Chapter 1
The Metropolis and Mental Life
Georg Simmel
The deepest problems of modern life flow
from the attempt of the individual to maintain
the independence and individuality of
his existence against the sovereign powers
of society, against the weight of the historical
heritage and the external culture and
technique of life. This antagonism represents
the most modern form of the conflict
which primitive man must carry on with
nature for his own bodily existence. The
eighteenth century may have called for liberation
from all the ties which grew up
historically in politics, in religion, in morality
and in economics in order to permit
the original natural virtue of man, which is
equal in everyone, to develop without inhibition;
the nineteenth century may have
sought to promote, in addition to man's
freedom, his individuality (which is connected
with the division of labour) and his
achievements which make him unique and
indispensable but which at the same time
make him so much the more dependent on
the complementary activity of others;
Nietzsche may have seen the relentless
struggle of the individual as the prerequisite
for his full development, while socialism
found the same thing in the suppression of
all competition ± but in each of these the
same fundamental motive was at work,
namely the resistance of the individual to
being levelled, swallowed up in the socialtechnological
mechanism. When one inquires
about the products of the specifically
modern aspects of contemporary life with
reference to their inner meaning ± when, so
to speak, one examines the body of culture
with reference to the soul, as I am to do
concerning the metropolis today ± the
answer will require the investigation of
the relationship which such a social structure
promotes between the individual
aspects of life and those which transcend
the existence of single individuals. It will
require the investigation of the adaptations
made by the personality in its adjustment to
the forces that lie outside of it.
The psychological foundation, upon
which the metropolitan individuality is
erected, is the intensification of emotional
life due to the swift and continuous shift of
external and internal stimuli. Man is a creature
whose existence is dependent on differences,
i.e. his mind is stimulated by the
difference between present impressions
and those which have preceded. Lasting
impressions, the slightness in their differences,
the habituated regularity of their
course and contrasts between them, consume,
so to speak, less mental energy than
the rapid telescoping of changing images,
pronounced differences within what is
grasped at a single glance, and the unexpectedness
of violent stimuli. To the extent
that the metropolis creates these psychological
conditions ± with every crossing
of the street, with the tempo and multiplicity
of economic, occupational and social
life ± it creates in the sensory foundations of
mental life, and in the degree of awareness
necessitated by our organization as creatures
dependent on differences, a deep contrast
with the slower, more habitual, more
smoothly flowing rhythm of the sensorymental
phase of small town and rural existence.
Thereby the essentially intellectualistic
character of the mental life of the
metropolis becomes intelligible as over
against that of the small town which rests
more on feelings and emotional relationships.
These latter are rooted in the unconscious
levels of the mind and develop most
readily in the steady equilibrium of unbroken
customs. The locus of reason, on
the other hand, is in the lucid, conscious
upper strata of the mind and it is the most
adaptable of our inner forces. In order to
adjust itself to the shifts and contradictions
in events, it does not require the disturbances
and inner upheavals which are the
only means whereby more conservative
personalities are able to adapt themselves
to the same rhythm of events. Thus the
metropolitan type ± which naturally takes
on a thousand individual modifications ±
creates a protective organ for itself against
the profound disruption with which the
fluctuations and discontinuities of the external
milieu threaten it. Instead of reacting
emotionally, the metropolitan type reacts
primarily in a rational manner, thus creating
a mental predominance through the
intensification of consciousness, which in
turn is caused by it. Thus the reaction of
the metropolitan person to those events is
moved to a sphere of mental activity which
is least sensitive and which is furthest removed
from the depths of the personality.
This intellectualistic quality which is
thus recognized as a protection of the
inner life against the domination of the
metropolis, becomes ramified into numerous
specific phenomena. The metropolis
has always been the seat of money economy
because the many-sidedness and concentration
of commercial activity have given the
medium of exchange an importance which
it could not have acquired in the commercial
aspects of rural life. But money economy
and the domination of the intellect
stand in the closest relationship to one another.
They have in common a purely
matter-of-fact attitude in the treatment
of persons and things in which a formal
justice is often combined with an unrelenting
hardness. The purely intellectualistic
person is indifferent to all things personal
because, out of them, relationships and reactions
develop which are not to be completely
understood by purely rational
methods ± just as the unique element in
events never enters into the principle of
money. Money is concerned only with
what is common to all, i.e. with the exchange
value which reduces all quality
and individuality to a purely quantitative
level. All emotional relationships between
persons rest on their individuality, whereas
intellectual relationships deal with persons
as with numbers, that is, as with elements
which, in themselves, are indifferent, but
which are of interest only insofar as they
offer something objectively perceivable. It
is in this very manner that the inhabitant of
the metropolis reckons with his merchant,
his customer and with his servant, and frequently
with the persons with whom he is
thrown into obligatory association. These
relationships stand in distinct contrast with
the nature of the smaller circle in which
the inevitable knowledge of individual
characteristics produces, with an equal inevitability,
an emotional tone in conduct, a
sphere which is beyond the mere objective
weighting of tasks performed and payments
made. What is essential here as
regards the economic-psychological aspect
of the problem is that in less advanced cultures
production was for the customer who
ordered the product so that the producer
and the purchaser knew one another. The
modern city, however, is supplied almost
exclusively by production for the market,
that is, for entirely unknown purchasers
who never appear in the actual field of vision
of the producers themselves. Thereby,
the interests of each party acquire a relentless
matter-of-factness, and its rationally
calculated economic egoism need not fear
any divergence from its set path because of
12 GEORG SIMMEL
the imponderability of personal relationships.
This is all the more the case in the
money economy which dominates the
metropolis in which the last remnants of
domestic production and direct barter of
goods have been eradicated and in which
the amount of production on direct personal
order is reduced daily. Furthermore,
this psychological intellectualistic attitude
and the money economy are in such close
integration that no one is able to say
whether it was the former that effected the
latter or vice versa. What is certain is only
that the form of life in the metropolis is the
soil which nourishes this interaction most
fruitfully, a point which I shall attempt to
demonstrate only with the statement of the
most outstanding English constitutional
historian to the effect that through the
entire course of English history London
has never acted as the heart of England
but often as its intellect and always as its
money bag.
In certain apparently insignificant characters
or traits of the most external aspects
of life are to be found a number of characteristic
mental tendencies. The modern
mind has become more and more a calculating
one. The calculating exactness
of practical life which has resulted from a
money economy corresponds to the ideal of
natural science, namely that of transforming
the world into an arithmetical problem
and of fixing every one of its parts in a
mathematical formula. It has been money
economy which has thus filled the daily life
of so many people with weighing, calculating,
enumerating and the reduction of
qualitative values to quantitative terms. Because
of the character of calculability
which money has there has come into the
relationships of the elements of life a precision
and a degree of certainty in the definition
of the equalities and inequalities and
an unambiguousness in agreements and arrangements,
just as externally this precision
has been brought about through the general
diffusion of pocket watches. It is, however,
the conditions of the metropolis which are
cause as well as effect for this essential
characteristic. The relationships and concerns
of the typical metropolitan resident
are so manifold and complex that, especially
as a result of the agglomeration of
so many persons with such differentiated
interests, their relationships and activities
intertwine with one another into a manymembered
organism. In view of this fact,
the lack of the most exact punctuality in
promises and performances would cause
the whole to break down into an inextricable
chaos. If all the watches in Berlin suddenly
went wrong in different ways even
only as much as an hour, its entire economic
and commercial life would be derailed for
some time. Even though this may seem
more superficial in its significance, it transpires
that the magnitude of distances
results in making all waiting and the breaking
of appointments an ill-afforded waste
of time. For this reason the technique of
metropolitan life in general is not conceivable
without all of its activities and reciprocal
relationships being organized and
coordinated in the most punctual way into
a firmly fixed framework of time which
transcends all subjective elements. But
here too there emerge those conclusions
which are in general the whole task of this
discussion, namely, that every event, however
restricted to this superficial level it
may appear, comes immediately into contact
with the depths of the soul, and that the
most banal externalities are, in the last analysis,
bound up with the final decisions
concerning the meaning and the style of
life. Punctuality, calculability and exactness,
which are required by the complications
and extensiveness of metropolitan
life, are not only most intimately connected
with its capitalistic and intellectualistic
character but also colour the content of
life and are conductive to the exclusion
of those irrational, instinctive, sovereign
human traits and impulses which originally
seek to determine the form of life from
within instead of receiving it from the outside
in a general, schematically precise
form. Even though those lives which are
autonomous and characterized by these
vital impulses are not entirely impossible
in the city, they are, none the less, opposed
THE METROPOLIS AND MENTAL LIFE 13
to it in abstracto. It is in the light of this that
we can explain the passionate hatred of
personalities like Ruskin and Nietzsche
for the metropolis ± personalities who
found the value of life only in unschematized
individual expressions which cannot
be reduced to exact equivalents and in
whom, on that account, there flowed from
the same source as did that hatred, the
hatred of the money economy and of the
intellectualism of existence.
The same factors which, in the exactness
and the minute precision of the form of
life, have coalesced into a structure of the
highest impersonality, have on the other
hand, an influence in a highly personal direction.
There is perhaps no psychic phenomenon
which is so unconditionally
reserved to the city as the blase outlook. It
is at first the consequence of those rapidly
shifting stimulations of the nerves which
are thrown together in all their contrasts
and from which it seems to us the intensification
of metropolitan intellectuality seems
to be derived. On that account it is not
likely that stupid persons who have been
hitherto intellectually dead will be blaseÂ.
Just as an immoderately sensuous life
makes one blase because it stimulates the
nerves to their utmost reactivity until they
finally can no longer produce any reaction
at all, so, less harmful stimuli, through the
rapidity and the contradictoriness of their
shifts, force the nerves to make such violent
responses, tear them about so brutally that
they exhaust their last reserves of strength
and, remaining in the same milieu, do not
have time for new reserves to form. This
incapacity to react to new stimulations
with the required amount of energy constitutes
in fact that blase attitude which every
child of a large city evinces when compared
with the products of the more peaceful and
more stable milieu.
Combined with this physiological source
of the blase metropolitan attitude there is
another, which derives from a money economy.
The essence of the blase attitude is an
indifference toward the distinctions between
things. Not in the sense that they
are not perceived, as is the case of mental
dullness, but rather that the meaning and
the value of the distinctions between things,
and therewith of the things themselves, are
experienced as meaningless. They appear
to the blase person in a homogeneous, flat
and grey colour with no one of them
worthy of being preferred to another. This
psychic mood is the correct subjective reflection
of a complete money economy to
the extent that money takes the place of all
the manifoldness of things and expresses all
qualitative distinctions between them in the
distinction of how much. To the extent that
money, with its colourlessness and its indifferent
quality, can become a common denominator
of all values, it becomes the
frightful leveller ± it hollows out the core
of things, their peculiarities, their specific
values and their uniqueness and incomparability
in a way which is beyond repair.
They all float with the same specific gravity
in the constantly moving stream of money.
They all rest on the same level and are
distinguished only by their amounts. In individual
cases this colouring, or rather this
de-colouring of things, through their equation
with money, may be imperceptibly
small. In the relationship, however, which
the wealthy person has to objects which can
be bought for money, perhaps indeed in the
total character which, for this reason,
public opinion now recognizes in these
objects, it takes on very considerable proportions.
This is why the metropolis is the
seat of commerce and it is in it that the
purchasability of things appears in quite a
different aspect than in simpler economies.
It is also the peculiar seat of the blase attitude.
In it is brought to a peak, in a certain
way, that achievement in the concentration
of purchasable things which stimulates the
individual to the highest degree of nervous
energy. Through the mere quantitative intensification
of the same conditions this
achievement is transformed into its opposite,
into this peculiar adaptive phenomenon
± the blase attitude ± in which the nerves
reveal their final possibility of adjusting
themselves to the content and the form
of metropolitan life by renouncing the
response to them. We see that the self-
14 GEORG SIMMEL
preservation of certain types of personalities
is obtained at the cost of devaluing
the entire objective world, ending inevitably
in dragging the personality downward
into a feeling of its own valuelessness.
Whereas the subject of this form of existence
must come to terms with it for himself,
his self-preservation in the face of the great
city requires of him a no less negative type of
social conduct. The mental attitude of the
people of the metropolis to one another may
be designated formally as one of reserve. If
the unceasing external contact of numbers
of persons in the city should be met by the
same number of inner reactions as in the
small town, in which one knows almost
every person he meets and to each of
whom he has a positive relationship, one
would be completely atomized internally
and would fall into an unthinkable mental
condition. Partly this psychological circumstance
and partly the privilege of suspicion
which we have in the face of the elements of
metropolitan life (which are constantly
touching one another in fleeting contact)
necessitates in us that reserve, in consequence
of which we do not know by sight
neighboursof yearsstanding and which permits
us to appear to small-town folk so
often as cold and uncongenial. Indeed, if I
am not mistaken, the inner side of this external
reserve is not only indifference but
more frequently than we believe, it is a
slight aversion, a mutual strangeness and
repulsion which, in a close contact which
has arisen any way whatever, can break out
into hatred and conflict. The entire inner
organization of such a type of extended
commercial life rests on an extremely varied
structure of sympathies, indifferences and
aversions of the briefest as well as of the
most enduring sort. This sphere of indifference
is, for this reason, not as great as it
seems superficially. Our minds respond,
with some definite feeling, to almost every
impression emanating from another
person. The unconsciousness, the transitoriness
and the shift of these feelings seem
to raise them only into indifference. Actually
this latter would be unnatural to us as
immersion into a chaos of unwished-for
suggestions would be unbearable. From
these two typical dangers of metropolitan
life we are saved by antipathy which is the
latent adumbration of actual antagonism
since it brings about the sort of distantiation
and deflection without which this type of
life could not be carried on at all. Its extent
and its mixture, the rhythm of its emergence
and disappearance, the forms in which it
is adequate ± these constitute, with the simplified
motives (in the narrower sense) an
inseparable totality of the form of metropolitan
life. What appears here directly as
dissociation is in reality only one of the
elementary forms of socialization.
This reserve with its overtone of concealed
aversion appears once more, however,
as the form or the wrappings of a
much more general psychic trait of the
metropolis. It assures the individual of a
type and degree of personal freedom to
which there is no analogy in other circumstances.
It has its roots in one of the great
developmental tendencies of social life as a
whole; in one of the few for which an approximately
exhaustive formula can be discovered.
The most elementary stage of
social organization which is to be found
historically, as well as in the present, is
this: a relatively small circle almost entirely
closed against neighbouring foreign or
otherwise antagonistic groups but which
has however within itself such a narrow
cohesion that the individual member has
only a very slight area for the development
of his own qualities and for free activity for
which he himself is responsible. Political
and familial groups began in this way as
do political and religious communities; the
self-preservation of very young associations
requires a rigorous setting of boundaries
and a centripetal unity and for that reason
it cannot give room to freedom and the
peculiarities of inner and external development
of the individual. From this stage
social evolution proceeds simultaneously
in two divergent but none the less corresponding
directions. In the measure that the
group grows numerically, spatially, and in
the meaningful content of life, its immediate
inner unity and the definiteness of its
THE METROPOLIS AND MENTAL LIFE 15
original demarcation against others are
weakened and rendered mild by reciprocal
interactions and interconnections. And
at the same time the individual gains a freedom
of movement far beyond the first
jealous delimitation, and gains also a peculiarity
and individuality to which the division
of labour in groups, which have
become larger, gives both occasion and necessity.
However much the particular conditionsand
forces of the individualsituation
might modify the general scheme, the state
and Christianity, guilds and political parties
and innumerable other groups have developed
in accord with this formula. This
tendency seems to me, however, to be quite
clearly recognizable also in the development
of individuality within the framework
of city life. Small town life in antiquity as
well as in the Middle Ages imposed such
limits upon the movements of the individual
in his relationships with the outside world
and on his inner independence and differentiation
that the modern person could not
even breathe under such conditions. Even
today the city dweller who is placed in a
small town feels a type of narrowness
which is very similar. The smaller the circle
which forms our environment and the more
limited the relationships which have the
possibility of transcending the boundaries,
the more anxiously the narrow community
watches over the deeds, the conduct of life
and the attitudes of the individual and the
more will a quantitative and qualitative individuality
tend to pass beyond the boundaries
of such a community.
The ancient polis seems in this regard to
have had a character of a small town. The
incessant threat against its existence by enemies
from near and far brought about that
stern cohesion in political and military
matters, that supervision of the citizen by
other citizens, and that jealousy of the
whole toward the individual whose own
private life was repressed to such an extent
that he could compensate himself only by
acting as a despot in his own household.
The tremendous agitation and excitement,
and the unique colourfulness of Athenian
life is perhaps explained by the fact that a
people of incomparably individualized personalities
were in constant struggle against
the incessant inner and external oppression
of a de-individualizing small town. This
created an atmosphere of tension in which
the weaker were held down and the stronger
were impelled to themostpassionate type of
self-protection. And with this there blossomed
in Athens, what, without being able
to define it exactly, must be designated as
`the general human character' in the intellectual
development of our species. For the
correlation, the factual as well as the historical
validity of which we are here maintaining,
is that the broadest and the most
general contents and forms of life are intimately
bound up with the most individual
ones. Both have a common prehistory and
also common enemies in the narrow formations
and groupings, whose striving for selfpreservation
set them in conflict with the
broad and general on the outside, as well
as the freely mobile and individual on the
inside. Just as in feudal times the `free' man
was he who stood under the law of the land,
that is, under the law of the largest social
unit, but he wasunfree who derived his legal
rights only from the narrow circle of a
feudal community ± so today in an intellectualized
and refined sense the citizen of the
metropolis is `free' in contrast with the trivialities
and prejudices which bind the small
town person. The mutual reserve and indifference,
and the intellectual conditions of
life in large social units are never more
sharply appreciated in their significance
for the independence of the individual than
in the dense crowds of the metropolis, because
the bodily closeness and lack of space
make intellectual distance really perceivable
for the first time. It is obviously only
the obverse of this freedom that, under certain
circumstances, one never feels as lonely
and as deserted as in this metropolitan crush
of persons. For here, as elsewhere, it is by no
means necessary that the freedom of man
reflect itself in his emotional life only as a
pleasant experience.
It is not only the immediate size of the
area and population which, on the basis of
world-historical correlation between the
16 GEORG SIMMEL
increase in the size of the social unit and the
degree of personal inner and outer freedom,
makes the metropolis the locus of
this condition. It is rather in transcending
this purely tangible extensiveness that the
metropolis also becomes the seat of cosmopolitanism.
Comparable with the form of
the development of wealth ± (beyond a certain
point property increases in ever more
rapid progression as out of its own inner
being) ± the individual's horizon is enlarged.
In the same way, economic, personal
and intellectual relations in the city
(which are its ideal reflection) grow in a
geometrical progression as soon as, for the
first time, a certain limit has been passed.
Every dynamic extension becomes a preparation
not only for a similar extension but
rather for a larger one, and from every
thread which is spun out of it there continue,
growing as out of themselves, an
endless number of others. This may be illustrated
by the fact that within the city
the `unearned increment' of ground rent,
through a mere increase in traffic, brings to
the owner profits which are self-generating.
At this point the quantitative aspects of life
are transformed qualitatively. The sphere
of life of the small town is, in the main,
enclosed within itself. For the metropolis
it is decisive that its inner life is extended
in a wave-like motion over a broader national
or international area. Weimar was
no exception because its significance was
dependent upon individual personalities
and died with them, whereas the metropolis
is characterized by its essential independence
even of the most significant
individual personalities; this is rather its
antithesis and it is the price of independence
which the individual living in it enjoys.
The most significant aspect of the metropolis
lies in this functional magnitude beyond
its actual physical boundaries and this effectiveness
reacts upon the latter and gives
to it life, weight, importance and responsibility.
A person does not end with the limits
of his physical body or with the area to
which his physical activity is immediately
confined but embraces, rather, the totality
of meaningful effects which emanates from
him temporally and spatially. In the same
way the city exists only in the totality of
the effects which transcend their immediate
sphere. These really are the actual extent
in which their existence is expressed. This
is already expressed in the fact that individual
freedom, which is the logical historical
complement of such extension, is not only
to be understood in the negative sense
as mere freedom of movement and emancipation
from prejudices and philistinism.
Its essential characteristic is rather to be
found in the fact that the particularity and
incomparability which ultimately every
person possesses in some way is actually
expressed, giving form to life. That we
follow the laws of our inner nature ± and
this is what freedom is ± becomes perceptible
and convincing to us and to others
only when the expressions of this nature
distinguish themselves from others; it is
our irreplaceability by others which shows
that our mode of existence is not imposed
upon us from the outside.
Cities are above all the seat of the most
advanced economic division of labour.
They produce such extreme phenomena
as the lucrative vocation of the quatorzieÁme
in Paris. These are persons who may be
recognized by shields on their houses and
who hold themselves ready at the dinner
hour in appropriate costumes so they can
be called upon on short notice in case thirteen
persons find themselves at the table.
Exactly in the measure of its extension,
the city offers to an increasing degree the
determining conditions for the division of
labour. It is a unit which, because of its
large size, is receptive to a highly diversified
plurality of achievements while at the
same time the agglomeration of individuals
and their struggle for the customer forces
the individual to a type of specialized accomplishment
in which he cannot be so
easily exterminated by the other. The decisive
fact here is that in the life of a city,
struggle with nature for the means of life
is transformed into a conflict with human
beings, and the gain which is fought for
is granted, not by nature, but by man.
For here we find not only the previously
THE METROPOLIS AND MENTAL LIFE 17
mentioned source of specialization but
rather the deeper one in which the seller
must seek to produce in the person to
whom he wishes to sell ever new and
unique needs. The necessity to specialize
one's product in order to find a source of
income which is not yet exhausted and also
to specialize a function which cannot be
easily supplanted is conducive to differentiation,
refinement and enrichment of the
needs of the public which obviously must
lead to increasing personal variation within
this public.
All this leads to the narrower type of
intellectual individuation of mental qualities
to which the city gives rise in proportion
to its size. There is a whole series of
causes for this. First of all there is the difficulty
of giving one's own personality a certain
status within the framework of
metropolitan life. Where quantitative increase
of value and energy has reached its
limits, one seizes on qualitative distinctions,
so that, through taking advantage
of the existing sensitivity to differences,
the attention of the social world can, in
some way, be won for oneself. This leads
ultimately to the strangest eccentricities,
to specifically metropolitan extravagances
of self-distantiation, of caprice, of fastidiousness,
the meaning of which is no longer
to be found in the content of such activity
itself but rather in its being a form of `being
different' ± of making oneself noticeable.
For many types of persons these are still
the only means of saving for oneself,
through the attention gained from others,
some sort of self-esteem and the sense
of filling a position. In the same sense
there operates an apparently insignificant
factor which in its effects however is perceptibly
cumulative, namely, the brevity
and rarity of meetings which are allotted
to each individual as compared with social
intercourse in a small city. For here we find
the attempt to appear to-the-point, clearcut
and individual with extra-ordinarily
greater frequency than where frequent and
long association assures to each person an
unambiguous conception of the other's per-
sonality.
This appears to me to be the most profound
cause of the fact that the metropolis
places emphasis on striving for the most
individual forms of personal existence ± regardless
of whether it is always correct or
always successful. The development of
modern culture is characterized by the predominance
of what one can call the objective
spirit over the subjective; that is, in
language as well as in law, in the technique
of production as well as in art, in science as
well as in the objects of domestic environment,
there is embodied a sort of spirit
(Geist), the daily growth of which is
followed only imperfectly and with an
even greater lag by the intellectual development
of the individual. If we survey, for
instance, the vast culture which during the
last century has been embodied in things
and in knowledge, in institutions and in
comforts, and if we compare them with
the cultural progress of the individual
during the same period ± at least in the
upper classes ± we would see a frightful
difference in rate of growth between the
two which represents, in many points,
rather a regression of the culture of the individual
with reference to spirituality, delicacy
and idealism. This discrepancy is in
essence the result of the success of the growing
division of labour. For it is this which
requires from the individual an ever more
one-sided type of achievement which, at its
highest point, often permits his personality
as a whole to fall into neglect. In any case
this over-growth of objective culture has
been less and less satisfactory for the individual.
Perhaps less conscious than in practical
activity and in the obscure complex of
feelings which flow from him, he is reduced
to a negligible quantity. He becomes a single
cog as over against the vast overwhelming
organization of things and forces which
gradually take out of his hands everything
connected with progress, spirituality and
value. The operation of these forces results
in the transformation of the latter from a
subjective form into one of purely objective
existence. It need only be pointed out that
the metropolis is the proper arena for this
type of culture which has outgrown every
18 GEORG SIMMEL
personal element. Here in buildings and in
educational institutions, in the wonders and
comforts of space-conquering technique, in
the formations of social life and in the concrete
institutions of the State is to be found
such a tremendous richness of crystalizing,
de-personalized cultural accomplishments
that the personality can, so to speak,
scarcely maintain itself in the fact of it.
From one angle life is made infinitely more
easy in the sense that stimulations, interests,
and the taking up of time and attention,
present themselves from all sides and carry
it in a stream which scarcely requires any
individual efforts for its ongoing. But from
another angle, life is composed more and
more of these impersonal cultural elements
and existing goods and values which seek to
suppress peculiar personal interests and
incomparabilities. As a result, in order that
this most personal element be saved, extremities
and peculiarities and individualizations
must be produced and they must
be over-exaggerated merely to be brought
into the awareness even of the individual
himself. The atrophy of individual culture
through the hypertrophy of objective culture
lies at the root of the bitter hatred
which the preachers of the most extreme
individualism, in the footsteps of Nietzsche,
directed against the metropolis. But it is also
the explanation of why indeed they are so
passionately loved in the metropolis and
indeed appear to its residents as the saviours
of their unsatisfied yearnings.
When both of these forms of individualism
which are nourished by the quantitative
relationships of the metropolis, i.e. individual
independence and the elaboration of
personal peculiarities, are examined with
reference to their historical position, the
metropolis attains an entirely new value
and meaning in the world history of the
spirit. The eighteenth century found the individual
in the grip of powerful bonds
which had become meaningless ± bonds of
a political, agrarian, guild and religious
nature ± delimitations which imposed
upon the human being at the same time an
unnaturalformandforalongtimeanunjust
inequality. In this situation arose the cry for
freedom and equality ± the belief in the full
freedom of movement of the individual in
all his social and intellectual relationships
which would then permit the same noble
essence to emerge equally from all individuals
as Nature had placed it in them and as it
had been distorted by social life and historical
development. Alongside of this liberalistic
ideal there grew up in the nineteenth
century from Goethe and the Romantics, on
the one hand, and from the economic division
of labour, on the other, the further
tendency, namely, that individuals who
had been liberated from their historical
bonds sought now to distinguish themselves
from one another. No longer was it the `general
human quality' in every individual but
rather his qualitative uniqueness and irreplaceability
that now became the criteria of
his value. In the conflict and shifting interpretations
of these two ways of defining the
position of the individual within the totality
is to be found the external as well as the
internalhistory ofourtime.Itisthefunction
of the metropolis to make a place for the
conflict and for the attempts at unification
of both of these in the sense that its own
peculiar conditions have been revealed to
us as the occasion and the stimulus for the
development of both. Thereby they attain a
quite unique place, fruitful with an inexhaustible
richness of meaning in the development
of the mental life. They reveal
themselves as one of those great historical
structures in which conflicting lifeembracing
currents find themselves with
equal legitimacy. Because of this, however,
regardless of whether we are sympathetic or
antipathetic with their individual expressions,
they transcend the sphere in which a
judge-like attitude on our part is appropriate.
To the extent that such forces have been
integrated, with the fleeting existence of a
single cell, into the root as well as the crown
of the totality of historical life to which we
belong ± it is our task not to complain or to
condone but only to understand.
THE METROPOLIS AND MENTAL LIFE 19