ART IN THE SERVICE OF PROPAGANDA: THE POSTER
WAR IN FRANCE DURING WORLD WAR II
1
MARGARET COLLIN S WEITZ
Suffolk University
A
rt in the service of propaganda has a long history. Since the invention
of printing, billboards and walls have marked the vicissitudes of history.
In France the first use of political posters dates to 1539. Posters of the
French Revolution were of small format, with the image prominent. The
power of the image was acknowledged in an 1835 law that, while allowing
Frenchmen to circulate their opinions in published form, held that complete
liberty was not possible with “drawings,” for they could “incite to
action” (Wilkins 425) The nineteenth century with its many technical
innovations inaugurated the poster of today. During recent wars, posters
have played an important political role in efforts to secure a hold over the
population.
All observers agree: from 1940 to 1945 there was a campaign of
competing propaganda in France without precedent. One can read part of
the history of the Dark Years of the German occupation of France from the
posters put up on French walls. In a study of French propaganda from 1940
to 1944 Dominique Rossignol maintains that “war with images extends war
with arms” (Rossignol 63). Posters conveyed visual messages at a time
when television did not exist and newsreels were censored (as was the
press). Their importance was such that those who took down posters
risked heavy sanctions; tearing or defacing posters of the occupation
authority were considered acts of sabotage (as, ironically, posters pro-
claimed).
From the nineteenth century on, Paris walls were covered with commercial
publicity, but now these promotions largely gave way to duly
approved propaganda posters. In addition to exercising censorship, the
Germans allocated paper, ink, printers and workshops, and distribution.
The exceptional number of propaganda posters produced (for example,
over three million to mark Labor Day, May 1, 1941) during a period of
acute shortages – especially paper – testifies to the importance accorded
them.
In this massive poster propaganda campaign during the Occupation,
religious themes were exploited. For example, both the Germans and the
Vichy government of Marshal Pétain linked anti-British (and later antiRE
LIG IO N and the ART S 4:1 (2000): 43-75. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden
American) themes to Joan of Arc; scenes of churches destroyed in the
deadly Allied bombings were frequently depicted. Graphic anti-Semitic art
linked Jews (depicted as international capitalists or terrorists) to both the
Allies and the Communists. Vichy privileged Pétain’s image as the Savior
of France, restoring the country’s virtues and leading a crusade to save it
from anti-Christian elements: Freemasons, Communists and Jews.
Religious themes in posters put up in France during the Second World
War need to be set in the larger context of the poster war between different
groups seeking to gain the population’s loyalty. Before defeat, Third
Republic posters urged the French to support their forces and subscribe to
victory loans; later, with the Liberation, the provisional government sought
help in the reconstruction of their country. With the armistice and occupation,
the occupying forces put up their propaganda posters, as did the
Vichy regime and more politically extremist groups. The French Resistance,
the provisional government of Charles de Gaulle, and even the Allies participated
to some extent in the poster campaign.
We know little about the genesis of a poster – the specific instructions
given to the artist, the effect sought or the restrictions imposed (Gervereau
13). Frequently the artist is unknown. Like all the French of this period,
poster artists made a choice. While some went to the United States, others
either worked little, or not at all. Apparently there was scant pressure on
them to work if they chose not to. There were also those like Michel
Jacquot who designed inflammatory posters for both Vichy and the
Germans. Before their departure the German authorities destroyed most
documentation, including that pertaining to the Vichy government that it
had come to control. Consequently there are few documents detailing the
production of posters in France during World War II.
Throughout these years there were many official announcements:
notices, decrees, appeals or warnings posted in public places with text only.
In the period known as the “Phoney War,” prior to the armistice of July
1940, the French War Ministry undertook a massive Passive Defense campaign
that featured over 50 posters. After the defeat and the installation of
Marshal Pétain’s government (France was the only country to set up a new
government under German occupation), the text of Pétain’s frequent radio
addresses were among the many posters the Vichy regime issued. The
German occupation forces put up bilingual notices, with hours for curfew,
closing of public places, the métro and other institutions, as well as notices
of the penalties for offenses against the Germans. Lists of executions soon
followed.
Taken together, these poster texts provide graphic examples of the
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oppressive, menacing climate that soon developed. Writer Jean GaltierBoissière
notes in his diary on August 24, 1940: “The walls of Paris are
covered with official announcements: the notice of Admiral Bard, Prefect
of Police, offering a million (francs) to those who denounce saboteurs; the
45
Margaret Collins Weitz
1. Paul Colin: Silence. The enemy is listening for your secrets, 1940. Poster.
red poster announcing the shooting of two patriots, by way of example; the
poster stating that all French prisoners will serve as hostages and be shot if
there are new incidents” (Galtier-Boissière 55-56). Journalist Jacques
Biélinky’s diary is filled with descriptions of Paris streets – until it became
too dangerous for a Jew to stroll about. He observed the transformation of
the city, with growing anti-Semitism evidenced in German and Vichy
posters; what might be termed a “publicity” of exclusion. He notes the first
of many announcements excluding Jews from food stores except during the
late afternoon when most stocks had disappeared, from all public places
such as restaurants, cafés, cinemas, parks, etc.
Posters with images issued by the Third Republic during the first year
of the war included Paul Colin’s “Silence” (fig. 1), the French equivalent of
the famed series of British posters by Fougasse, “Careless Talk Costs Lives.”
There were also posters trying to reassure the populace that: “We will conquer
because we are the strongest” (fig. 2). More emphasis and urgency
should have been placed on the true nature of their opponent.
As soon as the Germans occupied the northern two-thirds of the country,
including Paris, in late spring 1940 they embarked upon a vast propaganda
effort to gain the population’s allegiance. Initial propaganda attacks
focussed on the British and their Gaullist allies, as they sought to create or
46
RELIGION and the ARTS
2. L. Daniel: We will conquer because we are strongest, 1940. Poster.
intensify French anglophobia and reassure the population of their benevolent
protection. “Populations Abandonnées” (fig. 3) was conceived in 1940
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Margaret Collins Weitz
3. Theo Matijeko: Abandoned peoples, place your confidence in the German
soldier, 1940. Poster.
by Theo Matijeko, a German illustrator who worked for the Berliner
Illustrierte. When the Allies invaded North Africa in November 1942, the
hatred of German authorities was unleashed against the Americans, the
48
RELIGION and the ARTS
4. Roosevelt assassin, 1942. Poster.
new aggressors; Roosevelt is the assassin (fig. 4). Roosevelt and Churchill
are often shown dividing up France’s colonial empire. This aggression was
financed by the Jews, it was alleged. De Gaulle is depicted, literally, as
merely their mouthpiece. Jews are “behind everything,” manipulating world
leaders like puppets; controlling the press, the movie industry, etc. (fig. 5).
The famous “Red Poster,” “Des Libérateurs?” (fig. 6) asking if these are
really liberators, was produced by the Germans to accompany the January
1944 trial of a group of foreign, largely Jewish opponents of the Reich, the
M.O.I. (Main d’oeuvre immigrée). The photos were chosen to incite xenophobia
and anti-Semitism: red dominates, the color of the Red Army, of
blood. In Nazi logic, every foreigner was Jewish.
“Finis les Mauvais Jours” (fig. 7) urges French workers to volunteer to
work in German factories so that the “bad days will end.” The artist,
Mjolnir (pseudonym of Hans Schweitzer) was one of the most celebrated
Nazi designers, known in particular for his violent anti-Semitic posters. As
a top civil servant in the Propaganda Ministry, he helped organize the 1937
German exhibition on “degenerate” art. Because it is unsigned, this poster
offers an example of the ambiguity found in posters of the period. There
was a gradual overlapping of propaganda services working against common
enemies, with the Germans assuming increasing control over Vichy projects.
Ambiguity is particularly true in the case of anti-Semitic posters. Some
posters sponsored by Vichy’s Institute for the Study of Jewish Questions
(Institut d’Étude des Questions Juives) were the work of German artists,
presumably produced under German direction. In this graphic poster,
“Français! Au Secours!” (fig. 8), the cry is for the French to rescue their
country, portrayed as a female victim ravished by a Jewish bird of prey. It
was designed by Michel Jacquot, who joined a collaborationist group and,
thanks to a lucrative contract, agreed to go to work in Germany. Jacquot
also helped design the posters for the very successful 1941 exhibition on
“The Jew and France” held in Paris and other major cities (fig. 9).2
The general
ideological theme of German propaganda was that of the superman
battling the Jew and his allies in the defense of Christianity. While the
Germans did not use Christian iconography as extensively as did Vichy,
already in 1940 they produced a poster of Joan of Arc being burned at the
stake behind a French soldier carrying a cross, like Christ (fig. 10). AntiSemitism
was the dominant theme in German propaganda in France.3
Marshal Pétain’s government made an exceptional effort to influence
French opinion using posters with illustrations that occupied almost the
entire surface; texts tended to be serious and short. The purpose of the
image was to simplify the viewer’s reasoning, following Goebbels’s theories
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Margaret Collins Weitz
on propaganda. Vichy favored posters and radio broadcasts to communicate
with the public. A recent study of “images of a certain France,” divides
French posters of the time into three general categories: official announcements
signed by the responsible authorities; appeals to civic virtue such as
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5. Jews behind everything. Poster.
Pétain exhorting the French to honor family unity, return to the land, and
partake of the “joys” of work in Germany. Finally, openly political posters
supported the Marshal, his policies and projects (Marchetti 5).
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Margaret Collins Weitz
6. Liberators? Liberation by an army of criminals, 1944. Poster.
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RELIGION and the ARTS
7. Mjolnir (Hans Schweitzer): Bad days are over, Papa is making money in
Germany! Poster.
Although the policies, personnel and resources of the French state
varied, certain propaganda themes remained constant. The cult of Pétain
held an exceptional place. The Marshal saw propaganda as a means of
establishing his power and his image; icon and cement of the nation,
according to historian Françoise Bertrand Dorléac (Dorléac 110-111). Pétain
was the incarnation of Eternal France. One could say his portrait became a
publicity logo; it was used on a wide range of objects, from china to cigarette
lighters.4
The French were urged to purchase the Marshal’s many official
portraits (required in public buildings; prominent elsewhere). Pétain
was also the father figure of the country. In particular, the Marshal was both
Messiah and expiatory victim – like Christ – who had given himself to the
nation in order to save it. His entourage frequently described the large
crowds who attended his appearances as assisting at “a Mass of the faith-
ful.”5
Pétain’s domestic policy was very conservative, accompanied by a
strong sense of moral order. An example of the emphasis on self-sacrifice
was Vichy’s replacing the motto of the Republic – Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité
– with Travail, Famille, Patrie; long-held bourgeois values. Mother’s Day,
Worker’s Day, and the Feast of Joan of Arc were three major Vichy celebrations
held during the month of May. Using posters alone one could
53
Margaret Collins Weitz
8. Michel Jacquot: Frenchmen! Help! Poster.
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RELIGION and the ARTS
9. The Jew and France, 1941. Poster.
present Vichy’s views on women and their place in French society; ideally,
the home. Social order, it held, was dependent upon a stable and prolific
family. Gender was central to Vichy policy that emphasized the “eternal
feminine.” In Vichy iconography, women are primarily housewives and
55
Margaret Collins Weitz
10. Our Way of the Cross (Thanks to the British), 1940. Poster.
mothers. This poster, “Union des Femmes de Prisonniers” (fig. 11),
promoting the over 800,000 strong Union of Prisoners’ Wives shows these
women literally in the shadow of their husbands, even though they ran
56
RELIGION and the ARTS
11. Union of Prisoners Wives. Poster.
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Margaret Collins Weitz
12. Phili: Mother’s Day, Sunday, May 30, 1943. Poster.
households alone, under extremely difficult conditions, for five years and
more. Posters promoting the natality program of the regime depicted
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13. Raoul Eric Castel: Secours National: Winter Crusade, 1942-43. Even if
you have little, give to those who have nothing. Poster.
adorable babies, the true source of happiness. Pétain (who had no children
and, although a womanizer, did not marry until age 62), held women partially
responsible for France’s defeat. There had been “too few babies, too
few arms, too few Allies,” he claimed in a radio broadcast on June 20, 1940.
Through selfishness French women had not produced enough children.
Vichy propaganda sometimes used artwork similar to that of children’s
books in addressing young people (and no doubt their parents), with
images in the style of the popular nineteenth-century Épinal prints, such as
those for the 1943 “Journée des Mères” (Mother’s Day) poster (fig. 12). All
family groups feature at least three children. It has been suggested that use
of French traditions and indigenous French style endeavored to address the
ideological void of the Vichy government’s National Revolution program.
Vichy made frequent appeals to the public to help families in need. The
1943 winter campaign for Secours National, the national social services, featured
a series of posters by Raoul Eric Castel, the artist with the largest
known number of Vichy commissions. The visual reference is to Saint
Martin, sharing his cloak with the less favored (fig. 13). Here, as in other
examples, the appeal is to France’s heroic Christian past, not that of the
Revolution or the hated Third Republic.
The Marshal also sought to be perceived as the friend of workers; principally
artisans and peasants. Pétain, son and grandson of peasants, proclaimed
la terre does not lie. The sacredness of French soil was a theme
exploited by both French camps: Vichy and the Gaullists in London. In
Vichy’s National Revolution folklore, the earth was security, the plough,
freedom. Given the grave food shortages that steadily increased under
German exactions, return to the land was an absolute necessity. The occupying
Germans, on the other hand, never saw the mythical qualities of the
land as a wartime theme.
When the German campaign to end the “bad days” by having French
workers go to Germany and help the Reich’s war effort proved unsuccessful,
a Relief scheme was devised by Pierre Laval, Pétain’s prime minister.
The Relève supposedly brought back a POW for every three skilled French
workers who left for Germany. This gave them “the keys to the camps” (fig.
14). Today the reference is ironic. (During the “dark years” of occupation,
references to camps meant POW camps and deportation was used for the
transport of those sent to Germany under the compulsory labor laws, the
STO).
Joan of Arc, symbol of the wounded nation and its revenge, was
invoked by all sides (as today, by the extreme right of Jean Le Pen). Vichy
glorified Saint Joan, defender of the faith and the virtues it represented:
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Margaret Collins Weitz
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14. You have the the Key to the Camps. French workers you can free the
prisoners by going to work in Germany. Poster.
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Margaret Collins Weitz
15. Feast of Joan of Arc May 10, 1942: Faith-Youth-Determination. Poster.
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16. I would rather render my soul to God, than to be in the hands of the
English. Joan of Arc. Poster.
those of a regenerated France (fig. 15). The object of an exceptional cult,
she came to symbolize eternal French resistance to the British. To mark her
feast day in 1943, Vichy doubled the budget from the previous year and
printed many posters. Invocations of Joan were also appeals to France’s glorious
history, the sacred Middle Ages, and to Pétain, who identified himself
frequently with her, as well as with other famed figures of the past.
References to Saint Joan emphasize that France is a Christian country. This
black and white poster deliberately evokes the pious images of prayer books
(fig. 16).
Other Vichy posters vaunt the Empire, the last vestige of power for a
conquered France. The 1941 poster, “Three Colors” (fig. 17), offers a paradoxical
image given France’s treatment of indigenous troops and natives in
its colonies. Here, as in its treatment of Jews, the country under Vichy
betrayed its commitment to the Rights of Man.
Jews, Communists, and Freemasons (Freemasonry was held to be of
Jewish origin), along with political refugees and resisters were victims of
Vichy’s policies of exclusion and persecution. Vichy’s longest campaign
during the Occupation was devoted to the “Crusade against Bolshevism,”
indicative of both its importance, and the quasi-religious nature of the
struggle; atheistic Bolshevism against Christian France. The accompanying
propaganda made many visual references to Christian chivalry. “French
Volunteers against Bolshevism” incorporated diverse groups in this new
crusade. Propaganda also focused on the legend of Napoleon, here with reference
to Rude’s relief sculpture from the Arc de Triomphe (fig. 18).
Another poster vaunts their heroic exploits during three long winters (fig.
19). Communist, as noted, implies Jew; the terms Communism and
Bolshevism were confused. The Militia, Vichy’s political police and counterinsurgency
unit, also sought recruits. Their oath explicitly charged them
with tracking down resisters and Jews and “placing themselves without
reserve alongside the German Reich.” Here young Frenchmen wishing to
join their European “comrades” in this crusade are encouraged to enlist in
the Charlemagne division of the Waffen S.S. (fig. 20).
The anti-Bolshevist campaign got underway after the German invasion
of the U SSR in summer 1941. “Ils assassinent!” (fig. 21), a fall 1941 poster
by Eric Castel (the designer with the largest number of Vichy commissions)
introduces a theme repeated incessantly in the following four years. The
Communists were assassins, terrorists, bandits, who would take over
French land and holdings, rape women and murder children. They carried
out atrocities under cover of the French flag.
Collaborationist groups put up quickly printed and inexpensive texts
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Margaret Collins Weitz
64
RELIGION and the ARTS
17. Three Colors - One Flag - One Empire, 1941. Poster.
announcing meetings and demonstrations, recruiting appeals and related
concerns. They produced fewer, more costly lithographs. Collaborationist
posters feature confused political imagery, as British scholar Michael
Moody has observed. Traditional emblems of Republican France and those
65
Margaret Collins Weitz
18. Crusade against Bolshevism. Poster.
recalling Napoleonic grandeurs were juxtaposed with an authoritarian and
often fascist iconography. Portraits of Marshal Pétain were shown against
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19. For three long winters the Legion of French Volunteers has covered itself
with glory for France and for Europe. Poster.
the French Tricolor, symbol of the nation’s Revolutionary legacy. Today
their political messages voice now discredited ideologies, while their visual
content reflects the confusion of the period (Moody 59).
“Laissez-Nous Tranquilles!” (“Let Us Be,” fig. 22) was the product of the
Ligue Française, a Parisian collaborationist movement. There was a large
printing for this poster which brings together several major themes. A couple
plant the sacred soil of France in 1941, while defending themselves from
the wild beasts of Freemasonry, the Jew, de Gaulle and the three-headed
viper, Lies. The stress on the sacred soil of France – as noted, a frequent
theme – had ominous undertones for those Vichy had retroactively
deprived of citizenship; principally non-French-born Jews. By implication
the sacred soil excluded exterior elements like Jews, viewed as perennial
outsiders and opportunists, incapable of integrating into the national community
of “true France.”
The French Resistance developed from extremely modest beginnings; it
needed to prove its existence and legitimacy. But, in the face of the graphic
arsenal of collective persuasion of its adversaries – both German and
Vichy – it was difficult to respond. The risks were too great. From 1942 on,
the Resistance increased its efforts to thwart enemy propaganda efforts.
Until the Allied landings, however, there were few resistance posters.
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Margaret Collins Weitz
20. With your European Comrades under the sign of the S.S. you will conquer.
S.S. Recruiting Poster.
Efforts were limited to tearing down the enemy’s posters, ridiculing their
messages with concise comments, or changing them to convey the opposite
meaning – grave infractions as these were. During the night of
September 19-20, 1943, several hundred posters warning “La Patrie en
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21. Raoul Eric Castel: They Assassinate, hidden in the folds of our flag!
1941. Poster.
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Margaret Collins Weitz
22. Let us be! 1941. Poster.
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23. The Country is in Danger, 1943. Put out by the Communist dominated
Franc-Tireurs et Partisans. Poster.
Danger” (“The Country is in Danger”; fig. 23), produced by the resistance
group Francs-Tireurs et Partisans, appeared on Paris walls. The date marked
the French victory over the Prussians at Valmy in 1792. In general, the
Resistance was limited to distributing mimeographed tracts with text and
few illustrations.
French posters were created outside of the country, but they were not
seen in Paris until after the liberation of the capital in August 1944. Some
were designed and printed in the United States by the Free French Press
and Information Service in New York. They were destined for the
American public, as well as those places in Europe where it was possible to
post them. Marianne, symbol of the French Republic, now replaced Saint
Joan whom the discredited Vichy regime had portrayed so frequently.
(Rossignol holds that Vichy did not use the image of Marianne because it
was Pétain who had come to symbolize France). “Liberté, liberté chérie” (fig.
24) features the head of Marianne in front of that of the Statue of Liberty.
The artist, Natacha Carlu, was one of few women poster designers of this
time. “Bons de Libération” outlines Marianne’s profile in freedom bonds
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Margaret Collins Weitz
24. Natacha Carlu: Liberty, Precious Liberty. Poster.
(fig. 25). Jean Colin’s 1943 depiction of Marianne bearing the stigmata
carries no message. The powerful image suffices.
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RELIGION and the ARTS
25. Freedom bonds. Poster.
*
I
t is difficult to evaluate the effectiveness of the poster war. No
retrospective survey was undertaken, as there was for the impact of radio
propaganda, and that, 30 years later. The potential errors in a posteriori
assessments are well known. Yet virtually all the diaries and memoirs from
this period that I have read describe posters in detail and often the writer’s
reactions. Certain posters are frequently mentioned with derision, such
as the German ones appealing to the “Abandoned Populations.” In an
unpublished manuscript a British woman who remained in Paris throughout
the Occupation (with considerable difficulty) observes: “the War of
Notices went on, from the walls of Paris. The Germans began . . . to put
up anti-British posters and the fun became furious and fast. Almost as soon
as they went up, the Parisians tore them down.” She adds that in some
spots sentinels were posted to guard them (Isambard-Owen 115). The
diary of writer Jean Guéhenno, Journal des années noires, cites many of the
notices that regulated lives. Although we can never fully assess the collective
response to these extraordinary efforts to influence a population that
was largely passive in the early period, the overwhelming use of propaganda
posters during the German occupation merits attention. The French
population could hardly disregard them. Consider the possible impact on
a young person of the several-story high caricature of a Jew. Their public
space was invaded, literally, during the poster war. In this battle for the
minds and hearts of the French, religious themes were used extensively by
the Vichy regime. The repeated use of Christian iconography contrasted
with the negative presentation of non-Christians, especially Jewish figures.
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Margaret Collins Weitz
NOTES
1 The posters reproduced come from the archives of the Hoover Institution
at Stanford University, with the exception of nos. 9 and 23, Ministère des
Anciens Combattants et Victimes de la Guerre; and no. 20, from a private
collection.
2 The Illustration of May 20, 1941, notes that close to 20,000 viewed the Paris
show in the first five days. The explanation the paper offered was that the
“Jewish question has assumed a current importance for the French people
that it never had before” (cited by Rossignol 225).
3 The first poster depiction of the Jew (with the stereotypical prominent
nose, money bag in hand, and top hat and suit of the capitalist banker)
appears as early as 1940 (Marchetti 60).
4 According to Rossignol (87) because Pétain held the rights, he realized
extraordinary financial gains from the operation. Even renowned firms such
as Christolfe and Baccarat produced l’art maréchal; deluxe items for Pétain
to offer as gifts. Art historian Michelle Cone comments on the irony of the
many plates offered during a period when food was in such short supply
(Cone 76).
5 After the war Pétain was tried and sentenced to death. De Gaulle commuted
his sentence to life imprisonment. At his death in 1951, an organization
was founded to defend the memory of “Saint Pétain.”
WORKS CITED
Adhémar, Jean. Cent ans d’affiches dans le monde. Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale,
1972.
Agenda Dunod: Vente et Publicité. Paris: Dunod, 1942.
Bertrand Dorléac, Laurence. L’art de la défaite 1940-1944. Paris: Seuil, 1993.
Biélinky, Jacques, Journal, 1940-1942: Un journaliste juif à Paris sous l’Occupation.
Introduction et notes de Renée Poznanski. Paris: Cerf, 1992.
Bourget, Pierre et Charles Lacretelle. Sur les murs de Paris et de France 1939-1945.
Paris: Hachette Réalités, 1980.
Burrin, Philippe. La France à l’heure allemande 1940-1944. Paris: Seuil, 1995.
Cone, Michèle S. Artists Under Vichy: A Case of Prejudice and Persecution. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1992.
Delporte, Christian. Les crayons de la propagande: Dessinateurs et dessin politique sous
l’Occupation. Paris: CNRS Éds., 1993.
Galtier-Boissière, Jean. Journal 1940-1950. Préface by Henri Amouroux. Paris: Quai
Voltaire, 1992.
Gervereau, Laurent. La Propagande par l’affiche, histoire de l’affiche politique en
France, 1450-1990. 1991; nouvelle éd. Paris: La Découverte, 1997.
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——, et Denis Peschanski. La propagande sous Vichy 1940-1944. Paris: BDIC, 1990.
Haskell, Francis. History and its Images: Art and the Interpretation of the Past. New
York: NYU Press, 1993.
Isambard-Owen, Elizabeth. Four Years Under the Boot. Typed manuscript. Stanford
CA: The Hoover Institution, Stanford University.
Marchetti, Stéphane. Images d’une Certaine France: Affiches 1939-1945. Lausanne:
Édita, 1982.
Mémoire de la rue: Souvenirs d’un imprimeur: Archives Karcher. Affiches françaises.
Paris, WM, c. 1986.
Moody, Michael. “Des illusions . . . Désillusions . . .: An Introduction to Parties,
Personalities and Posters in Collaborationist France, 1940-1944.” London:
Imperial War Museum, 1989, no. 4.
Paret, Peter, et Beth Irwin Lewis. Persuasive Images: Posters on War and Revolution.
Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992.
Peschanski, Denis et al. Images de la France de Vichy, 1940-1944: images asservies et
images rebelles. Paris: Documentation Française, 1988.
Pollard, Miranda. Reign of Virtue: Mobilizing Gender in Vichy France. Chicago IL:
University of Chicago Press, 1998.
Les Publicitaires au service de la propagande française. Vichy: Services Techniques de
la Propagande, 1943.
Rossignol, Dominique. Histoire de la propagande en France de 1940 à 1944: L’Utopie
Pétain. Paris: P.U.F., 1991.
Wilkins, David G. et al. Art Past, Art Present, 2nd ed. New York: Henry Abrams, Inc,
1994.
Portions of the present essay appeared in “The Poster War”, Contemporary French
Civilization (Fall 1999/Winter 2000).
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Margaret Collins Weitz
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