cultural and structural factors in an explanation of the
dominance of the male breadwinner model
How can we then proceed to explain cross-national differences in the sociohistorical
development of the family?
5.1. The theoretical approach to an explanatory framework
It should be considered here that significant time lags are possible between
developments at various levels, e.g. between the level of cultural models of the
family and that of family structures and social practices (Pfau-Effinger 2004a).
This applies especially to developments in Germany: the housewife model of
the family attained hegemony in Germany on the cultural level and was promoted
in state policy as the family norm around the turn of the nineteenth to
twentieth century but only much later reached the position of predominant
family form.
Therefore two processes should be explained consecutively:
* How the cultural model of the housewife model of the male breadwinner
family became the dominant `family modeľ. This would involve understanding,
in a given society, the relevant sense-constructions surrounding
the family, gender relations and childhood. As it was argued in Section
3.1, such `family-models' are images specifying the criteria for the `righť
or `suitable' areas for societal integration and occupations of women, men
and children. Consequently they refer in modern societies to the way in
which two central societal institutions, the family and the labour market,
388 Birgit Pfau-Effinger
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
should be linked on the basis of the gender division of labour. They are
connected to cultural values regarding biological reproduction and generational
relations and thus imply suppositions about how the family with
its caring tasks should function with other societal institutions (PfauEffinger
1998, 2004). The preconditions should be identified that enabled
the housewife model of the male breadwinner family to develop into the
dominant cultural model of the family;
* Moreover, it should be investigated what was necessary to make this
cultural model also the prevalent form of the family in terms of social
practice of the family and family structures.
In my argument, cultural developments should be studied for the ways they
are influenced by and interact with social, political and economic factors.
Further, it is necessary to identify the societal actors who play key roles in
establishing, propagating and changing the dominant family models. In
emphasizing the mutual relations between cultural and structural levels and
the actions of the social actors, I refer to theoretical premises of Max Weber,
David Lockwood (1964) and Margaret Archer (1995), in which the conceptualization
of these interrelations is considered the basis for analysing social
change (Pfau­Effinger 2004a, 2004b).7
5.2. Main factors influencing the development of the housewife model
of the family
In the following, differences among the developmental paths of the family in
the three countries are explained on the basis of mutual interrelations between
cultural models of the family, structural developments and social actors, which
together determined whether ­ or, in which historical phase ­ the housewife
model of the male breadwinner marriage became the dominant cultural
model, and was also widely practised.
(a) Main factors which have influenced the development of the cultural model
of the housewife marriage: From historical research it is known that the urban
bourgeoisie was the decisive `social carrier' (after Max Weber) for the housewife
version of the male breadwinner family model (see for example
Rosenbaum 1982). It is to be suspected therefore that the development of
the urban bourgeoisie provides an important explanation for the direction of
change in the cultural foundations of the family during industrialization.
The urban bourgeoisie in west Europe developed its own independent view
of the world which was to serve as a cultural barrier to other social strata (see
Elias 2000; Kocka 1996; Therborn 1995). Because here the individual was
all-important, it was also necessary to evolve new cultural ideas about the way
Socio-historical paths of the male breadwinner model 389
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
children, as individuals, were to be socialized into society. The proper place for
this was to be the private sphere, and specifically, the nuclear family. On this
basis the male-breadwinner-with-housewife model developed, which assigned
the wife the responsibility for housework and child-raising in the private
family environment (Aris 1998; Kocka 1996). This model became available
in the cultural system as an alternative to the previously dominant images of
the family, which until then had been largely heterogeneous.
An important principle underlying the central role of the urban bourgeoisie
in Europe ­ in contrast to other social strata such as the feudal aristocracy was
its claim that its cultural values should become the leading values for the
whole society.
In contrast to the culture of all earlier social classes, the bourgeois does not
appear claiming a special social right for its position among the others, but
rather claiming to be the superior and right culture for all classes and hence,
for everybody. (Tenbruck 1986: 261).
This would require fundamentally that the society first exist as a national state,
and that its urban bourgeoisie has a social position strong enough to impose
its cultural ideals.
I argue that, because the urban bourgeoisie was so important to the development
of modern society, it was the development of that socially and culturally
predominating class itself which was primarily relevant for the evolution
of the male breadwinner model into the dominant cultural model, rather than
the historical process of the transition to modern industrial society, which,
largely, did not occur anyway within the same time frame.
In countries where urbanization and a powerful urban bourgeoisie had
developed long before industrialization, such as in the Netherlands, the male
breadwinner model had already assumed, in the pre-industrial society, a great
cultural and practical significance in daily life. By contrast, as in the case of
Finland, where the transition to industrial society took place without the social
and cultural predominance of the urban bourgeoisie, the housewife model of
the male breadwinner model never became a significant societal ideal, either
in a cultural or practical sense. The success of this cultural model of the family
was therefore closely bound to the historical emergence of the urban bourgeoisie
and its attainment of a strong societal position as a precondition (see
also Table II).
Accordingly, the differences observed in the three countries as to the societal
position of the urban bourgeoisie, its cultural strength, and the chronological
setting of its emergence, contribute decisively to a cogent explanation
of the variations in the development of the cultural basis of the family in each
case.
In the seventeenth century, the Netherlands was the most important and
richest trading nation in the world. It had thriving towns where a broad urban
390 Birgit Pfau-Effinger
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
bourgeoisie already set the tone and achieved social and cultural hegemony
lasting well into the following centuries. This class had adapted the housewife
model of the family as a cultural model, and to a substantial degree was living
according to it in its social practices (Lestaeghe 1991: 2). Moreover, the urban
bourgeoisie had managed to establish it as the predominant ideal image of the
family also in the rural classes (see Schama 1988). What favoured this was also
the close contact ­ above all because of the high population density ­ between
city and countryside (Lestaeghe 1991). According to Schama, the roots of the
ideal of faithful marriage and close family life practised by the population can
be traced back to the fifteenth century. By the seventeenth century it had
become the general model for the family, and marriage as an institution was
respected by the large majority of the population. In this respect there was
already a cultural homogeneity which other countries did not evidence in the
same way (Schama 1988).
A major prerequisite was the existence of a large and strong urban bourgeoisie.
Further important factors were the relatively high level of prosperity
shared by large parts of the population, and the close physical and social links
between town and country due to the high population density (Schama l988).
In the following centuries the housewife model maintained its central cultural
importance and its unchallenged position as the main form of the family and
played an important role in social practice until the 1960s (Pott-Buter 1993;
Sevenhuijsen 1996).
This was reinforced by the welfare state which started to be established in
the first half of the twentieth century. The almost exclusively male government
and administration set up certain legal obstacles for wives to overcome if they
wanted to take a job. Martens (1997: 68ff) posits that the cultural orientation
of married women to the housewife role was so strong that even without such
Socio-historical paths of the male breadwinner model 391
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
TABLE II: Transition to modern industrial society and family forms in Germany, the Netherlands
and Finland
Housewife marriage as Role of the urban bourgeoisie during transition to modern
dominating cultural industrial society
model of the family
Cultural and Dominance at Weak, cultural
political the cultural level and political
dominance during transition dominance of
long before to modern the class of free
the transition industrial society farmers
Long before the The Netherlands
transition to
modern
industrial society
During transition Germany
to modern
industrial society
Never Finland
restrictions married women would not have engaged in gainful employment
in significantly higher numbers.
In Germany by contrast, until the mid-nineteenth century the urban bourgeoisie
had always been too weak as a social group to exert a stronger cultural
influence (cf. Elias 2000; Kocka 1996). This class in Germany became a
significant societal force only after that, when industrialization progressed relatively
fast and was accompanied by extensive centralization and urbanization
processes.8
These generated widespread domestic migration ­ from the
country to the cities and from east to west. Due to the resulting, in some cases
drastic, societal and cultural fractures, a cultural vacuum often developed in
the newly established German industrial regions which was then occupied
largely by the values and standards of the urban bourgeoisie, the social class
which culturally and economically dominated the process (Häußermann and
Siebel 1991). The bourgeoisie possessed their own cultural values and standards
which in Germany were significantly shaped by the literate urban bourgeoisie.
Their values had emerged in a long historical process of differentiation
from the feudal aristocracy. Consequently the housewife model of the family
developed there at the end of the nineteenth century into the dominant family
ideal. This process was supported by the women's movement of the nineteenth
century which was led by women of the urban bourgeoisie (Gerhard 1995).
The housewife model was however not so deeply anchored in the culture as
it was in the Netherlands, the modern urban bourgeois not having reached any
comparably strong position in society (Kocka 1996).
The fact that in Finland by contrast, the male breadwinner model was culturally
and practically never relevant, can be explained by the absence of decisive
factors essential to its dominance. Until the mid-twentieth century this
was a poor agrarian country where an urban bourgeoisie was only in its beginnings;
instead the society was dominated socially and culturally by a class
of free farmers (Alestalo and Kuhnle 1991). Its family ideal was the familyeconomy
model with a relatively egalitarian structure that determined the way
of life of a broad majority of families in the rural areas. The sparse settlement
of the countryside meant that separate female and male subcultures had
hardly developed (Alanen and Bardy 1991). This family model, in the process
of industrialization, was modified in a specific way, and in its turn affected the
way in which industrialization took place.
It is true that during this process the male breadwinner model was introduced
into public discussion in Finland as a desirable alternative to the then
prevailing family form by the `new' social groups, i.e. women industrial
workers and educated urban bourgeoisie (Markkola 1991; Saarikangas 1993).
Their influence however was too weak to establish the model. Besides, since
around the 1940s another new model was being tried by the evolving social
class of educated urban women: the idea of full integration of women into
occupational employment outside of home, combined with childcare tasks
392 Birgit Pfau-Effinger
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
being taken over by the welfare state. This concept was compatible with the
existing family ideals and generally met with increasing resonance in Finnish
society (Haavio-Mannila 1985; Voipio-Juvas and Ruohtula 1949). And it
became later, as the society in the 1960s was transformed into a modern industrial
and service economy, a basic principle of the Finnish welfare-state policy
as well as of individuals' social practice (Pfau-Effinger 1998; 1999; 2004a). The
establishment of this model was favoured by large groups of women who,
already from the beginnings of the Finnish welfare state in the first decades
of the twentieth century, came to have a leading influence on political decision-making
and government administration and were involved in public and
political discussion (Simonen 1990). Their organizational base comprised large
women's associations in which significant numbers of the female population
participated (Markkola 1994; Ollila 1993). Thus any cultural model positing
the exclusion of women from public life could hardly have been imposed
politically under these circumstances.9
(b) Main factors which have influenced the development of the housewife
model at the level of family structures and social practices: What important
conditions then enabled the housewife version of the male breadwinner
family model to become the prevailing family type also in practical social
behaviour? One fundamental requirement was, it seems, the predominance of
this model at the cultural level. Moreover, it appears that the achievement of
a certain general societal prosperity was important, by which it was possible
to `free' one member of each family from income-generating duties. Also, the
welfare states which had developed at the end of the nineteenth and beginning
of the twentieth century and which enlarged substantially after World
War II, reinforced this cultural model and supported its realization. This was
however mainly only true for those welfare states where this family model had
already been established as the dominant model at the cultural level, as in
(West) Germany in the twentieth century and the Netherlands (Pfau-Effinger
2004c).
6. Conclusion: The interplay of culture, structures and social agency in the
different developmental paths of the family
It has been shown that assumptions of an essential connection between the
transition to modern industrial society and the dominance of the family form
of the housewife marriage, in as far as these have survived in today's sociology,
no longer hold. In western Europe this family model did not necessarily
emerge together with the transition to modern capitalistic industrial society,
and conversely, such a transition was also possible without the rise of this
family model, even if the housewife model of the male breadwinner marriage
Socio-historical paths of the male breadwinner model 393
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
doubtless had central importance for the development of the nuclear family
in western Europe. This means that different historical paths of the family in
Europe can be distinguished.
The question was then raised how such variations can be explained.
6.1. Explanation with respect to the role of the cultural model of the
housewife marriage
The first question related to the conditions which were historically relevant to
the establishment of the housewife marriage as the main cultural ideal of the
family. It seems that above all, the role of the urban bourgeoisie in the development
of modern society was decisive for the fact that this family model
could impose itself in the face of other cultural alternatives, as well as its relation
to social classes in rural areas and later to the class of industrial workers.
The urban bourgeoisie was historically the social class which developed the
male breadwinner model as a cultural Leitbild and was its social vector. It is
important to determine how far, and in what historical moment the urban
bourgeoisie of a society could establish its family model in the place of traditional
ideals. It seems that the male breadwinner marriage became especially
deep-rooted in modern society and, above all, in countries where the urban
bourgeoisie was already early a dominant societal force, and its cultural images
were generalized early in the society. The historical evolution of the cultural
model of the breadwinner marriage into the dominant image of the family was
for this reason generally not chronologically bound to the process of industrialization,
but rather tended to be dependent on the evolution of bourgeois
society, which in part developed within another set of historical dynamics. In
this connection it seems that the type of settlement structure in a given society
was a significant factor in the variation. A dense settlement structure was, it
seems, a favourable precondition for the implementation of the housewife
model in rural areas.
6.2. Main conditions for the emergence of the housewife marriage as
dominant family form
Clearly significant to whether the model of the male breadwinner marriage,
once dominant on the cultural level, could be established on the level of the
social practice of individuals and thus remain stable in the long term, was the
degree of general societal prosperity and its distribution. This was above all
decisive for whether the housewife model would either remain just a tendency,
the private life-style of a minority, or be broadly realized, and with that, come
to be firmly anchored in the `societal memory' of a population. Wherever the
housewife marriage developed into the dominant cultural model of the family,
394 Birgit Pfau-Effinger
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
Socio-historical paths of the male breadwinner model 395
 London School of Economics and Political Science 2004
Notes
1. The article was translated by Franz
Zurbrugg.
2. The term `housewife model of the male
breadwinner modeľ is used in contrast to
other variants of the male breadwinner
model which have, according to the findings
of the author, developed in the twentieth
century (Pfau­Effinger 1998).
3. Walby postulates further that this
model, in recent times, has been replaced as
women are increasingly integrated into
outside employment ­ by a `public' form
of patriarchy, in which they are even more
intensively exploited collectively by men,
in employment or by the state (Walby 1990,
1997).
4. `To continue to use the language of
separate spheres is to deny the reciprocity
between gender and society, and to impose
a static model on dynamic relationships'
(Kerber 1988: 38).
5. In this article, the theoretical discussion
of family development is limited to the
two-parent nuclear family. The role of
grandparents, widowhood and other
changes of family system occurring over
the course of life are not included. While
these aspects of families are not the focus
of the paper, it should be considered that
they were relevant to the social practices of
most families (see for example Kaufmann
1995).
6. There is some confusion regarding terminology,
as in Finnish sociology the term
`housewife' sometimes refers to the work of
female farmers.
7. It is important to remember here that
besides the models prevailing at the cultural
level, other cultural family models may
exist specific to certain social classes, ethnic
groups or regions. This was the case for
example in Germany in the 1960s where a
pre-modern type of cultural model of the
family had survived partly in relation to
farm work, as mentioned above. Another
example occurs with the industrialization of
the USA. Gerda Lerner has argued that one
result of that process was a polarization of
lifestyles between women of the middle
class and the class of manual workers,as well
as of social attitudes toward women and the
family (Lerner 1969: 10­12).
8. Compared to England, Germany was
also a `late arrivaľ with respect to industrialization
(e.g. Senghaas 1982), which took
place there however considerably earlier
than in the Netherlands or Finland.
9. Whether in a given society the male
breadwinner model became dominant, and
how strongly it was culturally and socially
anchored at a given time, would have later
an important influence on family change
during the second half of the twentieth
century (see Pfau-Effinger 1998, 2000).
its implementation was also often reinforced by the welfare states which
expanded during the twentieth century.
(Date accepted: May 2004)
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