Chapter 4
The Actor-Enacted: Cumbrian Sheep in 2001
John Law and Annemarie Mol1
Introduction
It is a sheep. You can see the photo. But is it an actor? That is the question.
Questions of this kind, questions about agency, are usually asked as part of
a search for explanation. What is the origin of an event? It is as if the aim of
scholarship was to write whodunits. Hidden in the background is a ‘structure’/
‘agency’ divide. Are the determinants of this, that or the other event located in
existing social structures or do they lie in original, reflexive human beings?
Obviously a sheep is not a human being. This means that like many of the
other contributors to this book, if we ask whether or not it is an actor we are
starting to destabilise the structure-agency dualism. For whatever it is, a sheep is
not reflexive in the way usually imagined by social science. We also start to erode
another common feature of the structure-agency dualism, a distinction between
mastery and being-mastered. Does a sheep exert mastery, does it control? Or is
it simply being pushed around? The answer, we will see, does not fit this division.
J. Law
Centre for Science Studies and Department of Sociology, Lancaster University,
Lancaster LA1, 4YN, UK
e-mail: j.law@lancaster.ac.uk
1
We would like to thank: Nick Bingham, Steve Hinchliffe, Ingunn Moser, Jeannette Pols and
Vicky Singleton for help in thinking about agency, animals, and this paper.
C. Knappett, L. Malafouris (eds.), Material Agency,
DOI: 10.1007/978-0-387-74711-8_4, Ó Springer ScienceþBusiness Media, LLC 2008
57
One of the traditions that allows us to escape structure-agency dualism is
that of material semiotics. This disentangles agency from intentionality. Within
material semiotics, an entity counts as an actor if it makes a perceptible
difference.2
Active entities are relationally linked with one another in webs.
They make a difference to each other: they make each other be. Linguistic
semiotics teaches that words give each other meaning. Material semiotics
extends this insight beyond the linguistic and claims that entities give each
other being: that they enact each other. In this way of thinking agency becomes
ubiquitous, endlessly extended through webs of materialised relations. But
where to localise agency in such a web? Where to pin it down? This becomes a
matter of attribution, post hoc and after the action.3
In telling stories about
events, some entities are detached from their background and called ‘actors’.
They are made to conceal and stand for the web of relations that they cover.
They become the place where explanation, moral, causal, practical, stops.
In the stories that material semiotics makes possible, an actor does not act
alone. It acts in relation to other actors, linked up with them. This means that it
is also always being acted upon. Acting and being enacted go together. What is
more, an enacted-actor is not in control. To act is not to master, for the results
of what is being done are often unexpected. This has been said before in the
literatures on material semiotics,4
but frequently this message fails to travel with
those literatures and gets forgotten. Perhaps, then, it deserves to be argued
again – and in this chapter we will try do this. We will show that acting may be
told as a fluid event and that beyond the structure/agency divide the most
interesting questions have little to do with mastery. In order to make a difference,
a sheep does not need to be a strategist. Neither do you and l.
So, let us revisit our initial question: is a sheep an actor? In order to tackle
this question we will unravel its terms. What, then, is ‘an actor’? And, at least as
difficult: what is a ‘sheep’
Sheep Enacted
The picture above is not of a sheep-in-general, but a specific sheep. Uncoincidently,
it comes from Cumbria and we will assume that we are in the middle of
March 2001, March 15th, to be precise.5
This was a special moment in the life
and death of a Cumbrian sheep, for foot and mouth disease had taken hold in the
UK and it was particularly virulent in Cumbria. It was the government policy to
2
In this sentence we combine tropes from Latour (1988) who talks of actors as entities that act
and Haraway (1991), who talks of making a difference.
3
Callon (1986).
4
See, for instance, Akrich (1992) and (Law: 2003).
5
It was difficult to take photographs of Cumbrian sheep on that date, since the countryside
was closed to the general public for disease control reasons.
58 J. Law, A. Mol
eradicate the disease by slaughter. This meant that animals (sheep, cows and
pigs) on ‘infected premises’ and those premises counted as ‘dangerous contacts’
were being killed.6
The reasoning was that if you kill the animals, you kill the
virus too. But notwithstanding the slaughter, the disease was still spreading like
wildfire. A week earlier, 126 premises had been infected across the nation. On the
15th, the figure was 250. Government epidemiologists were privately saying that
the epizootic was not under control.7
And locally it was spreading through the
farms and the hills of the Lake District. The government was in a panic. Policy
was changing week by week. A three kilometre ‘pre-emptive cull’ of sheep was in
the works,8
and it was announced on the afternoon of the 15th.9
At this particular point, then, Cumbria, March 15th, 2001, the sheep in our
picture is not only ‘in a picture’. It finds itself at the cross-roads of a diverse set
of practices. In each of these practices ‘a sheep’ is something different. Each of
these practices enacts ‘sheep’ in a different way. Let us present four versions of
a sheep.
The Veterinary Sheep
First, in veterinary practice the sheep is a potential host for the foot and mouth
virus.
FMD is probably the most contagious virus known in mammals. . . . Cattle, sheep,
goats, pigs and buffalo are the most important susceptible species. . . . In smaller
ruminants, such as sheep . . . the disease often takes a mild [..] form in adult animals.
In young animals . . . the virus can cause an acute myocarditis resulting in sudden
death.10
But that a sheep is a potential a host to a virus, does not mean that it is easy
to know whether or not a particular sheep is actually infected. The vet and the
farmer may examine an infected sheep very carefully and yet see nothing strange.
Recognition of the disease among stock remains the most important step and depends
crucially on disease awareness by the farmer and good-communications between
farmer and veterinarian. For FMD it requires examination of the visible mucous
membranes of the conjunctiva, nose, mouth, tongue and eyes and the external surface
of the body and limbs. Recognition in cattle and pigs is usually relatively easy but is
more difficult in sheep, in which infection can be sub-clinical.11
6
For general accounts of the early evolution of the policy see Foot and Mouth Disease 2001:
Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, pp 76ff). For a timeline see National Audit Office (2002,
Appendix 1, pp 105–111).
7
National Audit Office (2002, 61).
8
Foot and Mouth Disease 2001: Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, 88).
9
The Minister muffed his lines by talking of ‘animals’ rather than ‘sheep’ to the horror and
the anger of dairy and beef farmers. Cumbria Foot and Mouth Disease Inquiry (2002, 34).
10
The Royal Society (2002, 18).
11
The Royal Society (2002, 78).
4 The Actor-Enacted 59
In addition symptoms of foot and mouth are easily confused with those of
a range of other diseases: sheep go lame for all sorts of reasons.12
So the sheephost
of veterinary practice may look like an ordinary sheep.
FMD in sheep is difficult to diagnose. Farmers and vets can miss the signs. Infected
sheep often display mild symptoms, if any, and suffer from other conditions that may
be confused with FMD.13
Because clinical symptoms are not all that clear, in veterinary practice the
gold standard for establishing whether or not a particular sheep is a host to the
foot and mouth virus is a laboratory test. Technicians isolate the virus from a
sheep’s bodily material and grow it in a tissue culture but this is slow (it takes up
to four days). An alternative laboratory test (an ELISA test for viral antigens in
the sheep’s blood) is quicker (only four hours) but less reliable.14
In any case,
sending samples off to a distant laboratory is time-consuming and in March
2001 time was of the essence: foot and mouth was spreading, sick animals
needed to be slaughtered and any delay in slaughter favoured the spread of
the disease. So when the vets looked at a suspect sheep, they did not wait for lab
results. They ordered its slaughter. Thus while it is ‘normal veterinary practice’
to wait for lab results, in March 2001 the vets diagnosed the disease on the basis
of a clinical inspection alone. They were not really supposed to do this – an
official policy required laboratory confirmation of disease – but policy was
lagging behind practice. In the heat of the moment, clinical diagnosis had
elbowed the laboratory aside, even though sometimes the laboratory later
showed that the wrong diagnosis had been made.15
In veterinary practice,
then, a sheep is a potential host for the foot and mouth virus. But there are
two ways to decide whether or not a particular sheep is carrying the disease, by
using clinical or laboratory means, and they do not necessarily lead to the same
conclusion.
The Epidemiological Sheep
In epidemiology the sheep is enacted differently. It does not come alone, as a
body to be diagnosed. Instead, geographically located collections of susceptible
animals are treated as the inputs and outputs of calculations.16
In 2001 these
calculations defined a collectivity (a premises, usually a farm), and then made
12
This happened close to the beginning of the outbreak. See Department for Environment
Food and Rural Affairs (2002, 22).
13
Foot and Mouth Disease 2001: Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, 49).
14
Cumbria Foot and Mouth Disease Inquiry (2002, 49, 55). ELISA is the acronym for
enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay. The Royal Society (2002, 76).
15
Formal policy, in the form of ‘slaughter on suspicion’ fell into line with practice on March
15th. National Audit Office (2002, 61).
16
For details see Kao (2002), The Royal Society (2002, 66–71), and Taylor (2003).
60 J. Law, A. Mol
assumptions about the infective relations between those premises. They extrapolated
from existing to future cases by making assumptions about possible
policy interventions. The probability of infection for a given premise was
determined by distance on the one hand (the closer the more likely the disease
would pass) and a series of ‘heterogeneities’ including animal susceptibility
to infection, length of infectious period, numbers of animals, farm size, the
arrangement of fields on a farm and meteorology:17
All the models showed that culling farms neighbouring infected premises would reduce
spread of infection and control the epidemic. This was based on the observation that,
on average, animals on 34% of premises within a radius of 1.5 km of infected premises
came down with FMD.18
So, in epidemiology any particular sheep was part of a larger collectivity of
animals-on-a-premises that came with two probabilities attached: one, the
likelihood of being infected in a unit time; and two, the likelihood of infecting
other collectivities of animals, again in a unit time. This epidemio-logic had
complex and multiple relations with the logic of veterinary practice.
One. Epidemiology differed from the clinical and laboratory practices of
veterinarians by substituting probabilities of infection for clinical and/or
laboratory diagnoses.19
Two. But then again, it also depended on and included
these, first to build its predictions and second, to confirm its findings. Three.
The ‘slaughter on suspicion’ policy displaced laboratory logic and made clinical
logic dominant on the farm and this was for epidemiological reasons. The lab
was simply too slow to stop the epizootic from spreading. One might therefore
say that epidemiology decided between the two variants of veterinary practice.
Four. On March 15th, it was determined that all sheep within 3 km of infected
premises would be slaughtered because calculations predicted that they ran a
considerable risk of being infected.20
For these sheep, slaughter not only did
without laboratory diagnosis, but also the clinical diagnosis of the vets was
made irrelevant as well. A purely epidemiological logic ruled.
Further complexities arose because epidemiology itself was not unequivocal.
First, the models grew out of patchy and inadequate data produced in a
bureaucracy that was more or less overwhelmed by events.21
Second, they
17
The list of possible heterogeneities is endless.
18
Foot and Mouth Disease 2001: Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, 96).
19
The complex intersections of practices is explored in Mol (2002).
20
‘The justification for culling contiguous premises was founded on a statistical concept. All
the models showed that culling farms neighbouring infected premises would reduce spread of
infection and control the epidemic. This was based on the observation that, on average,
animals on 34% of premises within a radius of 1.5 km of infected premises came down with
FMD. Although culling contiguous premises was a blunt policy instrument, it had the benefit
of speed in decision making. It did not depend on the epidemiological groundwork to identify
dangerous contacts, which was resource intensive and time consuming.’ Foot and Mouth
Disease 2001: Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, 96).
21
See, for instance, Shannon (2002, 5).
4 The Actor-Enacted 61
were produced in more or less inconsistent statistical models located in different
computers.22
Third, they were in part the product of a more or less ungentlemanly
struggle taking place in the rooms of Whitehall between the proponents
of the different models.23
These differences did not have direct bearing on the
fate of our Cumbrian sheep24
but the struggle worked to increase the (already
considerable) political temperature.
The Economic Sheep
There were economic dangers too. To set the stage, it is likely that the UK lost
around £130m net in meat and livestock exports as a result of the epizootic.25
What
about our sheep? There are a lot of them in the UK: in 1999 around 19 million.26
We having been the major exporters to other EU countries – we are the main
supplier of lamb to other European countries – as soon as that volume of 100,000
tonnes or thereabouts is not available, they cannot immediately source additional
supplies.27
These sheep come onto the market because farmers buy and sell individual
sheep quite unsentimentally – this is a part of trying to make a living. But
however large the overall numbers, many farming incomes are modest.28
Farming
in the Cumbrian uplands was (and is) marginal at best and in March 2001
farm incomes were much lower than they had been a few years earlier.29
It was a
22
There were one or two other models as well: here we are simplifying.
23
The first was a quickly-calculated, relatively simple deterministic, pseudo-geographical
model, developed at Imperial College, London. The other was a much more complex, GISbased,
stochastic model with many more heterogeneities that was being run at the government
in-house Veterinary Laboratories Agency (VLA). In the middle of March these agreed that
the epizootic is growing. Otherwise, they were very different. The VLA model predicted a total
of 1000–2000 infected premises by the end of the outbreak. The epizootic would, it says, stop
in due course. Much more alarmingly, the Imperial College model predicted 1000 new
infective premises each day by mid May. See National Audit Office (2002, 61) and Foot and
Mouth Disease 2001: Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, 88).
24
The 3 km precautionary cull was supported by the proponents of both models.
25
During this period all exports of meat and live animals were stopped. Foot and Mouth
Disease 2001: Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, 133). This was only a small proportion of
the cost to the overall economy.
26
The Royal Society (2002, 12).
27
House of Commons Select Committee on Agriculture (2001, Answer to Question 499).
28
House of Commons (2001, Column 94 WH).
29
Policy Commission on the Future of Farming and Food (2002, 13). See also the comments
by Peter Atkinson MP ‘Before the foot and mouth epidemic, farming incomes, particularly
those of hill farmers, were historically low. Some estimated their annual incomes just before
the epidemic at about £4,000, although others would describe that as extremely optimistic.
Since the outbreak, incomes have fallen even further..’. House of Commons (2001. Column
90 WH). See, in the same debate, the comments by Alan Beith MP: ‘Hill farmers cannot
62 J. Law, A. Mol
bad moment for limiting the possibilities for making a profit, yet this was what
happened. For buying and selling sheep, even healthy sheep, was constrained by
restrictions on movement (no movement at all with out a licence). It was also
affected by the fear of UK lowland farmers of introducing foot and mouth
to their own farms and by the different tastes of consumers in different parts
of the EU.30
Market prices fell,31
and for many farmers, coming after a number
of years of economic (and often personal) depression, this led to an acute
economic stress.32
To compensate for the poor financial returns for farmers (and also to
increase overall EU agricultural production) there were EU CAP (Common
Agricultural Policy) support payments.
In 2000 subsidies accounted for 50%for total output in hill flocks, 42% in upland flocks
and 27% in lowland flocks.33
These ‘headage’ payments, the product of compromise between divergent
European interests, thus represented a considerable proportion of the income
per sheep.34
They also led to a large national trade in sheep as farmers ensured
that their flocks were up to size in the spring for the CAP subsidy.
And then, crucial to the economic enactment of sheep in March 2001, the
Ministry paid compensation for sheep slaughtered. This was an important part
of disease control policy (and also supported the farmers):
In some cases, it is likely that the compensation paid to farmers exceeded the amount
which they would have expected to obtain for their animals in normal conditions,
possibly by substantial amounts. It was judged necessary to pay farmers on a generous
basis to ensure their co-operation in the slaughter policy.35
So slaughtered sheep were paid for whilst, given market conditions, those
not slaughtered represented a considerable financial liability. If the sheep was
enacted as an economic entity then slaughter was often a good.
continue taking less than the cost of production, which they are doing now and have sometimes
had to do in the past.’, House of Commons (2001. Column 94 WH) .
30
Peter Atkinson, MP, in the House of Commons (2001, Column 91 WH).
31
‘I was talking to a farmer who was selling horned Blackface sheep for carcass export at 270p
a kilo before the foot and mouth outbreak; after the outbreak the price is 150p a kilo because
there is no export market.’ This is Alan Beith, MP. See House of Commons (2001, Column
94 WH).
32
See the intervention by MP Peter Atkinson at House of Commons (2001, Column 90 WH),
and the testimony of Ms Boundy at Mercer (2002, 52).
33
The Royal Society (2002, 12).
34
Ashworth, Palmer and Northen (2000, 97). ‘Support payments for sheep and cattle under
the CAP are paid on a headage basis, meaning that the more animals a farmer keeps, the
greater the subsidy he receives. The number of breeding ewes in the uplands increased by
around 35% between 1980 and 2000.’ English Nature, quoted by the Policy Commission on
the Future of Farming and Food (2002, 74).
35
Foot and Mouth Disease 2001: Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, 132).
4 The Actor-Enacted 63
The Farming Sheep
But on a farm a sheep is not only an individual animal with an economic value.
It is also a member of a flock. This drastically changes any assessment of
slaughter. For there is pride in the history of breeding (selecting, caring) that
goes into the raising of a flock. Here is a quote from Devon, but the sentiment
was widespread in Cumbria too:
With my family I have been here since 1946, coming with my parents from my grandparents’
farm also in the parish. We brought sheep with us as a nucleus for our flock.
Although not a pedigree flock, every year the best ewe lambs were selected to replace
culled ewes, as had been the practice from grandfather’s early days in farming – so
bloodlines went back to them.36
Flocks involve long lasting relations of care. The ewes care for the lambs,37
and the farmers care for the individual sheep and for the flock as something that
is more than the sum of its individual members. Note that care is not maudlin:
it may be harsh too.38
But such harshness has its limits. Here is a Cumbrian
farmer:
We are not sentimental about sending our animals to the abattoir when they reach
maturity and peak condition but the mass slaughter of young, some very young,
animals seems very unnatural and it feels as if we are going to fail in our duty to them.39
A flock is a collective that cannot or should not be lost. One of the daily
practices of farming is taking care of a flock. And that care is inseparable from
geography, from topography and from meteorology.
In Cumbria the farmhouse and a few fields often lie at the bottom of the
valley but there are also extensive unfenced upland and highland fells for
grazing. The sheep live in those uplands and highlands for much of the year.
However, since in winter the tops are covered in snow, conditions are harsh and
there is little for them to eat, they are moved down in the autumn. Lambs for
fattening that will be sold in autumn and the winter are kept on the lower slopes.
Older breeding ewes or ‘draught sheep’ that can no longer live on the high fells
are sold to lowland farmers or for slaughter. And then there are the breeding
ewes that will lamb in the spring. More breeding ewes may be bought in the late
winter40
but it is the over-wintering breeding ewes and their springtime lambs
that form the core of the flock and secure its continuity. These carry it from
generation to generation. It is these that live the annual round of tupping,
36
Mercer (2002, 77). This quotation comes from the Devon Inquiry and does not refer to a
Lake District flock.
37
‘One of the worst things was the twin lambs from a sheep that was giving birth as the sheep
had been rounded up just minutes earlier. The sheep would have been a good mother as it was
really reluctant to leave them and difficult to load.’ (Jackson: 2001, 108).
38
Mol (2006).
39
Stockdale (2001, 114) .
40
This is in time for the CAP headage payment.
64 J. Law, A. Mol
lambing and shearing. And if they are released in the late spring onto the
uplands and the highlands, this also helps to care for the fields around the
farm. These, after all, should not be overgrazed and it is good to allow them
time to recover during the summer.41
But in March 2001, it was illegal to move sheep on or even across a public
highway. As a result many were trapped on the lower fells and unable to come
to the lowlands. Others were caught in lowland fields grazing on the pasture
usually set aside for breeding ewes and their lambs.42
They could not be sold but
there was not enough pasture to go around. This was not only another economic
strain on the farmers, but it was also bad for the welfare of the flock.43
The foot and mouth epidemic, with the threats and the restrictions it
brought, harmed the welfare of every Cumbrian flock. And some flocks,
those that were slaughtered to prevent the epizootic from spreading, were
permanently destroyed.
The only thing worse for a farmer than sending his entire healthy flock for slaughter
must be to see his flock come down with foot and mouth and to have them shot in front
of him and then to be piled up in his farmyard waiting to be burnt or buried.44
Farming practices, then, enact sheep as animals tied to time, place, sex and
age. No individual sheep matters very much, but as a flock they are of immense
and irredeemable value. The worst thing it did, then, this disease, was not to kill
individual sheep, but to eradicate entire flocks of them.
Sheep Acting
You cannot learn what a sheep is by staring at a picture. It helps more to unravel
the practices in which sheep figure, in which they are enacted in one way or
another.45
If we do this then we do not discover a sheep that is unified and
coherent. Instead we find a ‘sheep multiple’.46
This is because a slightly different
sheep is done in each practice. Even so, this multiplicity is not a plurality.
Instead there are complex and intricate relations between the various versions
41
It cares much less well for the uplands where there is substantial overgrazing, encouraged,
according to the critics, by the CAP headage subsidy for breeding ewes. See English Nature,
quoted in Policy Commission on the Future of Farming and Food (2002, 74).
42
They could also be used for cows that were wintering in the byre, but this is just another of
the many complexities we leave out.
43
Hence the importance of the welfare slaughter scheme. For an account of the difficulties
faced by hill farmers, see David Curry MP at House of Commons (2001, 96 WH).
44
Jackson (2001, 109).
45
There is a small body of work which explores the character of animals and micro-organisms
in the context of situated and multiple practices. See Haraway (2003), Bingham (2006) and
Hinchliffe (2001). The work of Laurent The´ venot (2001) on moral complexity in practice also
touches on relations with animals and indeed sheep.
46
Mol (2002) talks of the ‘body multiple’. For related arguements, see Law (2002).
4 The Actor-Enacted 65
of a sheep. So the (simplified!) stories of the different versions of the Cumbria
sheep in March 2001 both exclude and include each other. The farming sheep
was invaluable, outside value, whereas the economic sheep had a price on its
head. The farm flock deserved protection, whereas a sheep enacted as an
economic entity was more valuable dead than alive. And the epidemiological
sheep and the veterinary sheep simultaneously clashed with and depended on
one another. At the same time, however varied the ‘sheep’ they enacted, on a
day-to-day basis all these practices somehow came together. Economic
accounts and epidemiological calculations appeared on similar kinds of spread
sheets and policy took both into account. The vet visited the farm while the
farmer, besieged by foot and mouth was isolated and did not move far. Some
members of the family went to live in distant holdings to limit the coming and
going.47
So, if sheep were enacted in different ways, the different ‘sheep’ also held
together. These are sheep multiple: more than one but less than many.48
But if
we say that they were ‘being enacted’ does this mean that they were passive?
Here we hit a linguistic obstacle. The English language makes it easy to write
sentences that are active or sentences that are passive. But writing somewhere in
between ‘doing’ and ‘being done to’ is much more difficult. The divide between
‘mastery’ and ‘being mastered’ is thoroughly embedded in English and in its
neighbouring European languages. Active or passive, control or slavery, the
division is an enduring and central Western concern. And it is precisely this way
of building the world that here we seek to interfere with. Sheep enacted also act.
If sheep are enacted in different versions, this also means that they act in
different ways. But how? What is it that a veterinary sheep, an epidemiological
sheep, an economic sheep and a farming sheep actually do? How does this
animal-multiple make a difference? As we answer this question, we will gradually
learn more about the second term we are after, the ‘actor’.
Sheep and Vets
We have seen that in veterinary practice sheep are enacted as potential hosts for
the foot and mouth virus but that it is difficult to know whether a particular
sheep is indeed host to the virus or not. Let us look again at one of the quotes we
used above to illustrate this:
FMD in sheep is difficult to diagnose. Farmers and vets can miss the signs. Infected
sheep often display mild symptoms, if any, and suffer from other conditions that may
be confused with FMD.49
47
For a diary account of an away posting during lambing, see Buckle (2001).
48
For discussion of the complex character of partial connections, see Strathern (1991).
49
Foot and Mouth Disease 2001: Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, 49).
66 J. Law, A. Mol
The sheep is enacted in a specific way here (i.e., as a potential host for the
virus) but this does not mean it is passive. Instead, in these sentences the action
shifts. First, FMD (foot and mouth disease) is called upon as an actor: it is
difficult to diagnose. Then farmers and vets do something: they miss the signs.
And then, finally, the infected sheep themselves appear to be stubborn and
specific as well. They display symptoms in a mild way only and suffer from other
conditions that may be confused with FMD. So the fact that it is hard to
establish whether or not a specific sheep hosts the virus is the result of joint
action. Disease, farmers, vets and sheep, all make a difference to the end result.
To attribute all the agency to just one of these actors would be to miss the point.
It is not even easy to separate out the contribution made by each individual
actor to what is jointly being done. Sheep, we just saw, may either display
symptoms or hide the virus without showing it. But when farmers and vets want
to act in their turn, they need the sheep to collaborate. If farmers and vets want
to try to not miss the signs of the disease the sheep needs to open its mouth. So
when they act themselves, again they do not act alone. As a farmer writes:
He [the vet] had a good look round and all cattle, pigs, and sheep were given a clean bill
of health even though one of last year’s pet lambs trotted over with froth all round it’s
mouth! Goodness knows what it had been up to but it must have been a bit surprised at
the reaction it got: grabbed, turned on its back and three people trying to look into its
mouth. It may decide to skip the pleasantries next time I go into the shed.50
If a sheep is grabbed and turned on its back then it is being done to, but even
a sheep brutalised in this way is not passive. To begin with, it is surprised. And,
let us face it, it also allows the human beings around it to act in this brutal way. It
does not, for instance, respond by biting them, as it would if it were a zebra.51
What is more: this sheep is active in remembering its man-handling. It may have
been a pet lamb last year, a lamb fed with bottles that learned to trust human
beings, but next time the farmer enters the shed, it may well decide to skip the
pleasantries. It is not stupid!
Sheep Un/counted
Sheep do not catch foot and mouth as easily as some other species, and neither
do they transmit it so fast. This means that they made difficulties for the
epidemiological models and for the modellers. For we may say that in epidemiology
sheep are enacted ‘as inputs and outputs of calculations’, but if they are
to be enacted in this way, the calculations need to take sheep-data into account.
Extrapolation from other statistics is not enough. This was a problem in 2001
because earlier foot and mouth outbreaks were not driven by a reservoir of
infection in the sheep population.
50
Stockdale (2001, 223).
51
This is why zebra never got domesticated. For discussion see Diamond (1997).
4 The Actor-Enacted 67
Dr Donaldson had criticisms of the scientific basis of the mathematical models and the
influence they had had on disease control policy. He strongly disagreed with the
conclusions of the modellers about their forecasts for the development of the epidemic.
The predicted epidemic curves had been based on parameters from the 1967/8 epidemic
which had been cattle-driven;52
Because cattle and sheep respond to the foot and mouth virus in different
ways, epidemiological models based on data about cattle were of questionable
utility in 2001. Models based on pigs would have not been good enough either.
Not only are their bodies different, but also are their habits. A pig’s body emits
more virus than that of a sheep and picks it up more easily. And while sheep in
Cumbria live spread out across a hillside for many months of the year and are
not in especially close contact with one another, pigs are often crammed
together in sheds.53
It is not difficult to understand why the virus might spread
faster among the latter than the former.
But if sheep act in their own specific way in an epidemiological model, this
does not mean that they are able to force modellers to take them into account. If
some models just skip them and their specificities, what can they do? And this is
what happened, in March 2001. The Imperial model did not attend to what
sheep do differently.54
No amount of bleating would have made any difference
to this. Sheep can act directly in various ways but not in Imperial College and its
computers. They need someone to transport their actions and someone to open
Imperial’s doors for them. As it is elsewhere, so too it is for epidemiological
models: sheep do not act alone. They only act if others collaborate with them.55
In March 2001 the data fed into the models, probably adding new infections
in cattle and pigs to old infections in sheep, arrived at an overinflated and
excessively alarmist conclusion about rates of infection. And policy was based
on the latter. On March 27th, less than two weeks after the 3 km cull of sheep in
Cumbria was put in place, a general and much more severe policy of slaughtering
all animals on ‘contiguous premises’ was announced. If the 3 km cull had
met with resistance, this new policy was even more controversial. Many farmers
thought it was quite unnecessary. In an effort to avoid compliance, they began
to hide their sheep and to avoid all contact with officialdom.
We heard of vets being paid to ring round their clients and ‘spy’ on who might have
animals left and might be trying to hide them. I got to a stage where I would not answer
the phone unless I recognised the number on the caller display. Through all of this, our
sheep, ‘the girls’, lived locked in the barn. The gate to our property was permanently
locked.56
52
Donaldson (2002).
53
Dring (2001).
54
Scudamore (2002, 13).
55
For a fascinating account of the need for collaboration in action, see Callon and Rabeharisoa
(2004).
56
Taylor (2004).
68 J. Law, A. Mol
One might say that the Cumbrian sheep along with their farmers took
revenge for being ignored by the most influential epidemiological modellers.
The farming specificities on the ground did not match the policies based on the
models. Outrage led to clashes and scarcely disguised disobedience. Indeed, in
practice the cull was often voluntary and the sheep handed over for slaughter
were from farmers who also had cattle which they wished to protect or from
those who most wanted or needed compensation.57
So things did not turn out in
the way the government had hoped or expected. Having been ignored in the
dominant epidemiological model, the sheep found other ways of acting. And
thus, in their own fluid way, they became politically dangerous.58
The Price of Sheep
Enacted economically, sheep yield a price. However, the particular price paid
for a particular sheep does not depend on that sheep alone. As is obvious, it
reflects whatever comes together at the point of buying and selling in, or indeed
outside, the market.59
For Cumbrian sheep in March 2001, it was partly a
matter of taste (why do consumers in Spain, Italy and the South of France
like the light lamb of the northern fells, while British customers do not?60
). It
was partly a matter of international regulation (since no exports were possible
in 2001, the price of lamb fell for farmers in Britain, while, as a result of the
consequent shortages, they rose in continental Europe.61
) It was partly a matter
of European policy. (The CAP headage payments, calculated on the basis of
market prices in continental Europe, were unusually low precisely because those
market prices were high.62
) It was partly a matter of the exchange rate between
the euro and the pound (the CAP headage payment is calculated in euros, but
the pound was high in 2001, so the payment was low). It was partly a matter of
domestic regulation. (On 2nd March, after a complete standstill, it was
announced that animals could be taken under licence directly to the abattoir
but since the number of hours permitted for drivers was limited, in practice the
abattoir needed to be within 160 miles of the farm.63
)
So, it is not ‘the individual sheep’ in and of itself that yields a price. Instead, it
is an embedded sheep. Earlier we said that a sheep does not act alone but that
57
Heaton (2002).
58
For agency understood as fluidity, see de Laet and Mol (2000).
59
There is fine work on the specificities of markets, and the enactment of commodities in
Callon (1998b). See, in particular, his (1998a).
60
House of Commons (2001, 90 WH).
61
House of Commons (2001, 94 WH).
62
House of Commons (2001, 94 WH).
63
See Peter Atkinson MP at House of Commons (2001, 91 WH) and National Audit Office
(2002, 102).
4 The Actor-Enacted 69
action moves around in a fluid way. Then we added that if a sheep may act (say,
in a model), this does not mean that it will actually do so. It may well require the
collaboration of other actors. Now, we add that the other elements of the web in
which it is embedded, not only allows a sheep to act (or not), but also influences
what exactly it may do. They afford it in specific ways. In March 2001, consumer
taste, international regulations, European policy, exchange rates and
abattoir distance, to name just a few of the relevant (f)actors jointly afforded a
Cumbrian sheep with a price.
This is not to say that these (f)actors determined its price. There were so many
of them that their activities interfered with one another in an unpredictable way.
And, in any case, the sheep itself also made a difference. It acted too. For
instance, if it died before it came to market (of disease or at the hands of
slaughter men as part of the cull), other factors came into play. A carcass
might yield nothing at all or it might attract a (better or worse) compensation
payment.
The average compensation values for sheep rose from an initial £100 to £300 in July and
then also declined. A standard rate card was introduced in March 2001. To encourage
its use the standard rates were based on the upper quartile of market prices before the
February outbreak. The rates ranged from . . . £32 to £150 for sheep.64
Enacted as an economic entity, a sheep acts in an economic way. It does
something that fits into economic calculations: it yields a price. But since it does
not do so alone, it cannot begin to control the level of the price. Action is very
different from control.
A Flock on the Hill
Sheep have cohabited with humans for millennia65
and they have done so in
many different modes. Shepherds no longer live in the Lakeland hills with their
summer sheep, but even so farming practice in Cumbria still enacts sheep as
animals in need of care. Yet even as they are being cared for, sheep also take care
of themselves. Of course they actively graze and even if some lambs are bottlefed
at the farm, most are nursed by the ewes. However, the most striking selfcare
activity of Cumbrian sheep is that even though they wander across the hills
without a shepherd, they know where to go.66
The heafed or hefted flocks of hill sheep, to the best of my knowledge, are unique to
Great Britain and Ireland. From my own experience, having established a new flock on
a hill, it takes three to five years for the flock to learn their boundaries. During this time
sheep are lost through straying, from drowning in streams and bogs because they don’t
64
Foot and Mouth Disease 2001: Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, 132).
65
At least nine to ten thousand years. See Clutton-Brock (1999, 74).
66
The former care of shepherds may well lie at the origins of hefting that can thus be
understood as a form of self-care. See Smart (2001).
70 J. Law, A. Mol
know the safe passages and buried in snow because they haven’t learned the good
shelter areas.67
This particular Cumbrian farmer adds that a flock needs at least five years to
become knowledgeable enough to be safe. So knowing how not to wander does
not come easy to Cumbrian sheep. But the fact that they do had far reaching
consequences in March 2001. The extraordinary ability of flocks of hefted sheep
to learn about the landscape, fed into the next change in policy:
Hefted sheep result from years of careful breeding during which knowledge of the
parcel of land, the ’heft’, is passed on from ewe to ewe lambs. As part of the policy
adjustments announced on 26 April, rare breeds and hefted sheep were exempted from
the contiguous cull provided that strict biosecurity was maintained.68
This tells us that how hefted sheep act in relation to the fells was reflected back in
what was being done to them. Not directly, for others had to make the arguments,
but even so the actions of the sheep made a difference to government policy.
Policy was decided in London, so this was a case of acting at a distance.69
The
point is not that the sheep sought to affect others far away or that they tried to
protect themselves but that they did so. Hefted sheep are influential far beyond
their own immediate reach in other ways as well. This is because they do not
only know the landscape they live in but also actively interfere with it:
Dr. Bardgett of Lancaster University has carried out research into what happens when
the grazing animals are removed from a hill. Within ten years it is fast reverting to
scrub. First the dominant grasses will swamp the sward. Bracken will encroach even
faster. Gorse, and in some cases brambles, will seed and spread unchecked. Seeds of
Silver Birch, Ash, Sycamore, Willow and Alder carry on the wind and will germinate
and grow unmolested. Rare plants, that thrive because of and not despite the grazing
pressure, will disappear.70
So, hefted sheep helped to make and maintain the Lake District landscape.
And this is the original landscape of the English romantic imagination. Largely
unwooded and largely unfenced, with its sudden open vistas of distant valleys
and lakes, it is kept in this state in part by the actions of the hefted sheep as they
graze evenly across its slopes. But this implied that the romantic imagination
was under threat in 2001 and doubly so. In the short run, the fells were out of
bounds for walkers. The fear was that the latter might spread the virus. In the
long run, there was the danger that denuded of its hefted flocks, the landscape
would start to change. That scrub would start to grow and trees and that if
sheep returned at all, fences would be needed:71
67
Mawdsley (2001).
68
Foot and Mouth Disease 2001: Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, 128).
69
On action at a distance, see Latour (1987).
70
Mawdsley (2001).
71
And indeed in certain areas of the fells, for instance around the Old Man of Coniston and
Wrynose Pass, there are now fences to keep the sheep in place. The hope is that they can be
removed once the sheep have learned where they may safely graze.
4 The Actor-Enacted 71
For hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, rambling is an escape from regimentation.
They have lost the right to roam. They are being told that the slaughter of
Herdwick sheep will transform the open fells of the Lake District into a scrubland no
one who has loved Wordsworth or followed a Wainwright guide will recognise – and
that the Peak District could follow.72
Without the action of its knowledgeable flocks of sheep, the open fells would
disappear and with this the possibility of a specific kind of romantic ‘escape
from regimentation’. The sheep, to be sure, know little of this as they teach their
lambs where and where not to go. They graze. So far as we know, they care little
about nature lovers, walking boots and Wainwright guides. Yet their actions
inform the romantic imagination and its activities which tells us that even in
order to act at a distance, one does not need to be a strategist.
What Is Done
We set out to answer the question: ‘do sheep act?’ And we have suggested that
they do. But along the way we have interfered with and changed the terms of the
question. Both the words ‘sheep’ and ‘act’ now mean something different.
A sheep, to begin there, is not a figure given with the space-time co-ordinates
that we tend to use for geographical and historical localising. We need to say
that the sheep we are talking about was found in Cumbria in March 2001. But
this is just a beginning, for then there are practices, a whole variety of them, to
be examined. So we have tried to show that veterinary, epidemiological, economic
and farming practices each enacted ‘sheep’ in different ways which tells
us that what a ‘sheep’ is can only be known if we explore these practices – that it
is not given outside them. But this is not to say that exploring a few practices in a
few pages gives us an exhaustive answer to the question ‘what is sheep?’. Our
inquiries are necessarily partial. We might say a lot more about veterinary,
epidemiological, economic and farming practices and we might also go on to
investigate practices to do with tourism, animal rights, slaughter and the
disposal of the carcasses. The list is endless. The reality of an entity is never
exhausted. Imagine it as a fractal: if you magnify a fragment you discover an
image that is as complex as the first one. And it is the same if you shift your
attention to another fragment.73
So, a sheep-enacted does not exist all by itself and neither does it act alone.
Indeed, an actor-enacted acts in collaboration with others to such an extent that
it is not always clear who is doing what. Action moves around. It is like a
viscous fluid. What each actor does also depends on its co-actors, on whether
they allow it to act and on what they allow it to do, on rules and regulations. But
this is not to say that an actor-enacted is determined by its surroundings. It has
72
Cohen (2001).
73
This arguement is explored in Strathern (1991).
72 J. Law, A. Mol
its own stubbornness and specificities: it is full of surprises. So the difference an
actor makes is not predictable. Indeed, on the contrary: what actors-enacted do
is essentially indeterminate. So much comes together in the collaborative webs
of complex practice. How might one begin to know beforehand how it adds up,
how the various tugs and pulls intersect and interfere with one another?
So, the actor-enacted is complex. And that complexity only increases if we also
attend explicitly to the normativity of all the activities in which it is involved. We
have not said a lot about this but it is obvious that stories about foot and mouth
disease are far from neutral. The disease brings dis-ease. It also affects what is
appreciated. Take the mundane activities of farming. In normal times these are hard
work. Periods of grind. lambing in the middle of the night. hand feeding a number of
lambs. But suddenly, when those activities are no longer needed, they look different:
Since the start of lambing in early January I had been waiting for the day when the
kitchen windowsill would be free from bottles, teats, jugs and a box of milk powder to
feed orphan lambs. When that day came, how I wished them back again.74
And foot and mouth was terrible for many:
What do you say [says an MP] to men, big men with hands like shovels and hearts like
an ox who are broken down on the phone? They say, ‘Eeh! I canna talk to you any more
lad. Can you speak to the wife?’75
But this does not mean that nothing good happened in Cumbria in March
2001. Again we discover complexities. In every specific context and at every
moment, there are ways of handling things that are better and ways that are
worse.. Goods and bads are being done at every level of scale. They also get
mixed up and what is more, there are ambivalences.76
So that, for instance, even
at the worst moments for farmers, when their animals were slaughtered, there
were nuances. Farmers sent bunches of flowers to the vets,77
and good slaughter
men could still be recognised as good slaughter men:
It sounds like it is very tense work, arriving on farms and not knowing what the
handling facilities are going to be like, or the people – vets and farmers. But George
and his team obviously feel a sense of responsibility to both farmer and livestock and
have been managing to keep the stress on the animals to a minimum.78
Here, the slaughter men are appreciated for their ‘sense of responsibility’.
But often the normativities of action have little to do with intentions. They are
unintended because they were not predicted or because where the action was
being taken no one had thought his consequences through:79
74
Mercer (2002, 77).
75
Maclean (2001, 55).
76
On ambivalence, see Singleton (1996).
77
Frost-Pennington (2001, 7).
78
Stockdale (2001, 114).
79
The classic essay on unintended consequences comes from Merton (1957, 60–69).
4 The Actor-Enacted 73
structural changes in the sheep industry which over a period of years have resulted in an
increase in the size of the national flock, a reduction in the farm labour force resulting
in greater reliance on shared or contracted labour and the fact that >50% of livestock
holdings have sheep on them at some time of the year.80
An increase in the size of the national flock is good for farmers, if it increases
their incomes. But epidemiologically it is bad: that increases in size, together
with the trading that goes with it, increases the likelihood of an epizootic.
Indeed it can be argued that one of the contributory factors of the size of the
2001 outbreak was the sheer scale of the (partially CAP related) trading in sheep
in late February.81
An increase in the number of sheep is also bad for the
landscape:
Environmentalists argue that the highlands bear too much grazing, in part because of
the CAP headage payments for ewes.82
The landscape depends on the sheep – but if there are too many of them, it
gets destroyed. Activities have complex and often unpredictable effects. And
the interfering webs that make up assemblages lead to surprises, too. All of
which means that what emerges is hard to predict. For assemblages, like actors,
are creative. They have novel effects and they make new things. However, to say
that they make new things tells us nothing about the desirability of those new
things. Indeterminacy and novelty are indifferent to the human condition – or,
for that matter, to that of the sheep or the hills. But this creativity leaves us with
a possible definition of an actor. We might say that an actor is a moment of
indeterminacy that generates events and situations. It does this together with
other actors that enact it and that it, in its turn, enacts. And it does so for better,
or for worse, or both. Or, then again, we might say that an actor is the site where
we situate what surprised us post hoc when we tell stories about events and
situations. It is the creative limit where our stories stop.
But if we define the actor in this way, then this suggests that determining
whether this or that is or is not an actor is of secondary importance. More
interesting than the fact that things may act is what they do. Anything is, or
might be, or might be said to be, an actor. So the point is not who has done it.83
Instead, what become more urgent are questions about what is happening.
What do actors do? How are they creative? How do their underdetermined
activities help to create or to destroy? What are the possibilities that they
condition? Or, to speak as a walker in the Lake District hills: where does this
path come from and where might it lead?
80
Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs (2002, 2).
81
Foot and Mouth Disease 2001: Lessons to be Learned Inquiry (2002, 30).
82
Policy Commission on the Future of Farming and Food (2002, 73).
83
No wonder that even in the most beautiful social science ‘whodunit’, the author, Latour
cannot find the answer to the question: ‘who killed Aramis’ (see Latour (1996)).
74 J. Law, A. Mol
References
Akrich, M., 1992, The De-Scription of Technical Objects. In Shaping Technology, Building
Society: Studies in Sociotechnical Change, edited by E. Bijker and J. Law, pp. 205–224.
MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.
Ashworth, S., Palmer, M., and Northen, H., 2000, An Economic Evaluation of the Sheepmeat
Regime as Applied in the United Kingdom, Auchincruive, Ayr: SAC, also available at http://
statistics.defra.gov.uk/esg/evaluation/shpmtreg/.
Bingham, N., 2006, Bees, Butterflies and Bacteria: Biotechnology and the Politics of Nonhuman
Friendship. Environment and Planning A, 38 (3): 483–498.
Buckle, M., 2001, No title. In Foot and Mouth: Heart and Soul. A Collection of Personal Accounts
of the Foot and Mouth Outbreak in Cumbria 2001, edited by C. Graham, pp. 34–47. Carlisle:
BBC Radio Cumbria.
Callon, M., 1986, Some Elements of a Sociology of Translation: Domestication of the
Scallops and the Fishermen of Saint Brieuc Bay. In Power, Action and Belief: a new
Sociology of Knowledge? edited by J. Law, pp. 196–233. Sociological Review Monograph,
32, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.
Callon, M., 1998a, Introduction: the Embeddedness of Economic Markets in Economics. In
The Laws of the Markets, edited by M. Callon, pp. 1–57. Blackwell and the Sociological
Review, Oxford and Keele.
Callon, M. (ed.), 1998b, The Laws of the Markets, Blackwell and the Sociological Review,
Oxford and Keele.
Callon, M., and Rabeharisoa, V., 2004, Gino’s Lesson on Humanity, Economy and Society 33:
1–27.
Clutton-Brock, J., 1999, A Natural History of Domesticated Animals. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge.
Cohen, N., 2001, Well, Goodbye Dolly. The Observer, 8th April, 2001, also available at http://
politics.guardian.co.uk/footandmouth/comment/0,9236,470361,00.html.
Cumbria Foot and Mouth Disease Inquiry, 2002, Report. Cumbria Foot and Mouth Disease
Task Force, Carlisle. http://web.archive.org/web/20021016132125/http://www.cumbria.
gov.uk/news/footandmouth/inquiry/f&m_inquiry_report.pdf, updated 16th October,
2002, (accessed 29th August, 2003).
de Laet, M., and Mol, A., 2000, The Zimbabwe Bush Pump: Mechanics of a Fluid Technology,
Social Studies of Science 30 (2): 225–263.
Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs, 2002, Origin of the UK Foot
and Mouth Disease Epidemic in 2001. London, http://www.defra.gov.uk/corpo
rate/inquiries/lessons/fmdorigins.pdf, updated June 2002, (accessed 29th August,
2003).
Diamond, J. M., 1997, Guns, Germs and Steel : a Short History of Everybody for the Last
13,000 Years. Jonathan Cape, London.
Donaldson, A., 2002, Note of Meeting 8 April 2002. Lessons to be Learned Inquiry, London.
http://archive.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/fmd/fmd_report/documents/B-MeetingNotes/Institute%
20of%20Animal%20Health%20-%20Dr%20Alex%20Donaldson.pdf, (accessed 28 February
2006).
Dring, J., 2001, My Involvement with the Waughs. DEFRA, London, http://www.defra.gov.
uk/footandmouth/pdf/dringstatement.pdf, updated 16th March 2004, (accessed 9th
August 2004).
Foot and Mouth Disease 2001, Lessons to be Learned Inquiry, 2002, Report, London:
London, The Stationery Office, http://213.121.214.218/fmd/report/index.htm, (accessed
28th August, 2003).
Frost-Pennington, P., 2001, Into the Valleys of Death. In Foot and Mouth: Heart and Soul. A
Collection of Personal Accounts of the Foot and Mouth Outbreak in Cumbria 2001, edited by
C. Graham, pp. 7–8. BBC Radio Cumbria, Carlisle.
4 The Actor-Enacted 75
Haraway, D. J., 1991, Situated Knowledges: the Science Question in Feminism and the
Privilege of Partial Perspective. In Simians, Cyborgs and Women: the Reinvention of
Nature, edited by D. Haraway, pp. 183–201. Free Association Books, London, also
available at http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/rt21/concepts/HARAWAY.html.
Haraway, D. J., 2003, The Companion Species Manifesto: Dogs, People, and Significant
Otherness. Prickly Paradigm Press, Chicago.
Heaton, S., 2002, Cumbria Public Meeting. Lessons to Be Learned Inquiry, London, http://
archive.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/fmd/fmd_report/documents/A-Submissions/Ref%20414.
pdf, (accessed 21 February 2006).
Hinchliffe, S., 2001, Indeterminacy In-decisions: Science, Policy and Politics in the BSE Crisis,
Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 26: 182–204.
House of Commons, 2001, Upland Farming, Hansard 372: (23), Cols 96 WH, (18 July 2001),
also available at http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200102/cmhansrd/
vo010718/halltext/10718 h02.htm#10718 h02_spnew4.
House of Commons Select Committee on Agriculture, 2001, Minutes of Evidence: Examination
of Witnesses (Questions 480–499), Wednesday 25 April, 2001, The Stationery Office,
London, also available at http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200001/cmselect/
cmagric/363/1042508.htm.
Jackson, H., 2001, Foot and Mouth. In Foot and Mouth: Heart and Soul. A Collection of
Personal Accounts of the Foot and Mouth Outbreak in Cumbria 2001, edited by C. Graham,
pp. 108–109. BBC Radio Cumbria, Carlisle.
Kao, R. R., 2002, The Role of Mathematical Modelling in the Control of the 2001 FMD
Epidemic in the UK, Trends in Microbiology 10 (6): 279–286.
Latour, B., 1987, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers Through Society.
Open University Press, Milton Keynes.
Latour, B., 1988, Irre´ductions, published with The Pasteurisation of France. Harvard,
Cambridge, Mass.
Latour, B., 1996, Aramis, or the Love of Technology, MIT Press,.Cambridge, Mass.
Law, J., 2002, Aircraft Stories: Decentering the Object in Technoscience, Duke University
Press, Durham, N.Ca.
Law, J., 2003, Traduction/Trahison: Notes on ANT, University of Oslo, Oslo, TMV Working
Paper, 106, also available at www.lancs.ac.uk/fss/sociology/papers/law-traduction-trahi
son.pdf; 1997.
Maclean, D., 2001, Foot and Mouth. In Foot and Mouth: Heart and Soul. A Collection of
Personal Accounts of the Foot and Mouth Outbreak in Cumbria 2001, edited by C. Graham,
pp. 53–57. BBC Radio Cumbria, Carlisle.
Mawdsley, R., 2001, Diary. Heart of Cumbria, http://web.archive.org/web/20020123225817/
www.heartofcumbria.com/diaries/mawdsley1.htm, (accessed 26th July 2004).
Mercer, I., 2002, Crisis and Opportunity: Devon Foot and Mouth Inquiry 2001. Tiverton,
Devon Books, http://www.devon.gov.uk/fminquiry/finalreport/, (accessed 28th August,
2003).
Merton, R. K., 1957, Social Theory and Social Structure. Free Press, New York.
Mol, A., 2002, The Body Multiple: Ontology in Medical Practice, Duke University Press,
Durham, N. Ca., and London:
Mol, A., 2006, De Logica van het Zorgen: Actieve Patie¨nten en de Grenzen van her Kiezen,
Amsterdam: Van Gennep; (forthcoming in English as The Logic of Care: Active Patients
and the Limits of Choice).
National Audit Office, 2002, The 2001 Outbreak of Foot and Mouth Disease. National Audit
Office, London, HC 939, http://www.nao.gov.uk/publications/nao_reports/01-02/
0102939.pdf, updated 21st June 2002, (accessed 15th September 2003).
Policy Commission on the Future of Farming and Food, 2002, Farming and Food: A Sustainable
Future. Cabinet Office, London, also available at http://www.cabinet-office.gov.uk/farm
ing/pdf/PC%20Report2.pdf.
76 J. Law, A. Mol
Scudamore, J. M., 2002, Note of Meeting 10 April 2002. Lessons to Be Learned Inquiry,
London. http://archive.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/fmd/fmd_report/documents/B-MeetingNotes/
Jim%20Scudamore%20First%20Meeting.pdf, (accessed 26 February 2006).
Shannon, D., 2002, Note of a Meeting on 8 April 2002 with Dr David Shannon, retired Chief
Scientist, DEFRA. Lessons to Be Learned Inquiry, London. http://archive.cabinetoffice.
gov.uk/fmd/fmd_report/documents/B-MeetingNotes/Dr%20 David%20Shannon.pdf,
(accessed 24 February 2006).
Singleton, V., 1996, Feminism, Sociology of Scientific Knowledge and Postmodernism:
Politics, Theory and Me, Social Studies of Science 26: 445–468.
Smart, K., 2001, Herdwick Sheep – the Irreplaceable ’Wild’ Sheep who are the Lake District’s
Gardeners. News and Star, 24 March 2001, also available at http://www.visitcumbria.com/
herdwick.htm.
Stockdale, M., 2001, Foot and Mouth. In Foot and Mouth: Heart and Soul. A Collection of
Personal Accounts of the Foot and Mouth Outbreak in Cumbria 2001, edited by C. Graham,
pp. 112–117. BBC Radio Cumbria, Carlisle.
Strathern, M., 1991, Partial Connections. Rowman and Littlefield, Savage Maryland.
Taylor, C., 2004, Coleen’s Story. Farmtalking, http://web.archive.org/web/20020411165451/
http://www.farmtalking.com/coleenstory.html, updated 19th July, 2004, (accessed 5th
January 2007).
Taylor, N., 2003, Review of the use of Models in Informing Disease Control Policy.
Development and Adjustment, Reading: Veterinary Epidemiology and Economics Research
Unit (VEERU), School of Agriculture, Policy and Development, The University of
Reading, also available at http://www.defra.gov.uk/science/documents/publications/
2003/UseofModelsinDiseaseControlPolicy.pdf.
The Royal Society, 2002, Infectious diseases in livestock. Scientific questions relating to the
transmission, prevention and control of epidemic outbreaks of infectious disease in
livestock in Great Britain. Royal Society of London, London. http://www.royalsoc.ac.
uk/inquiry/, (accessed 29th August 2003).
The´ venot, L., 2001, Which Road to Follow? The Moral Complexity of an ’Equipped’
Humanity. In Complexities: Social Studies of Knowledge Practices, edited by J. Law and
A. Mol. Duke University Press, Durham, N.Ca
4 The Actor-Enacted 77