The surveillance zone, defined as space within the visual field of home, assumes increasing significance
as people grow older and spend more time at home. Using insights from a 3 year participant observation
study in an Appalachian community, this paper describes characteristics of the surveillance zone and
explores its meaning for old people. The process of monitoring events outside, the emergence of watchful
reciprocal social networks, and the potential of the surveillance zone for generating a sense of personal
identity, are explored. Implications for locating and designing environments for the elderly are traced.
The Surveillance Zone as Meaningful
Space for the Aged1
Graham D. Rowles, PhD2
Yeah, everybody who comes in here says, "My
goodness, you can see all over town. You really
have it nice here." . . . I don't know what I'd done
if it hadn't been for this window you know ... I think
if everybody had something like this, they wouldn't
feel so closed in.
Peggy, 71 years old
The outside space is more important than the
inside space, I think.
Lucinda, 64 years old
In recent years there has been much concern
with exploring the meaning of "home" as a
distinctive realm of space (Bachelard, 1969;
Bollnow, 1967; Buttimer, 1980; Eliade, 1959;
Loyd, 1975; Porteous, 1976; Rakoff, 1977).
It has been argued that home may come to
assume considerable emotional significance
for old people (Gelwicks, 1970; Holcomb,
1980). However, concern with the meaning
of home has tended to blind us to the importance
of other spaces.
Immediately outside each dwelling is an area
that can be viewed from the windows. This
space within the visual field of a residence may
be formally defined as the surveillance zone.
This zone mediates between the sacred space
of home and the more remote community environment
beyond the visual field. For many
old people, particularly the housebound who
may spend much time at the window, the surveillance
zone represents a primary focus of
participation in the world beyond the threshold.
Several studies have suggested the significance
of the surveillance zone as the area in
which the activities of young children can be
monitored by their parents (Fanning, 1967;
Hart, 1979; Jacobs, 1961; Jephcott, 1971;
Michelson, 1969). However, little in-depth study
of the structure, use, and meaning of this space
forold people has been undertaken, even though
in a 1974 national study of housing for the
elderly, 46.8% of the sample interviewed responded
positively to the question, "Do you
spend much time sitting by a window to watch
people or views outside?" (Howell, 1976). In
this study the surveillance zone is explored as
an arena for "watching" and "being watched,"
in which visual reciprocity facilitates the emergence
and maintenance of practical and social
support from neighbors, and as a space which
often comes to provide an important source
of ongoing environmental participation and
a sense of identity for the old person. These
observations are viewed as themes within a
developmental perspective on the role of the
surveillance zone in the old person/environment
transaction. Finally, some implications
for the location, design, and landscaping of
housing for the elderly are considered.
Growing Old in an Appalachian Community
The environmental experience of old people
living in Colton,3
a dying Appalachian mountain
community, has been explored over the past
3 years (Rowles, 1980a). Approximately 400
'The research reported in this paper was supported by a grant from the
NIA (AC 00862).
'Asst. Prof, of Geography, Dept. of Geology & Geography, West Virginia
Univ., Morgantown, W V 26506. J
Colton is a pseudonym as are all proper names in this paper.
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people live here. Much of the population consists
of elderly persons who remain despite a
deteriorating physical setting. Using an experiential
methodology (Rowles, 1978b), 15 long
time residents of Colton ranging in age from 64
to 93 years have been worked with intensively.
Through three summers residence in the community
and weekly visits during the remainder
of the past 3 years, the author has established
an interpersonal climate in which it has been
possible to reveal dimensions of experience
that are customarily taken-for-granted. In exploring
the significance of surveillance zones
in these old people's lives, lengthy tape-recorded
conversations have been complemented
by semi-structured interviews, discussions with
neighbors, participant observation, the mapping
of surveillance zones, and photography, (including
aerial photography to define spatial
relationships within the area surrounding each
home).
Characteristics of Surveillance Zones
It is useful to start by describing physical
characteristics of surveillance zones in order
to provide a measure of the arena potentially
available to each old person. There is considerable
variation among the participants in the
maximum visual range of surveillance (Table 1).
Table 1. Surveillance Zone Characteristics.
Participant
Jennifer Rose
Audrey
Nell
Rebecca
Beatrice**
Walter**
Nakoma
Lucinda* (1)
(2)
Asel
Mary
Bill
JoNell
Bertha
Peggy
Dan
*Lucinda
Maximum
Visual
Range
(Yards)
50
200
200
200
400
400***
400
800
400
800***
800
800
1200
1200
1200
1600
Number
of
Windows
Used
1
4
2
2
3
2
3
1
2
3
4
2
—
1
2
3
Orientation of
Windows Used
(Front/Back/Sides)
X
X X 1
X
X X
X 2
X 1
X 2
X
X X
X X 1
X X 1
X 1
no evidence
X
X 1
X 2
relocated during the course of the research.
**Married couple.
***Reduced by poor vision.
For some, like 89 year old Bertha, the surveillance
zone, as a result of home location and
topography, provides visual access across the
entire valley. At the other extreme, for Jennifer
Rose, 70 years old, living on a wooded stretch
of highway outside Colton, the available visual
field is limited to a few yards and incorporates
no inhabited buildings. Most participants fall
between these extremes. Their visual field embraces
several adjacent houses.
Surveillance potential involves more than
proximity. Consideration of the area surrounding
81 year old Audrey's home reveals important
directional variation (Fig. 1). Audrey is surrounded
by residences. She has a clear view
of Jean and Conrad's house and the home of
Elvin and John (two men in their fifties) who
share a home to the rear of her house. However,
visual access to her closest neighbors' home
(Vicki and Jim's) is limited by the position of
an evergreen tree and by the nonalignment
of windows between the two homes. These
barriers, reinforced by incompatible door orientation,
have a significant impact on her relationship
with this neighbor:
She doesn't watch me like the others do, because
she can't see from her window . . . She said, "I'm
sorry. I don't think I do enough for you like the other
neighbors do." . . . She said, "I look over at night,
but you know the way my windows are arranged,
from the living room I can't see at all." . . . I said,
"Why Vicki, you really are not my next door neighbor
either because there is no door opening from your
house towards me." When they come out, they go
out on the other side, they never come over on
this side.
The seasons also affect the visual range of surveillance.
In the summer when the leaves are
on the trees Audrey cannot see across the valley
to the home of Benny, the youth for whom she
babysat when he was a child and with whom
she maintains a strong relationship as a surrogate
"grandmother."
One effect of such surveillance zone characteristics
is that each participant has tended
to develop a pattern of surveillance favoring
particular directions, and using only those windows
providing a good visual panorama (Table
1). Audrey uses windows in the front, in the
back, and to one side of her house. Other participants
make frequent use of a single window.
In sum, each individual's home provides a distinctive
potential for visual participation in the
space outside. How exactly is the surveillance
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Q Year round visual access
]] Winter visual access
H No visual access
x] Outbuildings
g) Coniferous Q Deciduous Trees
• Favorite observation points
Door orientation
Fig. 1. Audrey's surveillance zone.
zone transformed from an opportunity into
a resource?
Use of the Surveillance Zone
Much time is spent "watching.'' Many of
the participants profess to wandering from window
to window during the day as they monitor
events outside. In addition to the change of
vista this affords, it also reduces the chances
of being perceived as "nosy." As Lucinda notes:
They always told me it was bad manners to stare
out the window at somebody. If I'd look out the
window, I'd kind of do it from behind the curtain.
Some watching has a practical purpose.
Bertha watches for the newspaper carrier;
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Audrey looks for the mailman; 93 year old Asel
oversees a garden that is the center of his life.
In the summer, he will stand at his kitchen sink
and watch for stray dogs or other predators
which might disrupt the order of his immaculate
rows of vegetables. Monitoring the activities
of children is a favorite pastime. This may on
occasion take a more active form as the old
person, acting as surrogate parent, intervenes
to arbitrate disputes or impose sanctions on
unruly behavior.
Sometimes watching can lead to actions
transcendingthe"nosi ness" of which old people
are often accused. Nell, 84 years old, recounts
an incident related to monitoring activities outside
the house at the foot of the hillside where
she lives:
One evening they came home from work, and
Karen (their child) got out of this side of the car,
and I thought, it looked like she didn't shut the
door . . . I didn't pay much attention to it, I was
busy crocheting in the living room and had my
television on. About 9:00 p.m., I came out here
and it looked like there was a light on in the car.
They had gone to bed. I could tell, their lights
were all out. So, I called down, I said, "Peter, this
is your nosy neighbor, Nell, on the hill. Looks to
me like there is a light on in your car." He said,
"Oh my goodness." He said if I hadn't called him,
the battery would have gone clear down. He said,
"Well, I'm glad we've got nosy neighbors like that."
Many old people engage in a process of
"setting up" for watching. They select windows
providing the best vantage and then arrange
their furniture and provide themselves with
supports to facilitate monitoring space outside.
Generally, windows are selected to provide
for viewing active rather than passive scenes.
Supports for observation range from prudent
placement of a chair to more elaborate and
frequently unconscious forms of "setting up."
Audrey, whose balance is sometimes a little
unsteady, likes to stand leaning against the
back of a chair placed by her front window.
Peggy has her telephone, her C.B. transmitter,
notepads and pencils, her latest sewing project,
and the television remote control all within
easy arm's reach. Perhaps the best example
of this process is provided by the way in which,
aided by her family, Bertha set herself up during
an illness when she was confined to her bed
(Fig. 2). The entire room was rearranged so that
she had access to all her needs within arm's
length of her bed. A key component of this
"setting up" was placement of the bed to facilitate
watching events outside. She could see
who came to the door, keep an eye on her
neighbors, and watch the trains.
During the summer, the process of surveillance
is made easier by the ability to sit outside
and to watch and be watched from the porch
(Lozier & Althouse, 1975). As Audrey notes:
I can see everybody that goes by. Everybody
waves to me. And I don't know some of the people,
but they wave too . . . I guess they feel a little old
lady is sitting there. They think, "well, maybe,
she's lonesome."
A second important use of the surveillance
zone stems from this visual reciprocity. In addition
to watching, there is the important support
provided by "being watched." Most of the
Colton elderly have established close relationships
with neighbors in their surveillance zone
that incorporate systems of signals to monitor
each other's well-being. Audrey provides a
good example of such a system as she describes
how she is watched by neighbors to the rear
of her home.
They watch for the curtain to be opened in the
morning. He (Elvin) told me that. He said, "do you
know, you get up about eight?" I said, "yes, I do."
He said, "well, at that time, I'm usually standing
there at my kitchen window with a cup of coffee
in my hand watching for you r curtains to be opened."
She went on to describe how Jean, another
neighbor, watched for her to open the drapes
Fig. 2. "Setting up": Bertha's surveillance zone.
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in her bedroom each morning: "There's a signal.
I couldn't lay in bed sick very long, because
they'd find me/' she concluded. A sense of
security derives from such knowledge.
Continual visual contact between the old
person and neighbors often facilitates the development
ofpractical support. This is especially
important for the many old residents of Colton
who live alone. Nell provides an excellent
example of such everyday support. Neighbors
within her surveillance zone bring in the mail
from the roadside mailbox, pick up items from
the grocery store, provide assistance with interpreting
tax forms, and fix leaky faucets. They
also provide opportunities for getting out. Like
many of her peers, Nell is transported to church
by neighbors within the surveillance zone.
During winter, the level of practical support
is sufficient to sustain her for several months
without ever leaving home.
In some cases, support is available from family
members. It enables the old person to remain
independent longer than might otherwise be
possible. Asel's youngest daughter lives within
view of his kitchen window. Each day she brings
his lunch at noon. Her husband calls in before
he leaves for work to bring the medicine Asel
might otherwise forget to take.
Practical support from within the surveillance
zone is especially important during crisis situations.
When a youth broke into the rear of
her house, Nell had just enough time to telephone
Bill on the street below before she was
assaulted. He was able to reach her home in
less than a minute. This probably saved her
from injuries more severe than the cracked
ribs she sustained. Less spectacular emergencies
may also be dealt with by neighbors within
the surveillance zone. In time of illness, they
will handle visitors, call the old person's family
to keep them informed of their loved one's
status, and if hospitalization is necessary, will
often take in the mail, service the furnace, and
in general, act as guardians of the old person's
home.
Practical support invariably is coupled with
strong social support, sustained through frequent
visits and telephone calls. Audrey talks about
the visits she receives from her neighbor Elvin:
About every Sunday afternoon, he comes down
for an hour. If there is anybody here, he doesn't.
If he sees a car he doesn't. But if not, on Sunday,
he'll come down for an hour to see me. I enjoy him.
Indeed, over time, as a cluster of people within
the old person's surveillance zone develop
stronger and stronger functional and social ties,
and as a sense of mutual obligation evolves,
this arena gradually becomes a distinctive social
space(Buttimer, 1969; Lozier& Althouse, 1975).
The Surveillance Zone as a Source of Meaning
To fully understand the significance of surveillance
zones in the I ives of the Colton elderly,
it is necessary to view this space in the context
of the old person's total life experience. When
Audrey stands and gazes at the falling snow,
and when Asel sits watching the workmen
remove rubble from the burnt out shell of the
house next door — what are they thinking?
How does this activity fit into their lives?
First, the space, and the process of surveillance
it fosters, provides a crucial link between
the old person and the contemporary world
outside, a sense of ongoing participation in
events. Monitoring the rhythm of life in the
contemporary space provides a "field of caring."
Often involvement extends to vicarious participation.
As Audrey wistfully observes:
You know after you've gone to church all your
life, it's hard not to be able to. I sit here and look
out the window and watch them all go, and then
I turn the TV on and listen. It's the next best thing .. .
Sunday, I look out more, because I'm watching
people go to church. Since I can't go to church,
I watch the cars go by, watch Jean and Conrad
leaving, McCories, all of them . . . and then at
noon, I watch them all come back.
Asel reveals the same process when he explains
how he sits watching the men work on the
demolition of the house next door and works
out how he would tackle the job. For a time
he can participate vicariously, almost turning
back the clock.
Participation in outside space has an historical
as well as a contemporary aspect. This may
be especially important to old people immersed
in reminiscence, or engaged in the process
of life review that studies have suggested are
important facets of old age (Butler, 1963; Lewis,
1971; Lieberman & Falk, 1971; McMahon &
Rhudick, 1967; Merriam, 1980). The surveillance
zone may provide a mirror to the old
person's life. If the person has lived in the community
for many years, as is the case with most
of the participants in this research, physical
cues within the visual field may act as symbols
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of the past and provide a stimulus to reflection.
Within Jennifer Rose's visual field, there is a
half constructed garage her husband started
to build 30 years ago. The project was never
completed. It remains as a physical legacy that
stirs fond memories. Beatrice, 84 years old,
when she looks out of her front room can see
the broken dam that many years ago impounded
many gallons of water. In the winter this provided
a skating rink for the children. The pond
is now filled with silt, but each time she looks
at it, there is the potential to revive memories
of her youth. The scene within the surveillance
zone also serves to sustain memories of people
who inhabited this space. I found that Nell
could trace an elaborate social history of each
home within her surveillance zone, replete
with vivid accounts of incidents that transpired
many decades ago.
Contemporary events within the surveillance
zone may also trigger reminiscence and encourage
a form of "gazing" behavior I have
often noted as old people stare out of their
windows, seemingly becoming oblivious to my
presence. I asked Audrey to share her thoughts
as she stared out at a recent snowfall: "I thought
about my poor mother doing all that dressing
on me, and putting me out there. And oh, just
little things." Such "little things" may be extremely
important in maintaining a sense of
identity.
Developmental Significance of Surveillance
Zones
In seeking to assess the significance of the
surveillance zone in old people's lives, it is
useful to adopt a developmental perspective
and to consider this space in relation to changing
activity levels over the lifespan (Fig. 3). We
may hypothesize that the surveillance zone
assumes particular importance during two stages
of life, although for different reasons. In child-
«l
Activity
Space
Birth Time Death
Fig. 3. Developmental significance of the surveillance
zone.
hood, this space is the arena in which the child
is allowed to play; an arena defined by parental
sanctions of surveillance which limit the wanderings
of the child. Space within sight of home
may thus come to assume special significance
(Hart, 1979). As the child grows and is permitted
to venture farther afield, this space becomes
progressively less important. During
adulthood, because much time is spent away
from home, the surveillance zone may be of
limited consequence.
As physiological capability declines in old
age the surveillance zone once again assumes
increasing importance, one of a variety of transitions
that occur in the old person/environment
transaction as the individual becomes increasingly
environmentally vulnerable. Most views
of aging acknowledge reduced mobility and a
gradual constriction of the old person's activity
space (Montgomery, 1977; Pastalan & Carson,
1970; Windley et al., 1975). As this transition
occurs, progressively more time is spent at
home. However, this is something of an oversimplification.
There are a variety of compensations
in other dimensions of the old person's
environmental experience (Rowles, 1978a,
1980b, 1981). In "an hypothesis of changing
emphasis" I have suggested that vicarious involvement
in environments displaced in space
(the worlds of children) and/or time (places
of one's past) often becomes a substitute for
physical participation. As these transitions
occur, there is some reorientation in the functional
role of particular realms of space and
in the affective meaning with which they are
imbued. Home becomes a more salient space
in terms of both the individual's time and
emotional investment. More important in the
context of this discussion, adjacent space, the
surveillance zone, becomes a more pervasive
component of the individual's lifespace as it
begins to assume the array of functions I have
described. For the housebound or institutionalized
old person, the surveillance zone may
come to represent the major arena of direct
contact with the world outside (Rowles, 1979).
Considering these transitions in association
with other postulated developmental changes —
an increased propensity for reminiscence and
the process of I ife review (Butler, 1963; Merriam,
1980) — it becomes possible to see how the
surveillance zone, in addition to its practical
and social significance can become a focus
of meaning for the elderly long time resident
of a community.
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Some Implications
There is considerable variation in the characteristics,
use, and meaning of the surveillance
zone among the old people of Colton. This
raises important research questions. Is the surveillance
zone important to all old people?
Is it experienced in the same manner, or are
particular themes within surveillance zone
utilization more significant to certain subgroups?
Does the significance of the surveillance zone
vary systematically with age or health status?
What role does personality play in surveillance
zone utilization? To what extent is interpersonal
variation merely a function of location and
the different surveillance zone potentials generated
by alternative housing arrangements
and designs? The Colton elderly are long-time
residents of old single family housing stock.
They have had the time to accumulate the
temporal depth of meaning within their surveillance
zones that makes them reservoirs of
cues to reflection. Are old people without similar
length of residence, or those who relocate to
new housing, able to harness surveillance zones,
or must they forego the identity reinforcing
function of this space? What is the role of this
space in other environmental settings? In urban
neighborhoods? In special housing for the elderly?
In institutional settings?
Several philosophical dilemmas also emerge.
One of the most interesting concerns attitudes
toward old people. It is perhaps appropriate
to reassess a prevalent association between the
watchful elderly neighbor and images of "the
busybody": such behavior may be no more
than an adaptation to more limited personal
circumstances. On the other hand, this acknowledgement
raises the crucial problem of reconciling
legitimate privacy needs with the supportive
potential of surveillance. Assuming
such dilemmas can be resolved, what are the
implications for providing improved living situations
for old people?
First, there are ramifications with regard to
the location and orientation of new housing.
Siting in settings surrounded by other homes
is clearly desirable. Prudent orientation can
also facilitate the creation and use of surveillance
zones, although here the issue of privacy
must be considered, particularly in an intergenerational
context. Some young families may
resent the prospect of being constantly watched,
however beneficial this may be for their elderly
neighbor. Location and orientation affording
the potential for overlooking "active" scenes
is also preferable to the provision of tranquil
vistas of rustic beauty.
Advantages of location and orientation can
be complemented by housing design (Howell,
1980). Complementary door orientation facilitates
both visual and social contact. The height
of window ledges and the size of windows can
also foster or preclude surveillance. Bertha
explains why she adamantly refused to move
to Dallas to live in her daughter's modern ranch
style house:
The windows is all up so high that you can't see
out. These new houses, you know, the windows,
they aren't down like this. They're up high, and
all the people keeps draperies and everything all
over the windows, so you can't see out. And I like
to see out. If I had to stay in that house, all that time,
and couldn't see out, and couldn't go no place . . .
I'm better at home.
One strategy to overcome this problem, utilized
by Peggy, was replacement of her small living
room window with a picture window with a
lower sill that provided a clear vista across the
center of Colton. Interior design and arrangement
of rooms in both new and refurbished
housing could also be undertaken to more fully
acknowledge the importance of surveillance
zones and facilitate the process of "setting up."
Moving outside the house, greater sensitivity
to the content and landscaping of space within
the surveillance zone can enhance the environmental
experience of the old person. The need
for such awareness is illustrated by Beatrice
as she talks about the impact of her neighbor
Jeff's recent construction of a workshop on the
side of his house on her relationship with his
wife, Sarah:
Ever since Jeff built all that stuff in between us,
we said we might as well live ten miles apart. We
don't see each other you know. We used to look
out the kitchen window and wave, and point and
make signs. And we could tell when they got up,
and they could tell when we got up and went to
bed . . . It's different now.
How often do we unwittingly impoverish the
lives of old people and increase their isolation
by closing them in through construction, design
modification, or merely by planting a tree?
Perhaps the most important implications
are attitudinal. It is necessary to seek deeper
understanding of the particular meaning of the
surveillance zone to old people. To the child,
space immediately beyond the threshold is
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a source of adventure, the scene of first explorations
and at the same time an arena of security
under mother's watchful gaze. To the old person,
it may become not only a source of functional
support but also a symbol of continuity and
continuing participation within a world from
which one is physically withdrawing. Yet we
have an unfortunate propensity for homogenizing
space and viewing its use in unidimensional
terms. As we pass by the house where
the lady is always peeking out from behind
the curtain, we may feel a certain resentment
at her nosiness. On her part, she may feel a
twinge of guilt at her behavior. In reality, neither
party understands the significance of a scenario
that is far from trivial.
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