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Advertising and the Construction of Violent White Masculinity
JACKSON KAT Z
Violence is one of the most pervasive and serious problems we face in the United States. Increasingly, academics, community activists and politicians have been paying attention to the role of the mass media In producing, reproducing and legitimating this violence.1
Unfortunately, however, much of the mainstream debate about the effects of media violence on violence in the "real" world fails to include an analysis of gender Although, according to the Federal Bureau ol Investigation (1992), approximately 90% of violent crime is committed by males, magazine headline writers talk about "youth" violence and "kids'" love affair with guns. It is unusual even to hear mention of "masculinity" or "manhood" in these discussions, much less a thorough deconstruction of the gender order and the way thai cultural definitions of masculinity and temminity might be implicated Under these conditions, a class-conscious discussion of masculine gender construction is even less likely.
There is u glaring absence of a thorough body 0Í research into the power ' of cultural images of masculinity. But this b not surprising. It is in fact consistent with the lack of attention paid to other dominant groups. Discussions abouL racial representation in media, for example, tend to focus on African Amencans, Asians or llispanics, and not on Anglo Whites.1 Writing about li\e representation oi Whiteness as an ethnic category in mainstream film, Richard Dyer (1986; cited in Hanke. 19921 argues that "white power secures its dominance by seeming not to be anything m particular:" "White-
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ness" is cons true led as the norm against which nondominant groups are defined as "other" Robert Hanke (1992), in an article about hegemonic masculinity in transition, argues that masculinity, like Whiteness, "does not ungear to be a cultural/historical category at all. thus rendering invisible the privileged position from which (white) men in general are able to articulate dieir interests to the exclusion of the interests of women, men and women of color, and children" [p. 186).
There has been some discussion, since the mid-1970s, of the w.avs in which cultural definitions of White manhood have been shaped by stereotypical representations in advertising. One area of research has locked at the creation of modem masculine archetypes such as the Marlboro Man, But then; has been little attention, in scholarship or antiviolence activism, paid to the relationship between the construction of violent masculinity in whni Sut JhalJy refers to as the "commodity image-system" of advertising
and the pandemic of violence committed by boys and men in the homes and streets of the United States,
This chapter is an attempt to sketch out some of the ways in which hegemonic constructions of masculinity in mainstream magazine advertising normalize male violence. Theorists and researchers in profeminist sociology and men's studies in recent years have developed the concept Of masculinities, as opposed to masi'iilmtiif. to more adequately describe the complexities of male social position, identity and experience- At any given time, the class structure and gender order produce numerous masculinities stratified by socioeconomic class, racial and ethnic difference and sexual orientation. The central delineation is between the hegemonic, or dominant, masculinity (generally. White'and middle-class) and the subordinated masculinities.
But although there art significant differences between the various masculinities, in patriarchal culture, violent behavior is typically gendexetfemalta This does n't mean that all men are violent but that violent behavior is considered masculine (as opposed to feminuu1) behavior, This masculine gendering of violence in part explains why fhe movie Vietnw and Lauite touched such a chord; Women had appropriated, however briefly, the male prerogative for, and identification with, violence.
One need not luok very closely to see how pervasive is the cultural imagery linking various masculinities to the potential for violence. One key source of constructions or dominant masculinity is the movie industry, which has introduced into tlu? culture a seemingly endless stream of violent male icons. Tens of millions of people, disproportionately mat* and y oung, flock to theaters and rent videucassettes of the "action-adventure™ {a Hollywood euphemism for violent) films of Arnold Schwarzenegger, Sylvester Stallone, Bruce Willis, et al.
These cultural heroes rose to prominence in an era. the mid-to-late 197fJs into the i9B0s> in which working-class White males had to contend with mcrea&mg economic instability and dislocation, the perception d| gains by people of color at the expense of I he White working class, and <( women's movement that overtly challenged male hegemony. In the face of these pressures, then, it ts not surprising lhal White men {especially but not ex-
Advertising and Victenf White Mascutintty
riufiively working-class) would latch onto big, muscular, violent men as cinematic heroes. For many males who were experiencing unspMlin^: dianpev one area of masculine power remained attainable: physical size and stren gth and the ability to use violence successfully.
Harry Brod (1W) and other theorists have argute thiit in postind us trial capitalism hove created deep tensions in the various may culinities- For example, according; lo Brod,
Persisting images of masculinity hold that "real men" arc physically strong, aggressive, and in control of their work. Yet Ihe structural dichotomy between manual and mental labor under capitalism means that no one's work fulfills all these conditions-Manual laborers work for others al the low end of the class spectrum, while management sits at a desk. Consequently, while the insecurities generated by these contradictions are personally dissatisfying to men, these insecurities also impel them to cling all the more tightly to sources of masculine identity validation offered by the system, (p. 14)
One way that the system allows working class men (of various races) the opportunity for what Brod refers lo as "masculine identity validation" is through the use of their body as an instrument of power, dominance and control. For working-class males, who have less access to more abstract forms of masculiraty-validatmg power {economic power, workplace authority), the physical body and its potential for violence provide a concrete means of achieving and asserting "manhood-"
At any given time, individual as well as groups of men are engaged in an ongoing process of creating and maintaining Uieir own masculine identities. Advertising, in a commodity-driven consumer culture, is an omnipresent and rich source of gender ideology. Contemporary ads are filled with images of "dangerous"-touking men. Men's magazines and mainstream newsweeklies are rife with ads featuring violent male icons, such as uniformed football players, big-fisted boxers and leather-clad bikers. Sports magazines aimed at men, and televised sporting events, carry millions of dollars worth of military ads. In the past decade, there have been hundreds of ads for products designed to help men develop muscular physiques, such as weight training machines and nutritional supplements.
Historically, use of gender in advertising has stressed difference, implicitly and even explicitly reaffirming the "natural" dissimilarity of males and females. In late 20th century LLS. culture, advertising that targets young White males (with the exception of fashion advertising, which often features more of an androgynous male look) has the difficult task of stressing gender difference in an era characterized by a loosening of rigid gender d istinctions. Stressing gender difference in this context means defining masculinity in opposition to femininity. This requires constantly reasserting what is masculine and what is feminine. One of the ways this is accomplished, in the image system; is to equate masculinity with violence (and fenuriinity with passivity).
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The need to differentiate from the feminine by asserting masculinity in the form of power and aggression might at least partially account for the high degree of male violence in contemporary advertising, as well as in video games, children's toys, cartoons, Hollywood film and the sports culture.
By helping to differentiate masculinity from femininity, images of masculine aggression and violence—including violence against women—afford young males across class a degree of self-respect and security (however illusory) within the more socially valued mascutine role.
VIOLENT WHITE MASCULINITY IN ADVERTISING
The appeal or violent behavior for men, including its rewards, is coded into mainstream advertising in numerous ways: from violent male icons (such as particularly aggressive athletes or superheros?) overtly threatening consumers to buy products, to ads that exploit men's feelings of not being big, strong or violent enough by promising to provide them with products that will enhance those qualities. These codes are present in television and radio commercials as welt but this chapter focuses on mainstream American magazine ads (Nev-tweek, People, Sports illustrated, etc,,!, from the early llJ9Qs.
Several recurring themes in magazine advertising targeting men help suppurt the equation ol White masculinity and violence. Among them are violence as genetically programmed male behavior, the use of military and sports symbolism to enhance the masculine appeal and identification of products, the association iif muscularity with ideal masculinity, and the equation of heroic masculinity with violent masculinity. Let us now consider, briefly, each of these themes.
Violence as Genetically Programmed Male Befiavior, One way that advertisers demonstrate ihe ''masculinity'' of a product ur service is through the use of violent male icons or types from popular history. This helps to associate the product with manly needs and pursuits that presumably have existed from tune immemorial. It also furthers the ideological premise, disguised as common sense, that men have always been aggressive and brutal, and that their dominance ov<;r women is biologically baied. "Historical" proof for this is shown m a multitude of ways. •
An ad for the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, an elite financial institution, dfpkts a medievol battlefield where muscle-bound toy figurines, accompanied by paradoxically muscular skeleton men, prepare to engage in a sword fight. They might wear tormal suits and sif behind desks, the ad implies, but !he men in high finance 'and those whose money thev manage) are actually rugged wamors, Beneath the veneer at wealth and class privilege, all men are really brutes. The text reads: JHow the Masters of the Universe Overcame the Attack ol the Deutschmarks,"
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An ad lor Trojan condoms features a giant-sized Roman centurion, in full unilurm. muscles rippling, holding a package of condoms as he towers over the buildings of a modern city. Condom manufacturers know thai the purchase- and use or condom*, by men can be stressful, partially because penis size, in popular Western folklore, is supposedly linked to virility One way to assuage the anxieties of male consumers is to link the product with a recognizably violent (read: masculine) male archetype, tt is no coincidence thai the two leading brands of condoms in the United States are named for ancient wairiors and kings (Trojan and Ramses).
Sometimes products with no immediately apparent connection to gender or violence nonetheless make the leap. An nd tor Dell computers, for example, shows a painting of a group of White cowboys on horseback shooting at mounted Indians who are chasing them. The copy reads "Being Able to Run FasterCould Come in Real Handy." The cowboys are foregrounded and the viewers an? positioned to identify with them against the Indian "other." The cowboys' violence is depicted as defensive, a construction that was historically used to justify' genocide. The ad explains that "you never know when somebody (read: Indians, Japanese business competitors} is going to come around the comer and surprise you," It thus masculinizes the White middle-class world of the computer business by using the vioJenl historical metaphor of cowboys versus Indians.
An even more sinister use of historical representations involves portraying violence that would not be accepts ble it sho wn in con lempora ry settings. Norwegian Cruise tine, for example, in an ad that ran in major newsweekty magazines, depicted a colorful painting of a scene on a ship's deck, set sometime in the pirate era, where men, swords drawn, appear simultaneously to be fighting each other while a couple of them are carrying off women. The headline informs as that Norwegian is the "First cruise line whose entertainment doesn't revolve around the bat"
It is highly doubtful that the cruise line could have set what is clearly a rape or gang rape scenario on a modem ship. It would no doubt have prompted feminist protests about the company's glorification of the rape of women. Controversy is avoided by depicting the scene as historical.3 But Norwegian Cruise Line, which calls itself "The Pleasure Ships," in this ad reinforces the idea that rape is a desirable male pastime. Whether intentional or not, the underlying message is that real men (pirates, swashbucklers) have always enjoyed it.
The Use of Military and Sports Sttmbotism to Enhance the Masculine Identification and Appeal (f Products. Advertisers who want to demonstrate the unquestioned manliness of their products can do so by using one of the two key subsets in the symbolic image system of violent masculinity: the military and sports. Uniformed soldiers and players, as well as their weapons and gear, appear frequently in ads of all sorts. Many of the Camel Smooth Character cartoon ads, for example, display submarines surfacing or fighter jets streaking by as Joe Camel stands confidently in the foreground. One ad features ]oe Camel himself wearing an air force bomber pilot's jacket. The
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message to the young boys and adolescent males targeted by the campaign is obvious Violence (as signified by the military vehicles) is cool and suave. The sexy blond woman Ba*tog provocatively at the James Bond-like camel provides female ratification of Joe's masculinity.
Ads for the military itself also show the linkage between masculinity and force- The IT.5. military spends more than SI DO million annually on advertising. Not surprisingly, armed services- advertisements appear dispropor* tionately on televised sporting events and in sports and so-called men's magazines. Military ads are characterized by exciting outdoor action scenes with accompanying text replete with references to "leadership." "respect," and "pride." Although these ads sometimes promote the educational and tinaneiill benefits nf nulitarv service, what they're really selling to young working-clas* males is .1 vision of masculinity—adventurous, aggressive and violent—that provides mun of all classes with a standard of Y,reai manhood" against which to judge themselves.
Boxers and football players appear in ads regularly, promoting products from underwear to deodurants. Sometimes the players are positioned simply (o sanction the masculinity of a product. For example, an ad for Bugle Boy clothing depicts q dean-cut young While man, dressed in Duple Buy jeans and posed in a crouching position, kneeling on a football. Standing behind him, inexplicably, is a large, uniformed football player flexing his muscles. The only Copy says, in bold letters, "Bugle Boy Men." It seems reasonable to infer that the goal of this ad was to shore up tin- masculine image of a product whose name f Bugle Boy) subverts its macho image. The uniformed football player, a signiiier of violent masculinity, achieves this task by visually transmitting the message: Real men wear Bugle Boy.
Advertisers know that using high-profile violent male athletes can help to sell products, such as yogurt and light beer, that have historically been gendered female. Because violence establishes masculinity, if these guys (athletes) use traditionally "female" products, they don't lose their masculinity. Rather, the masculinity of the product—and hence lite sLze of (hi: potential market—increases. Miller Brewing Company proved the efficacy of this approach in their long-running television ad campaign for Lite beer. The Miller Lite campaign, which first appeared in the early 1970s, helped bring Miller to the lop of the burgeoning light ba?r market and is often referred to as the most successful TV ad campaign in history.
77<tf Association of Muscularity With !deal Masculinity, Men across socioeconomic class and race might feel insecure in their masculinity, relatively powerless or vulnerable in the economic sphere and uncertain about how to respond to the challenges of women In many areas of social relations. But, in general, males continue to have an advantage over females in the area of physical size and strength. Because one function of the image system is to legitimate and reinforce existing power relations, representations that equate masniluutv with the qualities of size, strength and violence thus become more prevalent.
Tlie anthropologist Alan Klein (l^M)4 tuts looked at how the rise in popularity of bodybuilding is linked to male insecurity. "Muscies/1 he
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argues, "are about more than just the functional ability' of men to defend home and hearth or perform heavy tabor. Muscles are markers that separate men from each other and, most important perhaps, from women. And while he may not realize it, every man—even* accountant, science nerd, clergyman, or cop—is engaged in a dialogue with muscles" (p. 16).
Advertising is one area ai the popular culture thai helps feed this "dialogue." Sports and other magazines with a large male readership are filled with ads offering men products and services to enhance their muscles, Often these ads explicitly equate muscles with violent power, as in an ad for a Marcy weight machine that tell* men to "Arm Yourself" under a black and white photograph of a toned, muscular White man, biceps and forearms straining, in the middle of a weight lifting workout. The military, too, offers to help men enhance their bodily prowess. An ad for the Army National Guard shows three slender young men. Black and White, working out, over copy that reads "Get a Part-Time job in Our Body Shop."
The discourse around muscles as signifim ai masculine power involves not only working-class men but also middle- and upper-class males. This is apparent in the male sports subculture, where size and strength are valued by men across class and racial boundaries. But muscularity as masculinity is also a theme in advertisements aimed at upper-income males. Many advertisers use images of physically rugged or muscular male bodies to masculinize products and services geared to elite male consumers, An ad for the business insurance firm Brewer and Lord uses a powerful male body as a metaphor for the more abstract form of (financial) power The ad shows th? torso of a muscular man curling a barbell, accompanied by s headline that reads ''the benefits of muscle defined." The text slates that "the slow building of strength and definition is no small feat. In fact, that training has shaped the authority that others see in you, as well.**
Saab, Targeting an upscale, educated market, bills itself as "the moat intelligent car ever built" But in one ad. they call their AI'C Turbo "the muscle car with a social conscience"—which signals to wealthy men that by driving a Saab they can appropriate the working-class tough guy image associated with the concept of a "'muscle car" while making dear their more privileged class position.
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Tfa Squatiem of Hemic M.asadmity With Violent Mtwculmity, The cultural power of Hollywood film in the construction of violent masculinity is not limited to the movies themselves. In fact many more people see the advertising for a given film than see the film itself
Advertising budgets for major Hollywood releases typically fun in the millions of dollars Larger-than-life billboards enhance the heroic stature of the icons. Movie ads appear frequently on prime time TV and daily in newspapers and magazines. Not surprisingly, these ads highlight the movies' most violent and sexually titillating scenes,
Violence on-screen, like thai in real life, is perpetrated overwhelmingly bv males. Males constitute the majority of the audience for violent films, as wetl as violent sports such as footoflll and hockey It is importimt to note.
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then, that what is being sold is not just "violence." but rather a glamorised form of violent masculinity.
Guns- an1 an important signif ier of virility and power and hence are an important part of the way violent masculinity is constructed and then sold to audiences. In fact, the presence of guns in magazine and newspaper ads is crucial in communicating the extent of a movie's violent content. Because so many films contain explicit violence, images of gun-toting macho mules (police detectives, old west gunslingers, futuristic killing machines) pervade the visual landscape.
CONCLUSION
Recent research in sociology, media and cultural studies strongly suggests that we need to develop a much more sophisticated approach to understanding cultural constructions of masculinity. Feminists, who have been at the forefront in studying the social construction of gender, have, historically, focused on images and representations of women. Clearly wc need a similarly intensive examination of the representation of men—particularly in light of the crisis of men's violence in our society,
This chapter focuses attention on constructions of violent White masculinity in mainstream magazine advertising. But we need also to examine critically a number of other areas where violent masculinities an? produced and legitimated: comic books, toys, the sports culture, comedy, interactive video, music video, pornography. This will help us to understand more fully the links between the construction of gender and the prevalence of violence, which might then lead to effective antiviolence interventions.
NOTES
1. L-j.-uVriiL- [dura to immediate nr chronic situation* that result in injury lo the psychology col, nodal or physir.il well-lwtng ol individuals it sruupv Fur the purpose of this chapter, I will uic the American Piyctiul Luteal Asportation'-. fAPAl more ipocitic definllUw oHnte.rper~ -on.it violence, Although acknowledging the multufimiiuiorial nature of violence, the ApA Com million an Violence and Youth dchtua interpersonal violence i± "behavior fry pernios .igain»t pewors that threatens, attempts, or completes intentional wflktion «1 physlod or psychological harm* t APA, IW. p. 1).
2. Although hegemonic «m>miLUi.Tis fit masculinity alien men <it .ill ncn, there are important virinblcs doe to racial differences. Because it a not practical to do jtiilke to thirst-variable* in * chapter or this length, and because the vast maturity o( images of men in HiainstTfifrt nugnciru; advertmemMil* .in- of While men, lor thapurpmeot this chapter, t will locus on liiu cnnit ructions of various. Wbi it? mnncultnittes.
3. Ikrme feminist group* did protest the ad. such as. the Cambridge, Massachusetts-based cmup Challenging Media Image* of Women. Out the protest* mm reached a wide audience And hau nti discernible dfett
4. The article cited hen- w# t'xcernT«t tmm. Ktum's book httfr Fife Mm: Wdrf^tHldnJjt iubaiilim and Center Ctnitn,ct*m I Allunv: State University nf New York Press. 1W3).
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